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1 CM Naim a Sentimental Essay in Three Scenes My Essay Has an Epigraph
C. M. Naim A Sentimental Essay in Three Scenes My essay has an epigraph; it comes, with due apologies and gratitude, from the bard of St. Louis, Mo., and gives, I hope, my ramblings a structure. No! I am not Prince Hamlet, nor was meant to be; Am an attendant lord, and Urdu-wala one that will do To swell a progress, start a scene or two Or, as in the case here, Exactly three Scene 1 In December 1906, twenty-eight men traveled to Dhaka to represent U.P. at the formation of the All India Muslim League. Two were from Bara Banki, one of them my granduncle, Raja Naushad Ali Khan of Mailaraigunj. Thirty-nine years later, during the winter of 1945-46, I could be seen marching up and down the only main road of Bara Banki with other kids, waving a Muslim League flag and shouting slogans. No, I don’t imply some unbroken trajectory from my granduncle’s trip to my strutting in the street, for the elections in 1945 were in fact based on principles that my granduncle reportedly opposed. It was Uncle Fareed who first informed me that Naushad Ali Khan had gone to Dhaka. Uncle Fareed knew the family lore, and enjoyed sharing it with us boys. In an aunt’s house I came across a fading picture. Seated in a dogcart and dressed in Western clothes and a jaunty hat, he looked like a slightly rotund and mustached English squire. He had 1 been a poet, and one of his couplets was then well known even outside the family. -
The Maulana Who Loved Krishna
SPECIAL ARTICLE The Maulana Who Loved Krishna C M Naim This article reproduces, with English translations, the e was a true maverick. In 1908, when he was 20, he devotional poems written to the god Krishna by a published an anonymous article in his modest Urdu journal Urd -i-Mu’all (Aligarh) – circulation 500 – maulana who was an active participant in the cultural, H ū ā which severely criticised the British colonial policy in Egypt political and theological life of late colonial north India. regarding public education. The Indian authorities promptly Through this, the article gives a glimpse of an Islamicate charged him with “sedition”, and demanded the disclosure of literary and spiritual world which revelled in syncretism the author’s name. He, however, took sole responsibility for what appeared in his journal and, consequently, spent a little with its surrounding Hindu worlds; and which is under over one year in rigorous imprisonment – held as a “C” class threat of obliteration, even as a memory, in the singular prisoner he had to hand-grind, jointly with another prisoner, world of globalised Islam of the 21st century. one maund (37.3 kgs) of corn every day. The authorities also confi scated his printing press and his lovingly put together library that contained many precious manuscripts. In 1920, when the fi rst Indian Communist Conference was held at Kanpur, he was one of the organising hosts and pre- sented the welcome address. Some believe that it was on that occasion he gave India the slogan Inqilāb Zindabād as the equivalent to the international war cry of radicals: “Vive la Revolution” (Long Live The Revolution). -
Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-I-Ahrar's Early Activism
235 Samina Awan: Muslim Urban Politics Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-i-Ahrar’s Early Activism Samina Awan Allama Iqbal Open University, Pakistan ________________________________________________________________ The British annexed Punjab in 1849, and established a new system of administration in form and spirit. They also introduced western education, canal colonies and a modern system of transportation, which had its impact on the urban population. In rural Punjab they collaborated with the landlords and feudal elite to get their support in strengthening the province as ‘grain basket’ for the British Army. The Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam(hereafter MAI) was an urban Muslim organisation, comprised of ex-Khilafatists, trained in agitational politics during the period 1919-1929, many of whom were ex-Congrssites. Ahrar leaders split with the INC over the issue of the Nehru Report in 1929. Soon after the formation of the new party, they decided to participate in INC-led civil disobedience movement of 1930 and were interred in large numbers. The MAI’s platform was based on a united India, but one, which was free from imperial control, anti-feudal, with less economic disparities and had an Islamic system for the Muslims of India. _______________________________________________________________ Introduction A number of religio-political movements emerged from Punjab during the first half of the twentieth century. A study of the history, politics and social structure of Punjab is necessary in order to understand these movements. The Majlis-i- Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI) was founded in 1929 in Lahore, and reflected a unique blend of religion and politics in the multi-cultural province of Punjab in British India. -
Dr Ghulam Shabir (6)
