Mr. Garlid is assistant professor of history at Wisconsin State University — River Falls. This article is from his doctoral dissertation on "Politics in Minnesota and American Foreign Relations: 1921-1941."
The ANTIWAR DILEMMA of the FARMER-LABOR PARTY
GEORGE W. GARLID
WRITING IN 1946, Eric Sevareid recap often were, in the words of Reinhold Nie tured the atmosphere of his years as a stu buhr, complacent "about evils, remote from dent at the University of Minnesota. He our lives."- Finally, they were years when described the world view that he had shared the revisionist thesis won its widest accept with other liberals during the middle thir ance. ties. Most revealing is his profound sense of Sevareid and his fellow students were having been caught up in a historical per ashamed that their fathers and uncles had spective which later he could neither accept accepted the official propaganda during nor explain.^ World War I. Many took the Oxford oath; For many Minnesotans the 1930s were still others agitated to end compulsory mili years when convictions concerning world af tary drill at the university. Sevareid recalled fairs were held dogmatically. They were a campus meeting at which the antiwar oath years when occasionally these convictions was debated wildly by two or three hundred were undermined and gradually altered. students. A vote of those assembled indi They were years when the all-pervasive cated nearly unanimous approval. In 1934, commitment to peace made impermanent after a week of antiwar agitation at Carle allies of individuals clinging to disparate ton College, four hundred students voted views. They were years when Americans neither to fight in nor to support any aggres sive war. The Optional Drill League at the ^ See Eric Sevareid, Not So Wild A Dream, 59- University of Minnesota was organized as 65 (New York, 1946). ^ Reinhold Niebuhr, "Some Things I Have early as 1926 and received consistent sup Learned," in Saturday Review, 48:23 (November 6, port from the Minnesota Daily. Two weeks 1965). before the regents moved to make drill op ''Sevareid, Not So Wild A Dream, 60; James Gray, The University of Minnesota, 1851-1951, 368 tional, a large antiwar meeting was held on (Minneapolis, 1951). See Committee on Militarism the campus to coincide with the annual in Education, Breaking the War Habit (October 1, R.O.T.C. parade. Fifteen organizations and 1934), a pamphlet in the Brin (Fanny FUgelman) Papers, Box 12. AU manuscripts cited in this article 1,500 students took part.^ are in the Minnesota Historical Society. See also Sevareid believed that "war came from Farmer-Labor Leader (St. Paul), March 15, 1934, the economic system, from the conspira p. ]; Minnesota Daily (Minneapolis), May 19, May 24, 1934, both on p. 1. torial efforts of a few occult groups, and
Winter 1967 365 from ignorant distrust and fear between revisionist position, but it is reasonably cer peoples." The sole corrective lay in exposure, tain that large numbers fell under its influ in changing the system, and in creating trust ence. When Eric Sevareid recalled that he among nations. Liberals were intensely and his friends had plowed through Sidney suspicious of the military. They believed the R. Fay's Origins of the World War (1928) professional soldiers "wanted war, enjoyed and were convinced that there were no war."* The military establishment was the basic issues underlying the conflict and that most hated pillar of the existing order. with a little intelligence and forbearance the Niebuhr, writing in 1965, described this war could have been averted, he spoke for response, which he had shared, as "an al thousands in the state who were certain that most neurotic neutralism."" the war had been a mistake.* Nor was this view confined to a small group of students. The leaders of the THE FARMER-LABOR party, having had Farmer-Labor party held similar sentiments. its genesis in the climate of fear and ultra- It was Governor Floyd R. Olson and Mrs. patriotism which marked the war years, long Anna O. Determan, an Olson appointee to had viewed the struggle as an egregious de the board of regents, who succeeded ulti parture from the American tradition. Since mately in ending compulsory military train the early twenties the party had been ing at the University of Minnesota.