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WIELAND, C. — Syrien Nach Dem Irak-Krieg. Bastion Gegen 9840_BIOR_2007/1-2_01 27-04-2007 09:05 Pagina 117 229 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA 230 seen as having an “ethnic-national” dimension, but he does not provide a definition of what an “ethnic group” really is, as this would be outside the scope of this book: “Auf die lange Debatte der Nationalismusforschung, wie real oder kon- struiert eine Ethnie tatsächlich ist und wie sie deshalb behan- delt werden soll, kann hier leider nicht im Detail eingegan- gen werden. (p. 35). Wieland considers the so-called “ethnic-nationalist” tinted ideology of the Ba{th Party as being contradictory with its ARABICA socialism, calling this combination a “Spagat” (splits) (p. 45). His argument is that people who belong to a nation are usually classified according to “primordial characteristics” WIELAND, C. — Syrien nach dem Irak-Krieg. Bastion such as descent, whereas socialism is oriented towards social gegen Islamisten oder Staat vor dem Kollaps? classes, which come into existence because of socio-eco- (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, 263). Klaus Schwarz nomic developments. But I do not see how it would be con- Verlag, Berlin, 2004. (23,5 cm, 169). ISBN 3-87997- tradictory to have a combination of these different categories 323-7. ISSN 0939-1940. in a single ideology. Dr. Wieland notes that relatively few books have been pub- He quotes Tibi saying that the Ba{th ideologist Michel lished on contemporary Syria for a wider public. He describes {Aflaq was “enthusiastic about Hitler” (p. 42), but does not his own book as “das Ergebnis durchdiskutierter Nächte und explain any further. Here I think Wieland should have gone zahlreicher Interviews mit Zeitzeugen wie Oppositionellen, back to primary Arabic sources (which he, in general, uses Regierungsmitgliedern und ihnen nahe stehenden Personen, rather little). He mentions Zaki al-Arsuzi as one of the found- Analysten, Unternehmern, islamischen Geistlichen und vie- ing leaders of the Ba{th Party, but the much more prominent len Freunden. Die Studie versteht sich als aktueller Beitrag politician Akram al-Hawrani does not occur in the book, even zur syrischen Zeitgeschichte mit wissenschaftlichem when the Arab Socialist Party is shortly mentioned. Anspruch, aber auch als lebendige Lektüre für Laien und Wieland alleges that the “religious” {Aflaq could not be Interessierte durch eine journalistische Herangehensweise. reconciled with “atheist Marxism” (p. 45). But the conflict Trotz einleitender Kapitel über historische und at the time within the Ba{th Party about the role of socialism ideengeschichtliche Aspekte liegt der Fokus auf der aktuellen was much more about the question of whether Arab nation- politischen Situation in Syrien…. Vielleicht kann das Werk alism should have precedence over socialism or the other way dadurch auch ein Beitrag zum gegenseitigen Verständnis und round, rather than about socialism itself. Wieland also writes Dialog sein.” (pp. 6-7). about “the Christian” [Michel] Kilo (p. 116), or “the Kurd” In my opinion the main value of this book is to be found Kuftaro (p. 125) when in the described context their religious within the material distilled from the many discussions and or ethnic backgrounds are not really relevant. The details in interviews Dr. Wieland had, as well as within his descrip- themselves may be correct, but they sometimes suggest a tions and analysis of the political and social atmosphere in focus which diverts attention from the main theme with contemporary Syria. In particular, I found his analysis of var- which Wieland is concerned. ious less well known positive aspects of Syria refreshing, the Wieland incorrectly notes that {Aflaq, when in Iraq, was more so where he compares Syria to other countries in the during some time the deputy of Saddam Husayn (p. 46). In region, in fields such as secularism, religious tolerance or the his capacity of Secretary General of the Iraqi based National position of women in society. But there is also some exag- Command of the Ba{th Party, {Aflaq was officially always in geration, for instance when he quotes his sources as saying a higher position, however, although this did not imply that nostalgically that “in the 1960s and 1970s women used to sit he held any real power in Iraq. in teahouses together with men until late at night” (p. 22). I Wieland argues that the Syrian population allows itself to did not notice such a phenomenon when in Syria at the time. be easily distracted from Syrian internal and economic prob- Portraying some of the more positive dimensions of Syria lems, due to the so-called pro-Palestinian hard-line rhetoric does not mean that Dr. Wieland is without criticism. He of the Syrian mass media (p. 62). But I have strong doubts rather makes a serious effort to provide the reader with a about this thesis. Attracting the attention of the population