Growth and Development of the Muslim Press in the Sub-Continent Dr.Ghulam Shabir* Baber Khakan ** Abstract: History of the journalism in the Sub-continent (Indo-Pak) goes back to the 11th century with Waqa-I-Navees (Newsmen) during the regime of Mahmood Ghaznavi. Waqa-I-Navees were appointed to keep the government well informed about all important happenings. Though, Sultans of Delhi were the first to establish the system on sound basis, yet it were the Mughals, who really worked hard to make it flourish. In the 19th century the Hindus were more advanced than the Muslims in almost every sphere of life. In the field of Journalism Hindus dominated the Indian press and propagated their cause. On the other hand the Muslims remained only followers to establish their press. Some Muslim Newspapers were pro Hindu. Thus there were a few Muslim newspapers that really represented the Indian Muslim’s point of view. This paper will examine the efforts of the Muslims to establish their own Urdu / English press. Modern Journalism started in the Sub-continent in early 19th century. First English newspaper in the Sub-continent was HICKEY BENGAL GAZETTE, which appeared in 1780 under the editorship of James Augustus Hickey-In 1818, James Silk followed Hickey, (1786-1855), who started publishing Calcutta journal. However its publication was ceased in 1823. (1) English did not become the court language till 1837. Muslims were generally against the adoption of this foreign language. This situation further violated their interest in the field of modern journalism, which was evident during the early period of the 19th century. -
Kcaa Members List.Pdf
KARACHI CUSTOMS AGENTS ASSOCIATION Members List NAME OF AUTHORIZED S. # CHAL # COMPANY NAME ADDRESS TEL NOS FAX NOS Email Address REPRESENTATIVE Office No.614, 6th Floor, Uni Plaza, I. I. 391 2724 3- Star Enterprises 32466518 32466518 [email protected] Akbar Jan Chundrigar Road, Karachi Room No. 411, 4th Floor, Shams Chamber, 1868 2785 3a Sons Cargo Logistics 32423284 NIL [email protected] Sheikh Safdar Alam Shahrah-e-liaquat, Khi 10-11, Ayub Plaza Ground Floor Hamayoon 203 2211 7- Seas Cargo Services 32425407 32419470 [email protected] Muhammad Shahid Rafiq Muhammad Khan Road Keamari, Karachi. Room No. 713-a, Uni Plaza, 7th Floor, I. I. 495 2550 7- Star Enterprises 32412964 0213-7013682 [email protected] Dil Nawaz Ahmed Chundrigar Road, Karachi Al Saihat Centre, Suite 405, 4th Floor, 35653457- 441 1998 786 Business Syndicate Annexe To Hotel Regent Plaza, Shahrah E 35653675 [email protected] Saleem Ahmed Abbasi 35653675 Faisal, Karachi Suit No# 104, Abdullah Square, Altaf 1077 2365 A & S Enterprises 32420422 nil [email protected] Muhammad Saleem Hussain Road, New Challi, Karachi Poonawala View, Office # A-9 Opposite 32313616, 95 2986 A M S Enterprises - [email protected] Malik Allah Nawaz Custom House Karachi 32310680 Office No. 212, 2nd Floor, Uni Plaza, I. I. 983 967 A. A. Ahmad & Co 32420506 32420456 [email protected] Danish Wakil Chundrigar Road, Karachi Room #801, Jilani Tower, M. A. Jinnah 1965 924 A. A. Enterprises 32439802 32477355 [email protected] Aoun Mohammed Choudhary Road, Tower, Khi Office No.b-4 & 5, 1st Floor, Eidgah 889 2301 A. -
The Earlier Papers Dealt with the Muslim League Within the Cont
C. M. Naim THE MUSLIM LEAGUE IN BARABANKI, 1946:* A Sentimental Essay in Three Scenes No! I am not Prince Hamlet, nor was meant to be; Am an attendant lord, one that will do To swell a progress, start a scene or two…. (T. S. Eliot, “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock.”) Or, as in the case here, Merely three Scene 1 In December 1906, twenty-eight men traveled to Dhaka to represent U.P. at the formation of the All India Muslim League. Two were from Bara Banki, one of them my granduncle, Raja Naushad Ali Khan of Mailaraigunj. Thirty-nine years later, during the winter of 1945-46, I could be seen marching up and down the only main road of Bara Banki with other kids, waving a Muslim League flag and shouting slogans. No, I don’t imply some unbroken trajectory from my granduncle’s trip to my strutting in the street, for the elections in 1945 were in fact based on principles that my granduncle reportedly opposed. It was Uncle Fareed who first informed me that Naushad Ali Khan had gone to Dhaka. Uncle Fareed knew the family lore, and enjoyed sharing it with us boys. In an aunt’s house I came across a fading picture. Seated in a dogcart and dressed in Western clothes and a * Expanded version of a paper read at the conference on “The 100 Years of the Muslim League,” at the University of Chicago, November 4, 2006. 1 PDF created with pdfFactory trial version www.pdffactory.com jaunty hat, he looked like a slightly rotund and mustached English squire. -
Five Sentimental Scenes
