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Social Oral Epidemi(Olog) Community Dent Oral Epidemiol 2014; 42; 481–494 Ó 2014 The Authors. Community Dentistry and Oral Epidemiology Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. All rights reserved Unsolicited Narrative Review 2 Sarah R. Baker and Barry G. Gibson Social oral epidemi(olog) y Unit of Dental Public Health, School of Clinical Dentistry, University of Sheffield, where next: one small step or Sheffield, UK one giant leap? Baker SR, Gibson BG. Social oral epidemi(olog)2y where next: one small step or one giant leap?. Community Dent Oral Epidemiol 2014; 42: 481–494. © 2014 The Authors. Community Dentistry and Oral Epidemiology Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribu- tion-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-com- mercial and no modifications or adaptations are made. Abstract – Since the early 1990s, there has been heated debate critically reflecting on social epidemiology. Yet, very little of this debate has reached oral epidemiology. This is no more noticeable than in the field of oral health inequalities. One of the significant achievements of social oral epidemiology has been the persistent documentation of social patterning of oral disease. Nevertheless, where social oral epidemiology has fallen down is going beyond description to explaining these patterns. Thinking how and in what way things happen, not just in relation to oral health inequalities but also more broadly, requires a more creative approach which links to scholarship outside of dentistry, including the work from critical epidemiologists to that within the social sciences. The aim of this review study is to provide a critical commentary on key aspects of more general epidemiological debates in order to inform and develop social oral epidemiology theory and methodology. In the first section, ‘Where are we now?’, six key debates are reflected upon: (i) analysis of variance Key words: causation; dental public health; versus analysis of causes, (ii) the fallacy of independent effects, (iii) black box health inequalities; lifecourse; oral thinking, (iv) theory and the understanding of mechanisms, (v) epidemiology; risk factor; theory individualization of risk and (vi) the meaning of ‘social’. In the second section, Sarah R. Baker, Unit of Dental Public Health, ‘Where to next?’ we draw on a number of fundamental issues from within the School of Clinical Dentistry, University of social science literature in order to highlight possible channels of future Sheffield, Sheffield, UK inquiry. Our overriding goal throughout is to facilitate a critical engagement in e-mail: s.r.baker@sheffield.ac.uk order to improve understanding and generate knowledge in relation to Submitted 14 January 2014; population oral health. accepted 6 June 2014 Epidemi(olog)2y or epidemiologology is the study One field in which this is most noticeable is that of epidemiology. Over the last two decades, many of oral inequalities. One of the significant achieve- senior epidemiologists (1–12) have critically ments of social oral epidemiology has been the per- reflected on epidemiologology. Surprisingly, very sistent documentation of social patterning of oral little of this debate has reached oral epidemiology. disease. Indeed, there can no longer be any dis- Indeed, whilst there have been some moves agreement that social inequalities in oral disease towards new approaches such as, multilevel mod- are very large, very robust and global. Neverthe- elling and a lifecourse perspective, epidemiological less, where social oral epidemiology has largely theory and method in dentistry still lags some way failed is going beyond description to explaining behind more general debates. these patterns. To do this, we need to move beyond doi: 10.1111/cdoe.12118 481 Baker & Gibson the almost exclusively methodological focus within of cross-sectional analytic studies showing small some strands of social oral epidemiology. To move associations between various risk factors and a few from studies which may be methodological rigor- key outcomes (e.g. oral health quality of life, caries ous but essentially pedestrian to more creative and rates, periodontal disease). Secondly, oral epidemi- bold social oral epidemiological research which ology has primarily become a discipline of tech- attempts to explain and understand; to address the nique rather than substantive understanding. A why and how questions and not always the what? consequence of this problem is that we have a pile Thinking how and in what way things happen, not of observations but with little understanding of just in relation to oral health inequalities but also how to ‘join the dots’ (i.e. the strands of the web). more broadly, requires a more creative approach Yet, as Frost (1936), the first US Professor of epide- which links to scholarship outside of dentistry; miology said ‘Epidemiology is .... more than the including the work from critical epidemiologists total of its established factors. It includes their noted