^ As a steeped in revisionism. Its representatives in depression governor, Olson naturally ex Congress had opposed the mildest efforts in hibited little interest in foreign policy. When the direction of internationalism. They had he did express opinions on the subject, his fought for reduced military expenditures. position was typical of that held by other lib erals in the state. He assailed the munitions •'Sevareid, Not So Wild A Dream, 63. makers and alleged that the profit motive ^Niebuhr, in Saturday Review, 48:23. was behind all propaganda for war. Shortly " The campaign against compulsory military drill before his death in 1936 he wrote Senator was initiated in 1925 by the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. A Minnesota Com Elmer A. fienson praising the latter's efforts mittee on Militarism in Education was organized in the struggle for rigid neutrality legisla in 1926. The original committee of twenty-four was tion. Olson told Renson that he "wouldn't composed largely of prominent Twin Cities clergy men and included several women active in the trade the life of one youth for the whole peace movement. In the late twenties and early damned 'freedom of the seas.'"'^ He sug thirties attempts to eliminate compulsory drill at the gested that peace would be well worth the university were blocked by the state legislature, but on June 18, 1934, the board of regents, acting price of subsidizing any American business upon a resolution introduced by Mrs. Determan, adversely affected by a rigid embargo. He voted 6 to 5 in favor of optional drill. The National advised Renson that he believed in absolute Committee on Militarism in Education gave signifi cant credit to Governor Olson and Mrs. Determan neutrality decreed by Congress with the but noted that the persistent efforts of Minne president having no discretionary powers. It sota's numerous opponents of compulsory drill is of course impossible to tell what Olson's should not be overlooked. See Breaking the War Habit. position might have been had he lived. His ' See George H. Mayer, The Political Career of pragmatic approach to politics suggests that Floyd B. Olson, 272 (Minneapolis, 1951); Floyd he never would have clung to the isolationist B. Olson to Elmer A. Benson, February 4, 1936, position as tenaciously as did Senator Hen- Benson Papers. ° It is significant that Governor Olson's close rik Shipstead or Senator Ernest Lundeen.^ friend and personal secretary, Vince A. Day, later Speculation aside, Olson's position in the played an active role in the Committee to Defend America by Aiding the AUies. Howard Y. Williams, thirties was consonant with the intensifica who was very active in the Farmer-Labor party in tion of isolationist sentiment in Minnesota. the 1930s, has expressed his belief that Olson would It is impossible to assess accurately the ex have abandoned the isolationist position. Interview tent to which Minnesotans accepted the with Williams, November 9, 1965. ° Sevareid, Not So Wild A Dream, 62.
366 MINNESOTA History EXTRA! Thcl21ttim$ota flailu She tOortdi targmat Cottage Newspaper MONDAY, JUNE 18, IM'f. AJ Ko«clc, Amc Sevnrcid, CditoTC COMPULSORY DRILL KILLED BY REGENTS B7 AraoU Scrania iBui iifnlAcsMt atMii** in til* ps -r/ .-r Vh( culho i^nn IM Klator M*t«li>, tnit Ik* rvrnw U tW« tiM U^a.-.. M (a^ M tfcmiMnil« of lU II c[Ud thii mrkw TVw bnirtf of ru«iU k|Hc4 tt ( oniBuiaory drill !• *1 |r*«r( M, «ith • .JU a; eta 1 -•• .-a u tK» ttu»»«4lj llM^r— , Tb* nMtluuai •\n kboluh Manpul- ) r*C»&i U and uri,l t»Ur • •otr drill UHI te cmitflr** ft •> ur t»an a rrack bi Jta Uv-vr^rr, it Um tminl>w of kaae •tujj-.'j dr-<;i> t» T.ia. b, tonM af tha nfTi^f an thr tnavnt alalT nt lun IK* only wiwtMi Mwbn s at tk« Jii—ry e«>n> "te, LVVBJ r*«r, *hich «air Mv« had aoinv- '.r.iTK U 4a *iU tnkr'* They thundered against imperialism. Amer tor, was no less certain that the United ica's ills, both foreign and domestic, they States was "economically and politically ascribed to the malevolent influence of the entangled in foreign alliances and the in international banker and the wily European trigues of foreign nations." He declared that diplomat. "American diplomacy and foreign policy In 1922 Knud Wefald, Farmer-Labor must be divorced from its Wall street in aspirant for Congress, expressed this view fluence." 