The Victorian display, featuring a pillar of gold, at the International Exhibition, London, 1862 by Joseph Nash watercolour and pencil State Library of Victoria
Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions
by Louise Douglas
I have just minuted a paper sent to me by should be sufficient and then only to first rate Sir Robert Duff asking me to join in an capitals of Europe. (Letter, George R Dibbs, exhibition in Antwerp in 1894 to say that Premier of New South Wales, to Lord Jersey, the colony will not join. I am full of affairs 12 August 1893)1 of this sort; our work is to be done at home. Besides, nine times out of ten the result is In venting his frustrations about the too costly … once in a quarter of a century potential participation of New South Wales
reCollections: Journal of the National Museum of Australia Volume 3, Number 1, March 2008, pp. 13–32 in yet another international exhibition, The international fashion Premier Dibbs neatly encapsulates the for exhibitions views held by many nations, states and colonies caught up in the ‘exhibition fever’ The tradition of modern international gripping the world in the latter half of the exhibitions is commonly agreed to nineteenth century. Australian colonies have commenced in 1851, setting off a had been enthusiastic participants since hectic timetable with exhibitions held all extant colonies first exhibited at the approximately every two years somewhere inaugural Great Exhibition of the Works of around the world until 1893. Findling and Industry of All Nations in London’s Crystal Pelle identify 39 exhibitions significant in Palace in 1851. However, 42 years later, terms of foreign representation and the in 1893, only New South Wales — on universality and breadth of their themes a grand scale — exhibited at the World’s (usually focused on ‘industrial progress’) Columbian Exhibition in Chicago. This paper and an additional 173 events with a narrower focus.6 London hosted two international summarises aspects of the development of exhibitions in 1851 (which established the colonial displays and explores the challenges template for categorising exhibits — ‘Raw colonial organisers faced in negotiating materials’, ‘Machinery’, ‘Manufactures’ and colonial identities through the displays. ‘Fine arts’) and 1862, before opting for It suggests that Australia’s colonies were exhibitions limited to specific categories caught between their desire to present in the 1870s. In 1886, Britain changed a picture of modernity, democracy and its approach again, initiating a series of civilisation and the perception of them as exhibitions only for members of the British places for exploitation, and at the very best, Empire.7 Paris hosted four increasingly 2 of opportunity and potential. extravagant expositions universelles in 1855, International exhibitions have become 1867, 1878 and 1889. Although Australia a lively field of scholarship with the had sent displays to other countries publication of both overviews of American, from 1851, it did not host its first major British and French events and in-depth international exhibition until the Sydney 3 studies of specific exhibitions. Interest in International Exhibition in 1879. Modest the representation of indigenous cultures in comparison to British, European and has increased while exploration of the role American events of the same period, it exhibitions played in the development of nevertheless proved immensely popular with nation-states has only recently begun.4 Work colonial society. The two major exhibitions on Australia’s role as exhibition host and which followed in Melbourne in 1880 and participant has been underway for some time, 1888 were equally popular.8 America (where with Judith McKay’s comprehensive history these events were generally called ‘world’s of Queensland’s representation the most fairs’) began unsuccessfully in 1853 in notable Australian scholarship. Important New York but went on to great triumphs collections of essays have appeared on the in Philadelphia (1876) and Chicago (1893). 1879 Sydney exhibition and the 1880 and The 1893 event was the most extravagant, 1888 Melbourne exhibitions, and recent expensive and largest exhibition — with unpublished doctorates have substantially 50 nations and 37 colonies foreign advanced our knowledge of Australasian participants — and also the last great participation in international exhibitions.5 exhibition of the nineteenth century.9
14 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions Promoters, backers and patrons, in the of tangible, measurable benefits and the interests of making their events bigger and substantial cost, particularly in relation to more successful, made overblown claims that hosting exhibitions. The debate crystallised exhibitions enhanced peace and harmony, in a British Board of Trade enquiry set up developed prosperous societies, advanced in 1907 to investigate ‘the nature and extent progress and strengthened global trade.10 of the benefit … [and] whether the results Sir William Henry Preece, prominent have been such as to warrant His Majesty’s engineer and organiser of British exhibitions, Government in giving financial support to illustrated the rhetoric surrounding similar exhibitions in future’.13 Evidence exhibitions when he said in 1907 that they came from many key figures responsible ‘stimulate enterprise’, ‘encourage national for exhibitions in the period 1860–90 and, emulation’ and ‘… advertise novelties, they while they identified fundamental issues excite invention, they impart knowledge, in the organisation of exhibitions, their and they tend very much indeed to promote evidence was generally favourable. The only the progress of industry, craftsmanship