to more balanced picture, in contrast to the many prevalent neg- one theme during a crisis situation is very possible. But to ative political descriptions of Syria, for instance as a “rogue” keep attracting this attention at the cost of other important or “terrorist” state. Next to Syria, Dr. Wieland also deals issues seems to be quite unlikely, if it is about a period of with various other parties playing a role in the Middle East, tens of years, let alone more than half a century (i.e. since such as the United States, the United Kingdom, the European 1948). Union, Israel, Hizbollah, Iran, the Ba{th Party in both Syria Wieland gives a good description of the possibilities and and Iraq, and the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. impossibilities of President Bashar al-Asad, when it comes The book is somewhat mixed in composition, as mentioned to exercising power over the so-called Ba{thist old guard, or by the author himself. Some chapters are for the general to carrying out social and political reforms. reader, others are more academic, and yet other chapters are Wieland gives an interesting description of the Kurdish rather journalistic in style. factor in Syrian political life. The Turkish PKK is, however, The chapter on the Ba{th Party and its ideology is more an incorrectly described as the “Communist Party of Kurdistan” analysis of various types of nationalism than that it is a clear whereas the correct name is the “Kurdish Workers Party”. description of the Ba{th ideology itself. According to Wieland explains in detail how he intends to transcribe Wieland, the Arab nationalism of the Ba{th Party should be Arabic words, and he even quotes some titles in the original 9840_BIOR_2007/1-2_01 27-04-2007 09:05 Pagina 118 231 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIV N° 1-2, januari-april 2007 232 Arabic script. But the transcriptions are not always conse- most valuable section of the book is devoted to the coinage quent, clear or correct. Neither are some of the quotations in of jund Filas†in where the material in the Khalili collection is Arabic. amazingly rich. The most striking example is the 170 coins of The page numbers mentioned in the Index are almost all Iamnia (modern Yavneh)/Yubna, a mint not represented at all incorrect. If one subtracts four from the given numbers, how- in the Ashmolean Sylloge. The section on jund Filas†in is pre- ever, the Index becomes “correct” and usable. ceded by a study of the mint of Heliopolis/Ba{labakk in jund Wieland gives an interesting analysis of both the secular Dimashq based on nearly 1,000 coins of which, by contrast, and Islamic opposition in Syria, of the tactical positions of the Khalili collection has only ten. the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood concerning democracy, and In 77/696-7 the caliph {Abd al-Malik b. Marwan of the role of the media. (In this respect it would have been (65/685–86/705) began the decisive phase of a coinage interesting to have an analysis of how the combination of reform that led to the creation of a “reformed” Islamic Syrian censorship and the freedom to look at satellite televi- coinage in gold and silver which gradually became valid sion stations such as Al Jazeera, works in practice, and which throughout the caliphate and a copper coinage with a more effects this could have had on Syrian public opinion). localised circulation. With comparatively minor variations Wieland also deals with the issue of “terrorism” and the cat- this established the pattern of Islamic coinage until modern egorizing by the United States and Israel of Syria as a “rogue times. Numismatists call the coins issued by the Muslims state” (“Schurkenstaat”), and notes that all depends on the before this “pre-reform”. They are divided into two series: definition of terrorism one wishes to use for which parties. “Arab-Byzantine” (struck in gold and copper) and “Arab- He gives a critical analysis of US policies towards Syria and Sasanian” (silver and copper) derived from the coins of the its democratic opposition. On several occasions his arguments respective empires whose lands the Arabs had occupied. At are rather politicised. Wieland also gives some suggestions least two mints: Emesa/ÎimÒ and Damascus/Dimashq struck for political options vis-à-vis Syria which could be, or might both sorts; a simple illustration of how a descriptive classi- have been pursued by the European Union. But although fication can be historically misleading. these suggestions might theoretically have been correct, they The term “Arab-Byzantine” was coined by John Walker occasionally sound rather unrealistic when it comes to real in his British Museum Catalogue of 1956. It defined coins politics. Wieland, for instance, suggests that UK Prime Min- struck under Arab authority using Byzantine prototypes in ister Blair should have made a conditional linkage between Syria, North Africa and Spain.
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