1** with striking simplicity. Asked what con Following the congressional memorial structive measures he favored to ensure service for Woodrow Wilson, Wefald, by greater international co-operation and secur then a congressman, sent his constituents a ity, Wefald replied: "Take the handling of newsletter describing his impression of the our forreign [sic] policy out of the hands of service. He characterized the foreign repre the international bankers." Henrik Ship- sentatives attending the service as "a flock of stead, soon to become the state's senior sena- black silent, vultures" sitting on the trunk of a great fallen tree. Four years later. Repre sentative Ole J. Kvale caustically criticized " Knud Wefald to Marguerite M. Wells, June 16, 1922, Wefald Papers; Minnesota Leader (St. Paul), plans for Herbert Hoover's inaugural be September 27, 1922, p. 1. cause a parade glorifying war would over- Winter 1967 367 shadow the ceremony itself. Sardonically, university. His speech perfectly portrayed Kvale suggested that the parade would not the recurrent and ever-deepening disillusion be complete until officials added a few lions, which was inextricably a part of the revi a few bodies on crosses, and a float depicting sionist thesis. After the horrors of trench a city undergoing a gas attack.^^ warfare President Wilson had offered the In 1924 Senator Shipstead predicted that world a messianic vision of hope, but dis a world-wide depression would follow in the illusion had returned as Americans realized wake of the war.^^ When the depression the inequity of Versailles. Then the slight arrived it strengthened Shipstead's convic chance that the League of Nations might tion that another war would mean economic prove worthy of its ideals partially redeemed disaster. Indeed, the depression exacerbated the sins of Paris. This slim ray of hope faded the deep mistrust of Europe and the mistrust with the onset of the depression, bringing in of power, both economic and military, that its wake fascism and a new arms race abroad. marked the isolationist position. The governor praised the students for their By the middle of the 1930s the revisionist dedication to peace. He affirmed that war view of the war had become the quasi- was rooted in the economic ills of society official position of the Minnesota state de and asked that they carry on the struggle to partment of education. In August, 1936, eliminate competitive, capitalistic imperial the department initiated the distribution of ism.^^ three home study pamphlets on War or By the mid-1930s most Republicans had Peace. Each of the pamphlets emphasized joined the Farmer-Laborites in accepting economic competition as the primary factor the revisionist thesis. Congressman William in historical causation. The Allies desired A. Pittenger agreed fully with Senator Ship victory not only because they wished "to stead that Washington often was influenced crush Germany's military power, but [be by the financial community in shaping for cause they] wanted to get rid of German eign policy. Critical of Republican efforts in industrial competition as well." America had the 1920s which had encouraged American entered the war because "American bankers, bankers to assist in the economic recovery of manufacturers, and merchants were in no Germany, Pittenger declared the policy had mood to give up the huge profits from this failed dismally. Instead, the United States rich war trade." The press in the United had been "led into the mire and the quick States had condemned submarine warfare sand of European problems." ^'^ Congress "largely because German submarines threat man August H. Andresen, in considering the ened to injure and perhaps to stop our rich question of extending the moratorium on foreign trade." The pamphlets taught that debt and reparation payments, declared war resulted from the clash of powerful in America would never collect from its credi- terests and they confidently declared that the '"common people in all countries are " Newsletter issued by Wefald, December 18, naturally peace-loving." ^^ 1924, typescript copy in the Wefald Papers; Con gressional Record, 70 Congress, 2 session, 426. In April, 1937, John G. Rockwell, commis '^ Martin Ross, Shipstead of Minnesota, 84 (Chi sioner of education for Minnesota, believed cago, 1940); Minneapolis Star, October 8, 1924, p. 6; the question of peace important enough to October 8, 1931, p. 2. " State of Minnesota, Department of Education, issue a memorandum reminding all super War or Peace, Unit 1, The Struggle for Peace, 2, intendents that April 22 was "Peace Day." 4, 5, 13 (August, 1936). Rockwell enclosed a copy of Governor Elmer "Letter from John G. Rockwell to all superin tendents in Minnesota, April 15, 1937, copy in the Benson's peace proclamation, and he sug Henry G. Teigan Papers. gested that every school hold a peace as " For an account of Benson's speech, see Minne sembly." On Peace Day Governor Benson sota Leader, April 24, 1937, p. 2. ^"Congressional Record, 72 Congress, 1 session, addressed a students' peace strike at the 261. 