above to that within the social sciences. orderly arrangement into chains of inference’ (19, The aim of this paper is to provide a constructive p. 107). but critical commentary on key aspects of these more general debates in order to inform and Analysis of variance versus analysis of causes develop social oral epidemiology theory and meth- This trend has mirrored that in epidemiology, odology. In the first section, ‘Where are we now?’ six more generally, wherein statistical prediction (the key debates will be reflected upon; (i) analysis of association between exposure/risk factor and dis- variance versus analysis of causes, (ii) the fallacy of ease) often passes for explanation (1, 2, 4, 11, 12). independent effects, (iii) black box thinking, (iv) There is a crucial often overlooked difference, how- theory and the understanding of mechanisms, (v) ever, between explaining variance and explaining individualization of risk and (vi) the meaning of disease causation. As Ashley–Perry’s Statistical ‘social’. In the second section, ‘Where to next?’,we Axiom Number five states ‘the product of an arith- will draw on a number of fundamental issues from metical computation is the answer to an equation; within the vast social science literature in order to it is not the solution to a problem’ (Dickson, 1978 highlight possible channels of future inquiry. cited in 20). Analysis of variance should therefore be the first – but not the only – step in epidemiolog- ical analysis when testing for associations (and Where are we now? causation). The discussion of causation in epidemiology is Much of social oral epidemiology today is under- based on a number of criteria/models, for exam- pinned by the risk factor approach. Within this ple, the nine criteria of causation (21), sufficient/ approach, oral disease is viewed as resulting from component model (22) and the counterfactual multiple causes, determinants and risks involving model (23). Take as an example, the counterfactu- a ‘web’ of interactions between individual and al model which suggests that the probability of environment. In line with this, the traditional risk disease in the exposed that would have occurred factor approach has been extended to incorporate had they not been exposed. The goal of adjust- not just clinical measures (e.g. DMFT) but also ment is to control for confounding. In this way, individual (e.g. smoking, self-esteem) and social adjustment is equated with explanation. We factors (e.g. socioeconomic status) (see the ‘eco-epi- would argue that this is the wrong definition of demiology approach’, 11–12). explanation. In addition, that when it comes to The goal of the risk factor approach is about social risk factors, the counterfactual (i.e. the ide- quantification: identifying one or more risk factors alized unexposed) is problematic (24). Take as an and estimating their main effect whilst controlling example, the estimate of the effect of race on oral for the effect of all other factors. To date, there have disease (i.e. the risk ratio of being black). Black been some rigorous, high-quality studies with people are the exposed group; so the right hand some important findings that have employed such side of the equation is the probability of the out- techniques (13–18). come among black people that would have Nevertheless, despite these excellent examples occurred if they had not been black. Leaving and the importance of this approach, there are a aside whether ‘blackness’ is the absence of number of problems in the field generally. Firstly, ‘whiteness’, a black person who is not black can- the risk factor approach has resulted in a plethora not be considered the same person. They would 482 Where next for social oral epidemiology? not have experienced the same environment tures (25). Yet, the current approach within social (social, psychological) as someone who is white. oral epidemiology negates any such social structure So the question is, what finite set of covariates that exists to condition the relation between vari- could logically make black and white people ables. exchangeable? Should we adjust for neighbour- In response to this, there have been since the hood SES or perceived stress or parental atti- early 1990s, a rise in multilevel modelling studies tudes? All of which may shape ‘black’ identity that have sought to bring social structure into oral (example adapted from 25). epidemiological analysis (e.g. 15–18). However, the As Kaufman and Cooper (25) state, there are two tendency in such studies has been to tack on a important points here: (i) these variables are not dummy variable representing a composite group- confounders but important in the complex context level (‘neighbourhood’) effect. This is little more impinging on the outcome (e.g. oral disease) and than a residualizing effort to explain variance (ii) it is not possible to control for everything to beyond that attributed to individual-level indepen- make two groups interchangeable with respect to dent variables.
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