THE MUSLIM LEAGUE IN BARABANKI: A Suite of Five Sentimental Scenes by C. M. Naim Indian Institute of Advanced Study Shimla, 2010 Preface What follows was originally written as two independent essays, at separate times and in reverse order. The first essay was written in 1997, the fiftieth year of Independence in South Asia. It contained the last two scenes. The second, consisting of Scenes 1 through 3, was written in 2006 to mark the 100th year of the formation of the Muslim League. The underlying impulse, confessional and introspective, was the same in both instances. The two essays, with some corrections and changes, are now presented as a single narrative. I am grateful to the Indian Institute of Advanced Study and its Director, Dr. Peter R. deSouza, for making it possible. C. M. Naim, National Fellow, IIAS Shimla October 2009 2 THE MUSLIM LEAGUE IN BARABANKI: A Suite of Five Sentimental Scenes No! I am not Prince Hamlet, nor was meant to be; Am an attendant lord, one that will do To swell a progress, start a scene or two…. (T. S. Eliot, ‘The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock.’) (1) In December 1906, twenty-eight men traveled to Dhaka to represent the United Provinces of Agra & Avadh at the foundational meeting of the All India Muslim League. Two were from Barabanki, one of them my granduncle, Raja Naushad Ali Khan of Mailaraigunj. Thirty-nine years later, during the winter of 1945-46, I could be seen, together with other kids, marching up and down the one main road in Barabanki under the green flag of the Muslim League, shouting slogans in support of its candidate in the assembly elections. -
Twentieth-Century Urdu Literature
Published in Handbook of Twentieth-Century Literatures of India, ed. by Nalini Natarajan, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT, 1996. TWENTIETH-CENTURY URDU LITERATURE1 Omar Qureshi This introductory summary, of the course of Urdu literature in the twentieth century must continuously refer back to the nineteenth. This becomes necessary because, depending on one’s point of view, it was Urdu’s destiny or misfortune to gradually become identified as the lingua franca of the Muslims of India in the latter half of the last century. Consequently, the still unresolved dilemmas of the politics of Muslim identity in South Asia are difficult to separate from their expression in and through the development of Urdu. For our purposes then, the most significant consequence of the failed rebellion of 1857 was the gradual emergence of group identity among the recently politically dispossessed and culturally disoriented Muslim elite of North India. This effort to define Indian Muslim nationhood in the new colonial environment placed issues of past, present and future identity at the center of elite Muslim concerns. Not only were these concerns expressed largely in Urdu, but the literary legacy of Urdu formed the terrain through and on which some of the more significant debates were conducted. The Muslim leadership that emerged after 1857 looked to this pre-colonial literary legacy as an authentic, but highly problematic repository of the Indian Muslim identity; and the Urdu language itself as the most effective medium for the renewal and reform of the Muslims of British India. As Muslim identity politics gathered strength in colonial India, and Urdu was turned into the print language of the emerging nation, discussions of an apparently purely literary nature became a veritable mirror of ideological and sociopolitical change among India’s Muslims. -
The Power Politics of Culture: Akbar Ilahabadi and the Changing Order of Things by Shamsur Rahman Faruqi
The Power Politics of Culture: Akbar Ilahabadi By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi The Power Politics of Culture: Akbar Ilahabadi and the Changing Order of Things By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi PREFACE I must begin by thanking the Principal and the authorities of the Zakir Husain College for making me the fourteenth Zakir Husain Memorial Lecturer. It is an honour to be counted among the company of scholars and intellectuals like Romilla Thapar, Irfan Habib, Namvar Singh, Somnath Chatterji, and others equally distinguished. I hope my talk here today will live up to the standard set by my illustrious predecessors. Also, it is in itself an honour for one’s name to be connected, even if indirectly, to Dr Zakir Husain. Not having been formally associated with Aligarh Muslim University, I never had the privilege of coming in close contact with him, but his name, like those of Mahatma Gandhi, Abul Kalam Azad, and Jawaharlal Nehru on the one hand and of Muhammad Iqbal and Hasrat Mohani on the other, was a household name for us who were born in the 1930’s and who grew up amidst the bustle and clamour of our struggle for freedom. I still remember my thrill and awe when as a young boy I got to read Rashid Ahmad Siddiqi’s short book called Zakir Sahib. The only thing that to my mind excelled the author’s urbane wit and sparkling prose was the personality of Zakir Sahib himself as depicted in that memorable book. In his nationalistic outlook, his erudition, his sophistication, Zakir Sahib stood for all the best and noblest traits in the Indo-Muslim character. -
Hazrat Mohani- the God-Fearing Communist