368 MINNESOTA HistOTy tors. He attacked the "trickery and sub Nevertheless, this consensus was deceptive terfuge" of Europe's diplomats and of the from the beginning. All agreed upon the international financiers." Speaking against need to preserve peace; how to accomplish the proposal that the United States enter this was another question. The congressmen the World Court, Senator Thomas D. Schall from Minnesota during the mid-1930s ex alleged that membership would benefit the emplified the complexity of isolationist Rothschilds and the Rockefellers. He won thought. While they often were in agree dered if America had "government by the ment on issues of foreign policy, their reasons people ... or government by Europe and for being so differed. These differences per the international bankers?" ^^ Congressman haps can be seen best in the response of sev Theodore Christianson beHeved the 1936 eral Farmer-Labor congressmen to the Naval Appropriations Bill should be reduced increased threat of war abroad. The isola by 20 per cent. Wondering if we were arm tionism of Congressmen Henry G. Teigan ing because of Japan's actions in the Far and John T. Bernard — and neither would East, Christianson claimed America could have called it such — differed significantly avoid all difficulties in the Pacific if Ameri from that of Senators Shipstead and Lun- cans would forget their "Messiah complex" deen. and decide to concern themselves exclu Senator Shipstead's world view remained sively with their own affairs." When Presi remarkably unchanged during the twenty- dent Roosevelt, in January, 1938, requested four years that he served in the United States a 20 per cent increase in naval expenditures. Senate. Of all the senators from Minnesota Congressman Harold Knutson noted that during the interwar years, he most consist Roosevelt recently had opposed a half per ently viewed Europe as the antithesis of the cent reduction in the interest rate on farm United States. Implicitly, Shipstead assumed mortgages and charged that the administra that man's capacity to act rationally and tion now wished to spend "166 times that morally depended upon his being free. It amount to enrich the munitions makers." ^^ followed that nondemocratic governments It is a rather curious commentary upon the rarely would conduct their foreign policy nature of American politics that by the 1930s in the interests of mankind."^ Because the even conservative Republicans in Minnesota United States was democratic, it was capable had adopted the rhetoric of the Farmer- of developing a virtuous foreign policy while Labor movement when foreign policy was nondemocratic Europe was not. under consideration. Shipstead liked to tell his colleagues that America could learn from history. The first WHETHER Farmer-Laborite or Republi lesson required that Americans realize there can, the intensified isolationism of the 1930s was nothing new in diplomacy or in state produced a consensus that peace must be craft. Since the American Revolution, Ship preserved regardless of events abroad. stead maintained, the victorious powers in Europe had written treaties and developed " Congressional Record, 72 Congress, 1 session, organizations to guarantee their conquests. 15502. The League of Nations and its tool, the " Congressional Record, 74 Congress, 1 session, World Court, were in that tradition. During 1122. the Ethiopian crisis, Shipstead warned the " Congressional Record, 74 Congress, 1 session, administration to avoid co-operating in any 6333. ™ Congressional Record, 75 Congress, 3 session, plan involving sanctions against Italy be 3596. cause this was "none of our business." -- "- Address to the Emergency Foreign Policy Con Nor did the senator believe the United ference, April 30, 1924, typescript copy in the Ship stead Papers. States should become involved in Asia. After -^ Congressional Record, 74 Congress, 1 session, the Japanese attack upon the "U.S.S. Panay" 875; Minneapolis Journal, November 6, 1935, p. 17. Winter 1967 369 While Ernest Lundeen shared many of Shipstead's isolationist convictions, he dis played less restraint and he frequently ex hibited his scorn for the nations of Europe, particularly Great Britain. Three days be