and Australian to give evidence was George art’.11 The claims that exhibitions offered Collins Levey, an organiser of Victoria’s everything that was new in the world — exhibitions since 1873, who presented ‘discovery’, ‘invention’ and ‘originality’ a more sanguine view when he reflected featured heavily in the promotional language that ‘the modern exhibition is a sort of of exhibitions — were partially true. Britain’s megalomania, and each has tried to be larger Post Office, for example, adopted new than the other; but they defeat their own developments in the electrical industry seen purpose’.14 The significance of the enquiry is for the first time at the 1889 Exposition not so much in its conclusion − that it was Universelle in Paris.12 impossible for Britain, or any nation, not to The prospect of seeing something participate — but in the crescendo new and modern and the opportunity of complaint that created it. for self-improvement was motivating for some visitors, particularly businessmen and women interested in the latest technological The colonial advances in their field. However, the exhibitionary impulse increasingly large, and architecturally fantastic, amusement areas were as much Despite the debates over the efficacy of a drawcard. Exhibitions advertised they participation, most nations, states and colonies had ‘something for everyone’ and indeed found it difficult to resist the opportunity for enormous numbers of people from across promotion to such vast audiences. In an age all classes visited these events. The 1851 of rising nationalism, exhibitions were the exhibition attracted 6 million visitors, rising most glamorous promotional vehicle of the to more than 27 million for the 1893 event day. In 1862, Victoria’s JG Knight saw this in Chicago. Attendance statistics in turn with great clarity: became part of the battery of arguments The lifeblood of success in trade, commerce used by organisers to attract support and and the arts is publicity, and exhibitions are justify the next event which was always more pre-eminently useful in imparting information extravagant than the last. in this most popular form … Experience has Yet exhibitions did not have unanimous shown that Exhibitions afford the cheapest support, with concerns focusing on the lack and most effective means of advertising,
Louise Douglas 15 The New South Wales display at the Chicago exhibition, 1893 Government Printing Office collection, State Library of New South Wales
without which, in some form or other, but a Victoria, the colony with the most few people engaged in trade and commerce at advanced manufacturing industry from the present day meet with success.15 the 1860s onwards, was not surprisingly the most active and aggressive colonial For Tasmania’s Lieutenant Governor, participant. As McKay has demonstrated, William Thomas Denison, himself a frequent Queensland, which separated from New exhibitor, the possibility that exposure to South Wales in 1859, was a very active developments in other countries would and proud exhibitor from the 1860s. New elevate ‘slovenly’ colonial agricultural practices was a prime motivation.16 Pragmatism South Wales, less economically developed combined with lofty goals were articulated than Victoria but nevertheless the most by organisers such as Robert Burdett Smith, senior colony, was also a constant presence New South Wales Commissioner for the at exhibitions. The less wealthy colonies Colonial and Indian Exhibition of 1886, who did not exhibit at the same level. Tasmania argued that ‘these displays … do an immense (formerly Van Diemen’s Land), the oldest deal of good, to take the lowest view they colony after New South Wales, was an early give a great deal of employment, and … and energetic participant. Over time, with hope that the material and moral condition its economy and population not growing as of mankind is improving’.17 fast as those of its mainland counterparts,
16 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions Tasmania’s contributions were comparatively exhibitions held outside the Empire, they small. Similarly, the younger colonies of were substantially subsumed within a British South Australia and Western Australia framework and their utilitarian displays developed slowly and generally sent less contrasted to their disadvantage with the ambitious displays than the wealthy colonies. colour and exoticism of India’s displays. Sir Horace Tozer’s remark in 1901 that The 1886 Colonial and Indian Exhibition Queensland had ‘borne an unfair share in London was the first in a series of of maintaining the “general Australasian exhibitions to showcase the economic, advertisement”’ reveals both the tension cultural and political progress and between colonies over the extent of their achievements of the Empire. From this respective contributions, and that national point, exhibitions were a key vehicle in representation was an important concept.18 Britain’s increased efforts to shore up the Although the level and frequency of colonial value of the Empire in the face of debate participation varied over the nineteenth about the value of the colonies to Britain century, the 1876 Centennial Exhibition in and the costs of imperial maintenance. Philadelphia illustrates the general pattern of In the imperial agenda, it was critical colonial investment, with Victoria investing that the economic contribution of the £10,000, Queensland £5500 and New South colonies, particularly as a source of raw Wales and South Australia £4000.19 materials, be dominant in both British and colonial displays. The territorial tensions of the real Together or separate? world were often manifested on the exhibition grounds. The allocation