HAZRAT MOHANI- THE GOD-FEARING COMMUNIST HUSSAIN RANDATHANI HASRAT MOHANI Sayyid Fazlul Hasan, commonly known as Hazrat Mohani, was a versatile genius of twentieth century India. He worked incessantly and played various roles as a social activist, politician, freedom fighter, journalist, critic, poet, and a God-fearing communist. He worked for the Indian National Congress Party holding important offices, remained active with Swadeshi Movement, moved the first-ever resolution for complete freedom, and chaired sessions at different platforms like Indian National Congress, Muslim League, Jamiat-ul Ulama-i-Hind, and the Communist Party of India which he also helped to found. As he gave the call of Inquilab Zindabad—Long Live Revolution—he always fought for complete independence of India from the British rule. He was imprisoned on several occasions for his rebellious attitude towards the British but he always kept his spirit high without succumbing to any under-hand policy or upper- hand pressure. After India’s independence, he worked as a member of the Constituent Assembly that drafted the Indian Constitution but did not sign it as he had his own reservations in this matter. In all his positions and responsibilities, Hasrat worked in all humility, living a simple life like a dervish with absolutely no place for pomp or pretension in his life. Hasrat was born in 1881 at Mohan, a qasba (town) in the Unnao district, near Lucknow, in Uttar Pradesh as the son of Sayyid Azhar hasan and Shahr Banu. After his primary studies at Mohan, he moved to near by town Fatehpur Sikri for his school education. -
Bloody Language: Clashes and Constructions of Linguistic Nationalism in India
Twenty‐First Century Papers: Online Working Papers from the Center for 21st Century Studies University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee www.21st.uwm.edu Bloody Language: Clashes and Constructions of Linguistic Nationalism in India A. Aneesh Twenty-First Century Papers: Online Working Papers from the Center for 21st Century Studies ISSN 1545-6161 University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee P.O. Box 413 Milwaukee, WI 53201 414.229.4141 (voice) 414.229.5964 (fax) http://www.21st.uwm.edu [email protected] Interim Director: Merry Wiesner-Hanks The Center for 21st Century Studies, a UW System Center of Excellence at the University of Wisconsin– Milwaukee, is a postdoctoral research institute founded in 1968 to foster cross-disciplinary research in the humanities. This series of occasional, online Working Papers provides a forum for rapid distribution of ideas in texts that are not yet ready or suitable for publication in more formal academic publications, but still offer valuable content. Usually the authors of Center Working Papers will be Center fellows, invited speakers, or others with significant ties to the Center, although we reserve the right to make exceptions. We regret that we are unable to consider unsolicited submissions. Bloody Language: Clashes and Constructions of Linguistic Nationalism in India A. Aneesh Assistant Professor of Sociology and Global Studies University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee Twenty‐First Century Papers Online working papers from the Center for 21st Century Studies University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee Number 12 October 2009 © Copyright 2009 by the Center for 21st Century Studies All rights reserved ! Bloody Language! Clashes and Constructions of Linguistic Nationalism in India ! "#$%&'#()*+!)*!!"#$"%"&$#'%()"*+,,!-.,-,!/0*1!-232! ! !"#!$%%&'# !&&(&)*$)#+,-.%&&-,#-.#/-0(-1-23#*$4#51-6*1#/)74(%&# 8$(9%,&()3#-.#:(&0-$&($;<(1=*7>%%# ?@*(1A#*$%%&'B7=@"%47# # st ! This study was facilitated by the Center for 21 Century Studies at the University of Wisconsin- Milwaukee. -
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Mahatma Gandhi, Ali Brothers and the Non-Cooperation Movement in British India 1920-1922 Riaz Ahmad Prof & Chairman, Dept
Journal of Historical Studies Vol. I, No.2 (July-December 2015) Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Mahatma Gandhi, Ali Brothers and the Non-Cooperation Movement in British India 1920-1922 Riaz Ahmad Prof & Chairman, Dept. of Pakistan Studies, Al-Khair University, Bhimber, Azad Jammu & Kashmir, Pakistan. Abstract: The non-cooperation and Khilafat Movements played a vital role in the history of Indo-British and Hindu-Muslim relations. The paper explores the stance of Muhammad Ali Jinnah on the issue and his relation with Mohen Das Karam Chand Gandhi and Ali Brothers. For, the paper focuses on the original sources of Jinnah’s speeches, press coverage and official and personal correspondence. Jinnah considered the launch of non- cooperation Movement a futile exercise, with no outcome. His focus was on sharing of power through electoral politics. Jinnah’s suspicions about the results of the movement came true and it ended with a failure and imprisonment of Gandhi and Ali brothers. Key Words: Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Non-Cooperation Movement, Ali Brothers, Resistance to the British in India For the purpose of pressuring the British Government, the Non-Cooperation or Satyagraha movement was formally launched after the Nagpur session of the Indian National Congress in December 1920. The founders of this movement played tactfully with the sentiments of the people – both Hindu and Muslim. The Muslim sentiments were critically antagonistic to the British because of the demise of the Ottoman Empire and the uncertain future of the Holy Lands of Islam in Arabia. This was the time when Mahatma Gandhi, as an Indian nationalist had started his political career.