fore the London Economic Conference of 1933 convened, Lundeen labeled France "the most militaristic nation on earth." He lauded President Andrew Jackson's firmness in forcing Louis Philippe's government to pay debts owed to the United States. Like Shipstead, who frequently cited Washing ton's farewell address, Lundeen was at tracted to historical incidents which seemed to serve as precedents for present difficulties. Jackson's forcefulness particularly appealed to him and he referred to it again and again. On the day the London conference opened Lundeen alleged that the American dele gates would "sit there at the feet of the British King and Emperor of India .. . with Senator Henrik Shipstead— a cartoon por out protest, tamely and lamely failing to trait from the Washington Post sustain an American-Jacksonian position." The senator hoped that President Franklin in December, 1937, he asked for a total D. Roosevelt was not about to emulate Wil American withdrawal from China. A few son by involving the United States in "con months later, Shipstead sardonically rejected ferences . . . with consummate, scheming any pohcy of involvement. Opposing the diplomats . . . brought up in the European Vinson Naval Authorization Bill, which school ... to believe that real diplomacy is called for an increase of 20 per cent in ex the art of skillful twisting of the truth." ^* penditures for naval construction, he told Lundeen became Shipstead's junior col his colleagues that until Americans knew league following the Farmer-Labor victory what kind of foreign policy they were devel in 1936. He joined Shipstead in opposing the oping, they should not embark upon a large Vinson Naval Authorization Bill, and he naval program. He declared that he knew ranged far and wide in the speech he made "nothing except some loose talk about 'quar against it. The United States had erred at antining' peoples who think differently from the Washington Conference of 1921-22 by the way we think. We used to send mission listening to foreign diplomats and agreeing aries with Bibles all over the world to induce to naval limitation. The navy was justified people of other countries to adopt Christian in asking for increases if America were to teachings. I am wondering if it is contem have gunboats on Chinese rivers, but Lun plated to send battleships . . . and bombing deen did not believe this was "the policy of planes as missionaries to foreign countries the founders ... of this country." The sen to do missionary work among people whom ator flatly asserted that no nation or group we consider to be political heathen, or who have been called 'outlaws' because they '= Cited in New York Times, December 14, 1937, have done what every nation in the world p. 18; Congressional Record, 75 Congress, 3 session, has done; namely, broken and violated 5618. ''•' Congressional Record, 73 Congress, 1 session, treaties." -^ 5511, 5631, 5819. 370 MINNESOTA Histoty of nations was going to attack the United So far as the party's platforms and official States within a generation. Criticizing Amer pronouncements during this period paid any icans who maintained that the nation must heed at all to issues involving foreign policy, co-operate with other democracies, Lundeen they reflected the same general position. In declared they misused the term "democ 1934 the Farmer-Labor Association declared racy." England was an empire and seemed that private ownership of munitions indus "arm in arm with Hitler"; France was a tries was one cause of war. The 1936 plat dictatorship. He concluded with an attack form urged that the United States adopt a upon the munitions makers, the House of rigid neutrality policy prohibiting the sale Morgan, and the defaulting British.-^ or delivery of arms and implements of war On another occasion, he maintained that to belligerents. It further called for a ban on peace required that the United States limit loans to warring nations and asked for public its defense efforts to the Western Hemis ownership of the munitions industries. In phere. Affirming that he was "not an inter 1938 the platform called for the United nationalist. . . . not for collective action and States to co-operate with all nations genu collective war," Lundeen said that he had inely seeking peace but simultaneously de been sent to the Senate to act for Minnesota clared its opposition to entangling alliances and the United States rather than for Great and increased armaments appropriations.^^ Britain and France.