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The Political Development of Somaliland and Its Conflict with Puntland

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The political development of Somaliland and its conflict with Puntland 5 INTRODUCTION a total population of about three million people in 1997. Pastoralists make up some 55 per cent of the population, The Horn of Africa is the most militarised and conflict- whereas the rest is composed of urban and rural dwell- ridden region on the African continent, with armed ers. Territorially Somaliland is divided into six regions, conflicts raging frequently within and between states. namely Northwest, Awdal, Sahil, Togdheer, Sanaag and In 1991, Somaliland emerged as an autonomous entity Sool, which are subdivided into 30 districts. The largest in this turbulent region after unilaterally declaring its city and capital of Somaliland is Hargeisa to which independence from the rest of Somalia. Over the past Britain relocated its colonial administration in 1941, eighteen years Somaliland has managed to display an en- while Boroma, Berbera, Burao, Erigavo and Las-Canood viable measure of peace and stability. Through successive are Somaliland’s major cities. Somaliland’s principal port clan conferences, Somaliland established relatively viable is the strategic port of Berbera.6 institutions which paved the path for reconstruction of an There are three major clan families, namely the entity mainly employing local resources. Somaliland has Isaaq, the Darod/Harti (including the Warsangeli thus been depicted as ‘an oasis of stability in an otherwise and Dhulbahante) and the Dir (including the Iise and chaotic Somali regional environment’.1 The accomplish- Gadabursi), representing 66 per cent, 19 per cent and 15 ments of Somaliland, however, have been overshadowed per cent respectively of the total population.7 Pertaining by the lack of international recognition of its statehood to regional distribution, the west is inhabited by the Iise and also its territorial dispute with neighbouring and Gadabursi clans.8 The Isaaq live predominantly in Puntland. The overall objective of this paper2 is to provide the central part of the Somaliland, while the eastern a detailed account and analysis of the political develop- parts are occupied principally by the Warsangeli and ment of Somaliland and its conflict with Puntland. Dhulbahante clans. The people of Somaliland share a common language, BACKGROUND culture and religion among themselves as well as with the rest of Somalia. Economically speaking, they pursue Somaliland came to the fore of the international political a traditional livelihood system based on nomadic pasto- system immediately after it declared its independence ralism.9 Livestock production makes up the backbone of from the rest of Somalia on 18 May 1991. The Grand Somaliland’s economy, accounting for about 65 per cent Conference of the Northern People was held in Burao of its economy.10 Somaliland’s economy is also heavily and was composed of the leaders of the Somali National dependent on remittances from the diaspora.11 Estimated Movement3 (SNM) and representatives of all clans to reach US$500 million per year, remittances constitute inhabiting north-western Somalia. The newly established the largest single source of hard currency entering entity assumed the borders of the former British colony Somaliland. Remittances actually bring more currency which adjoins Ethiopia to the south and west, Djibouti to Somaliland than livestock export and international to the north-west, the Gulf of Aden to the north, and assistance combined.12 Puntland to the east. The demarcation of these borders The 2001 constitution established a hybrid system was the product of the Anglo-Ethiopian treaty of 1897.4 of government.13 Constitutionally, Somaliland has Somaliland covers a land area of 137 600 square three branches of government. A president, elected for kilometres and has a coastline of 850 kilometres. It had five years, heads and nominates a cabinet of ministers Berouk Mesfin • ISS Paper 200 • September 2009 theoretically subject to parliamentary approval. The important foreign exchange earner of Somaliland, which legislature is composed of two chambers, the unelected gets around US$200 million from the export of livestock upper House of Elders (the Guurti) nominated by the to mainly Saudi Arabia.21 Fish, quality frankincense, clans during various peacebuilding conferences and the gemstone, minerals, natural gas and oil22 are other lower House of Representatives, which is directly elected products for exploitation.23 for six years but clearly lacks an understanding of its The volume of Somaliland’s trade has increased role and functional capacity.14 The 82-member House of between 1993 and 1998. The growth in livestock pro- Representatives is supposed to be the main legislative duction and the opening