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Indigenous Routes: a Framework for Understanding

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Indigenous Routes: a Framework for Understanding Indigenous Routes: A Framework for Understanding Indigenous Migration The opinions expressed in the report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. _______________ IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. Publisher: International Organization for Migration 17 route des Morillons 1211 Geneva 19 Switzerland Tel: +41.22.717 91 11 Fax: +41.22.798 61 50 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.iom.int _______________ ISBN 978-92-9068-441-1 © 2008 International Organization for Migration (IOM) _______________ All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher. 07_08 Indigenous Routes: A Framework for Understanding Indigenous Migration Prepared for IOM by Carlos Yescas Angeles Trujano* * B.Sci. in International Business and LL.M. in International Human Rights Law. Acknowledgements The journey started in 2001, when I got a call from my liaison in northern Maine, USA, informing me of the presence of some very “different” Mexicans on one of the farms. Soon after, I was sitting in a barn talking to Fernando and four of his relatives. In the background the Filipino migrants slaughter a pig and the Jamaican and Dominican workers listen to reggaeton in their dormitories. This was one of the four camps in Aroostook County that I regularly visited as part of my rounds to inspect worksites housing Mexican migrants. This particular camp employed 65 Mexican nationals for the harvest of broccoli, most of them were long-time residents of California working seasonally and only returning to Mexico during the Christmas break. I had seen groups like this many times, composed mostly of males and a few women employed to prepare food and perform other household activities, no children were admitted in the camp and employers provided shelter in dormitories and a simple kitchen. The remarkable difference of this group was the presence of five males from the Zapotec indigenous group of Mexico. They were the “different” Mexicans my liaison had mentioned and I found their presence and relationship with non-indigenous Mexicans fascinating. After a long night talking, I learned of the journey Fernando and his four companions had taken from Oaxaca to find work in the US. They had first migrated to California and found work in restaurants with the help of other Zapotec immigrants in the area. Then, amestizo Mexican recruited them for agricultural seasonal work. Their first trip was to Georgia to harvest onions and then to Maine for the broccoli season, to end in the apple orchards of Washington State, before returning to California. I learned about their other stops through contacts with Mexican Community Affairs Coordinators in other Mexican consulates. However, despite Fernando’s account of this migratory pattern and that it had been going on for long time, no policy had been put in place to specifically address their different needs. From Fernando, the most fluent in Spanish, I learned of the discrimination they faced from non-indigenous Mexicans, the lower pay they received from the foreman, and the jokes they endured for not speaking “proper” Spanish. I then talked to the capataz and asked about the difference in 3 Indigenous Routes: A Framework for Understanding Indigenous Migration pay and the discriminatory treatment. The response was short, but telling: “porque son indios”. His answer, the minimal information on indigenous migratory patters, and the lack of policies addressing indigenous needs fuelled my interest to study more and eventually produce this paper. I would like to thank IOM for their visionary support to produce this work; the activities of the Organization around the world in protecting indigenous peoples are exemplary. At IOM, New York, I owe the highest gratitude to Amy Muedin for her unwavering support and corrections to earlier versions of this paper. To Luca Dall’Oglio, Anke Strauss and Telma Ticas for their guidance and help, to Ilse Pinto-Dobernig for her constructive editing, to the teams at IOM Colombia, and publications at headquarters for their contributions. To Will and Georgina for their comments and translations, to my mother for her collection of clippings from Mexican newspapers. All gaps in the research of this publication are only my own. This work is dedicated to the memory of my father and to Fernando and his relatives. I will continue the fight to protect your rights. Desde el piso treinta y uno. C. Yescas A. Trujano. 4 Contents Acknowledgements ...........................................................................................3 Summary ........................................................................................................7 Abbreviations ...................................................................................................11 Introduction .....................................................................................................13 Indigenous Peoples .....................................................................................14 Migration .....................................................................................................15 Section 1 - Migration and Indigenous Peoples .........................................17 Section 2 - Internal and International Migration of Indigenous Peoples .........................................................................................21 Rural-rural Migration ................................................................................22 Rural-urban Migration and Urbanization ...............................................24 Displacement ...............................................................................................27 Forced Removal, Trafficking, and Smuggling .........................................31 Return Migration ........................................................................................35 Section 3 - Transborder Indigenous Migration ........................................39 Sovereignty ..................................................................................................39 Citizenship ...................................................................................................40 Section 4 - Migration effects on Indigenous Peoples ...............................45 Employment ................................................................................................45 Social Services and Housing......................................................................47 Identity ......................................................................................................51 Section 5 - Indigenous Migrants’ Lives .......................................................53 Civic Organization and Political Participation .......................................53 Remittances and Transnational Activities ...............................................55 Conclusion ......................................................................................................59 References ......................................................................................................61 5 Summary International migration has not commonly been considered as part of the indigenous experience. A widespread view of indigenous communities freezes them in time and space, as static groups, deeply rooted in their territories and customs, and reluctant to accommodate change. Increasingly, however, indigenous individuals, families and groups are leaving their long-held territories as part of the phenomenon of global migration. These migrations go beyond the customary seasonal and cultural movements of particular groups. Modern migration of indigenous peoples is characterized by its complexity in response to new conditions of industrialized and globalized lives. Migrant indigenous peoples include individuals moving to more economically developed centres to seek opportunities, displaced communities and groups removed by force. Discourse on the migration of indigenous peoples has usually focused on their displacement or removal from their ancestral lands. The recently adopted United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples acknowledges this common occurrence and recognizes indigenous peoples’ right to “own, use, develop, and control” their lands and territories as well as the right to redress when their lands have been confiscated.1 One might rationally infer that a lack of these rights may act as a push factor in the migration of indigenous peoples. It is, however, necessary to recognize that the migration of indigenous peoples cannot only be limited to discussions on the dispossession of their lands. International debate
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