^^ Unhke several of his Farmer-Labor colleagues, he was little af NONETHELESS, among the party's radical fected by the Spanish Civil War, opposing wing there were those who never were com any policy which might involve the United fortable with a rigid policy of isolation. It States. "If the people of Spain want to try conflicted with their ideal of the brother out this revolutionary scheme under Franco's hood of man. Ever hopeful of achieving dictatorship," he said, "that's their fu an earthly utopia and often doctrinaire in neral." ^^ their thinking, these Farmer-Laborites were While differing in many respects, Ship caught between their desire for peace and stead and Lundeen agreed that to preserve their opposition to fascism. As fascism be peace the administration must confine its came more of a threat to world peace some interests to the Western Hemisphere. Both of the party's radicals urged that the United were distrustful of Europe. Neither made an States participate in international endeavors effort to disguise this mistrust; indeed, as the to preserve peace. Howard Y. Williams, decade wore on Senator Lundeen expressed long-time party activist, wrote to Secretary his Anglophobia more often and more spite of State Cordell Hull during the Ethiopian fully. Convinced that America's entry into crisis and requested that the United States the first World War had been a mistake, co-operate with the League of Nations in Farmer-Laborites such as Shipstead and imposing economic sanctions upon Italy. Lundeen were determined that the United Congressman John T. Bernard was the lone States must never again repeat that error. member of the House of Representatives to vote against the joint resolution which ap plied the arms embargo to the Spanish Civil '^Congressional Record, 75 Congress, 3 session, War.29 5519, 5850. ^ Congressional Record, 75 Congress, 3 session, The difficulty of reconciling the longing appendix, 3000. for peace and the desire that fascism might "" Cited in Minnesota Leader, March 13, 1937, be checked is evident in the congressional p. 2. ^ Platforms and programs are in Farmer-Labor career of Henry Teigan, who served a single Association of Minnesota Papers, Box 1. term as representative from the third dis ™ Williams to Cordell Hull, October 15, 1935, trict following the sweeping Farmer-Labor WiUiams Papers; Congressional Record, 75 Con gress, 1 session, 99. victory of 1936. Intellectually able, Teigan Winter 1967 371 was dedicated to the Farmer-Labor cause; Teigan wrote that if he were certain that the he had been active in the party from its in United States would align itself with its fel ception, and a Nonpartisan Leaguer before low democracies he would unalterably op that. pose neutrality legislation. He thought it After his election victory, Teigan wrote more likely that the American government to Frederick W. Libby, executive secretary would side "with the Fascists than with the of the National Council for the Preven Socialists and Laborites of Europe."^* Some tion of War, saying that he was whole kind of neutrality legislation was necessary, heartedly in sympathy with the council's but Teigan voted against the act because he program concerning neutrality legislation. believed it gave excessive discretionary Despite this statement, the extension of the power to the executive and particularly be arms embargo to the Spanish Civil War un cause its provisions not only continued the settled Teigan even though he voted for the embargo against Spain but also applied measure. He quickly saw that it aided the an embargo to all future civil wars.^^ Shortly fascists, either by intent or through ignor after Congress passed the 1937 act, Teigan ance, and he wrote to a friend in Minnesota declared that America "would have had a complaining that "every damn Fascist- far better cause for going to war on behalf minded bird in Congress was in favor of this of the Spanish government than it had for particular resolution." ^^ engaging in the World War on the side of While not a communist, Teigan admired the allies."