of the Ethiopia–Somaliland chamber. It approves all legislation as well as the annual border are factors which led to the increase. In the budget and acts as a check on the power of the executive, same vein, the service sector, including airline business, which is the strongest branch.15 The ostensibly independ- telecommunications and financial transfer companies, ent judiciary is complemented by a moderately vibrant experienced a sudden increase in the post-1991 period. print media.16 Industrialisation is at its embryonic stage in Somaliland even though this period has witnessed the proliferation ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE of light industries such as food-processing and fish- canning plants, and bottled-water factories.24 Quite surprisingly, Somaliland has achieved a relatively Primary school enrolment has rocketed from a significant degree of progress in certain social and dismal figure of 10 000 in 1991 to 150 000 in 2007, while economic areas. Provision of education and creation enrolment in secondary schools increased by 56 per of a suitable environment for foreign investors are cent over the same period. Similarly, there is a renewed considered the key priorities, as Somaliland authori- momentum towards modernisation within the universi- ties clearly believe that human development will end ties of Hargeisa, Burao and Amoud.25 Social services poverty and thus ensure political stability.17 Somaliland such as water and electricity are partly privatised, with has no foreign debt, since its administration cannot indigenous businessmen teaming up in partnerships and get loans and has to function with the resources gener- joint ventures to provide these services at profitable but ated inside Somaliland.18 (It has to be pointed out, affordable costs.26 Finally, the revenue system has had to however, that Somaliland has one of the world’s largest start from scratch after the war. The prevailing peace and gypsum deposits, which could be readily developed by stability together with basic institutions improved the foreign companies.19) revenue collection system and provided the groundwork for a steady growth in the revenue collected by adminis- trative agencies. Quite surprisingly, Somaliland has achieved a relatively significant SECURITY FORCes After 1991, Somaliland embarked upon a robust intra- degree of progress in certain clan consensus-driven process of disarmament and demobilisation in order to make a distinction between social and economic areas the regular or authorised and irregular security forces.27 A number of fighters were incorporated into the armed forces whereas others joined components of the police Somaliland’s economy has undergone substantial struc- force. Therefore, ex-combatants were recruited into one tural changes since the early 1990s and especially the of the three security forces, namely the armed forces, destructive 1980s. The authorities have dissolved existing police and correctional force or custodial corps.28 The monopolies, done away with rigid economic controls, formation of regular, uniformed and salaried security and pursued a deregulated free market economy in forces involved the transfer of heavy arms and weapons which the private business sector has thrived. This to central control. The rationale behind separating the private sector expansion has in turn contributed signifi- militia and their armament from the direct control of cantly to the rapid growth of the economy compared to their clans was obviously to prevent the eruption of other Somali areas.20 The economic growth has provided inter-clan violence. employment opportunities and capital investment Upon the formation of Somaliland, the armed for appreciable reconstruction. Much of Somaliland’s forces, including the army, navy29 and air defence forces, economic growth has also been attributed to livestock absorbed around 15 000 clan-based militiamen, former production and trade, which is the dominant system of SNM fighters, and also fighters belonging to other production in the country. Indeed, livestock is the most armed groups. Some armed groups bargained their 2 The Political Development of Somaliland and its Conflict with Puntland • ISS Paper 200 • September 2009 surrendering of heavy weapons in exchange of a place in transformation of the present-day Somaliland territory the regular armed forces. Such arrangement ultimately into a British colony.38 led to the maintenance of roughly 18 000 members of the The Anglo-French treaty of 1888, the Anglo-Italian security forces on the administration’s payroll at the cost protocol of 1894 and the Anglo-Ethiopian delimita- of about 70 per cent of Somaliland’s budget.30 Moreover, tion treaty of 1897 constitute the legal regimes which the disarmament and demobilisation process was largely determined the contours and borders of British
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