^" the Soviet Union. He believed that Russia After the Sino-Japanese War began, Tei was passing through the transitional stage gan refrained from criticizing the adminis of the proletarian dictatorship which Marx tration's decision not to invoke the 1937 had considered necessary and that democ Neutrality Act. He told Libby that he was racy was bound to make progress in Russia. interested in seeing Japan defeated. Now Teigan predicted that "within ten years, the quite determinedly in the camp of those who Russian people will enjoy greater political believed in collective security, he approved democracy than do those of any other of Roosevelt's quarantine speech. His atti lands." ^1 The popular front in France heart tude at the end of 1937 was stated succinctly ened him. He contrasted the situation in in a letter to a friend: "The unfortunate 1937 with that of 1916-17, when, as he saw thing about all this neutrality business is that it, there had been little ideological difference too many of our good folks back home feel between the AUies and the Central Powers. we Americans can live apart from the rest of Therefore, it would have been in America's the world. This is impossible today and for interest "to see the war end in a draw, which that reason it is of vital concern to us when would probably have operated to discredit democracy is being attacked by the hand of all of the governments engaged in the con flict." ^^ This result, he felt, would have been favorable to the development of democracy "" Teigan to Frederick W. Libby, December 18, 1936; Teigan to A. F. Lockheart, January 17, 1937, throughout the world. Teigan believed the both in Teigan Papers. situation was different in 1937: reactionaries ''Teigan to O. B. Grimley, January 13, 1938, no longer controlled France, and the Loyal Teigan Papers. "'Teigan to Alfred M. Bingham, April 27, 1937, ists might prove victorious in Spain. The Teigan Papers. question now confronting the American '"Statement by Teigan, April 3, 1937, copy in worker was how to combat fascism at home Teigan Papers. ''Teigan to Andrew Trovaton, March 3, 1937, and abroad while at the same time preserv Teigan Papers. ing the peace.''^ ''Teigan to Earl E. Hunner, March 19, 1937, Two weeks before the House of Represen Teigan Papers. "^ Teigan to Ruth Gage Colby, April 23, 1937, tatives voted on the 1937 Neutrality Act, Teigan Papers. 372 MINNESOTA HistOTy Governor Elmer Benson (left) with Senator Ernest Lundeen, in 1937 reaction and fascism, even if those directly The collective security that Teigan and affected are thousands of miles away." '*' Bernard advocated was a truncated policy. Along with Governor Benson, Howard Unwilling or unable to rid themselves of Williams, and Congressman Bernard of the assumptions which they long had held, they eighth district, Teigan represented an ill- rarely thought of collective security as a defined group within the Farmer-Labor sharpened weapon to be used against ag party that increasingly accepted collective gressors. To them it meant the employment security as the means to check fascism. Ber of economic sanctions against aggressors and nard was more certain than Teigan that the the extension of economic aid to their vic Neutrality Act of 1937 aided the fascists. tims. Mistrustful of the military, both Teigan Implying that the American people had re and Bernard had opposed increased arms jected fascism when they had defeated expenditures. They so feared the military "Landon and his Liberty League and Ger that they criticized the Civilian Consei-va- man Nazi backers," Bernard told Congress tion Corps for allegedly allowing excessive that the neutrality proposals of Senator Key military influence.-'^ Pittman and Representative Sam D. Mc- Convinced of the affinity between eco Reynolds encouraged aggression against nomic conservatism and fascism, they were peaceful nations. If Americans were sincere, suspicious of England. Bernard claimed that he declared, they would admit that their the "Spanish embargo was made in Eng neutrality plan favored the fascists.-^* land." Teigan linked Toryism and fascism together as enemies of democracy. He "Teigan to Libby, October 6, 1937; Teigan to apparently saw nothing incongruous in tell Trovaton, November 15, 1937, Teigan Papers. ing Frederick Libby that he intended to use ^Congressional Record, 75 Congress, 1 session, his opposition to military expenditures in 2292, 2406. appealing for votes, while two months later "'Congressional Record, 75 Congress, 3 session, he wrote to another official of the N.C.P.W. appendix, 3199; article written by Teigan for Cham pion of Youth magazine, typescript copy dated and bitterly criticized England and France May 5, 1937, Teigan Papers. for not providing Czechoslovakia with mil '"Congressional Record, 75 Congress, 3 session, itary aid.*" appendix, 1671; Teigan to Mrs. Colby, April 23, 1937; Teigan to Libby, July 12, 1938; Teigan to Determined to check the spread of fas Jesse M. MacKnight, 'September 24, 1938, all in cism, ardent in his belief that economic Teigan Papers. Winter 1967 373 greed must not cause war, and fearful of the toric, they were extremely wary of the use consequences of military power, Teigan of power, especially military power. manifestly indicated his faith that peace Moreover, the difference within the party could be preserved without resort to military over foreign policy was of little significance coercion. In a letter to Libby he wrote: in 1938, for in that year the Farmer-Labor "It is obviously difficult to outline a pro party met disaster. The depression years had gram that will keep our country out of war. created the political climate needed for the The best we can do is to prepare a program party's rise to power. The despair and dis that will make it more difficult for our war- content accompanying those years were makers to plunge us into another world con fertile ground for the zealous and often doc flict. trinaire radicalism always present within the "I want to say, however, that I am not of movement. Blind to the popular front tactics the isolationist school. We cannot avert war of the Communists and lacking since Olson's by merely sticking our heads in the sands, death the tempering guidance of their only as it were, when troubles develop between influential pragmatic politician, the party's other nations. It is my candid opinion that radicals rarely considered the political con the United States should lead in bringing sequences of their actions. While few ob about united action on the part of the demo servers expected Governor Benson to win cratic governments of the world in putting re-election in 1938, practically no one fore a stop to the activities of Hitler, Mussolini, saw the total repudiation the party suffered. and their allies. This could be done by re Only one Farmer-Labor congressman, Rich fusing to sell war materials and supplies to ard T. Buckler of the ninth district, was able these aggressor nations. In other words, I to salvage his seat from the wreckage. Even am for what may be termed 'collective se Teigan, ensconced in what had been con curity,' as the best means of keeping this sidered a safe constituency, went down to country out of war." *i defeat. Since the party never again experienced ALTHOUGH there was a distinct and grow a significant electoral victory, it is impos ing difference between Farmer-Laborites sible to say now whether the difference over who endorsed a limited form of collective foreign policy that was developing within security and the "neurotic neutralism" of the the ranks would have created a major rift. party's two senators, no great split in the In any event, the Farmer-Labor congress ranks occurred. Both groups shared many of men who represented Minnesota in the the same convictions. Senator Lundeen's seventy-fifth Congress, although isolation Anglophobia did not antagonize Teigan ists, did not agree on what America's foreign because he himself was suspicious of the policy should be. Likewise, differences English Tories. Conversely, when Howard existed among the state's isolationist Repub Williams, who accepted a policy of economic lican congressmen on the issue of foreign sanctions, charged that Republican Repre policy. What is significant is that the re sentative Melvin Maas believed "in an out sponse of the isolationists to American for worn theory of neutrality which says the eign pohcy as the second world war ap flag, plus some good guns, should follow proached displayed considerable diversity. the dollar of the International Banker," They could agree on little more than keep Lundeen or Shipstead might have made the ing war away from America. criticism as easily.*^ All Farmer-Laborites were certain that war resulted from eco "Teigan to Libby, September 1, 1938, Teigan nomic greed. Influenced by bitter memories Papers. of World War I, affected by revisionism, *° Speech by Williams over WTCN, Septem ber 30, 1938, typescript copy in the Williams and possibly mesmerized by their own rhe Papers. 374 MINNESOTA HistOTy Copyright of Minnesota History is the property of the Minnesota Historical Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder’s express written permission. Users may print, download, or email articles, however, for individual use. To request permission for educational or commercial use, contact us. www.mnhs.org/mnhistory