of As Richard White says of this period, ‘nations space, and how that space was used and were imagined in an international context, styled, was a consistent source of friction in the company of other national identities between organisers and local and foreign … [and] national standings and league tables exhibitors. For Australia’s colonies, this 20 were being negotiated’. Nowhere were these tension was manifested in the unresolved transactions more evident than at nineteenth- debate over how they should be physically century exhibitions. arranged — within a national framework Exhibitions gave Australian colonies or as independent entities. Logically, an unparalleled opportunity to develop in a local context it was accepted that their international profile, but constructing with international attention focused on and communicating their identity through Australia, each colony had an obligation to tiers of shifting international, imperial differentiate themselves from the others, and national structures was a complicated and they displayed separately, and as grandly, process. For exhibitions both within as possible. For imperial exhibitions, it and beyond the British Empire, colonial was expected that the achievements of identities were refracted through British individual colonies should be heightened exhibition authorities who controlled their and consequently they displayed separately. location on the exhibition grounds (as From the 1870s, Britain promoted the close as possible to other British colonies) virtues of its Empire more energetically and their size. At imperial exhibitions, and encouraged colonies to greater heights the colonies were highly visible as senior resulting in Queensland, largely through the members of the British Empire but at efforts of agent-general Richard Daintree,
Louise Douglas 17 Significant international and imperial exhibitions, 1851–93
AUSTRALIAN LOCATION YEAR ACREAGE DAYS ATTENDANCE EXHIBITORS SPECIAL POINTS COLONIES PRESENT
London First international exhibition and first British exhibition — established 1851 21 144 6,039,000 13,937 NSW, WA, SA, VDL (international) the key elements for the exhibition template
Paris First French exhibition — celebrated 40 years of peace since Waterloo and 1855 24½ 200 5,162,000 23,954 Vic, NSW Qld (international) showcased Napoleon III’s regime; greater emphasis on culture than 1851
London Second British exhibition — affected by death of Prince Albert and the 1862 23½ 171 6,211,000 28,653 All colonies (international) civil war in the US, but confirmed template for international exhibitions
Paris Second French exhibition — projected France as the pre-eminent Western 1867 37 217 10,200,000 50,226 Vic, NSW, Qld, SA (international) nation and introduced carnival atmosphere for first time
An unsuccessful attempt to move away from the excesses of the one-off London 1871, 1872, 1,142,000 (1871) Participation varied, but universal event by holding four small, thematic exhibitions over four years (international) 1873, 1874 467,000 (1874) not substantial focused on scientific and industrial education
Vienna 1873 280 186 7,254,000 70,000 First major non-Parisian European exhibition — largest number of exhibitors Vic, Qld, SA (international)
Philadelphia 1876 60 159 9,910,000 30,806 First successful American exhibition — celebrated centenary of independence All colonies except Tasmania (international)
Paris Third French exhibition — marked recovery from Franco–Prussian War 1878 100 194 16,032,000 40,360 All colonies except Tasmania (international) and Commune Revolt of 1870–71
Sydney First Australian international exhibition — 24 nations and British colonies, 1879 15 216 1,117,000 9345 All colonies (international) with emphasis on natural resources
Melbourne Second Australian international exhibition — 37 nations and British colonies, 1880–81 29 143 1,330,000 12,792 All colonies (international) with emphasis on manufactured goods
London First in a series of British Empire exhibitions — indicates move to shore All colonies 1886 24 188 5,500,000 (imperial) up the significance of the Empire to Britain except Tasmania
Melbourne Third Australian international exhibition to mark the centenary of European 1888 38 160 1,963,000 10,240 All colonies (international) settlement — stronger cultural and artistic program than previous exhibitions
Paris 1889 75½ 185 28,149,000 60,000 Fourth French exhibition — highest visitation of the 19th century exhibitions None (international)
Chicago Second American exhibition — the most extravagant and last great exhibition 1893 207½ 183 27,529,000 NSW only (international) of the 19th century
Sources: Arthur Renwick, Report of the Executive Commissioner for New South Wales to the World’s Columbian Exhibition, Chicago, 1893, Charles Potter, Government Printer, Sydney, 1894, p. 411; John E Findling & Kimberley D Pelle (eds), Historical Dictionary of World’s Fairs and Expositions, 1851–1988, Greenwood Press, New York, 1990.21 erecting the first separate Australian building Economic depression and drought had at a major overseas exhibition at the 1872 descended, and they were also preoccupied exhibition in London.22 with complicated and hostile intercolonial By the 1880s, regular premiers and discussions about Federation. Debate about intercolonial conferences enabled the Australia’s participation began in August colonies to agree on some mutually beneficial 1891 when South Australia proposed joint arrangements such as, for example, integrated representation ‘for purposes of economy’ transport and communication systems.23 supported by the Sydney Chamber of However, their different historical experiences Commerce. The considerable benefits in and environments, compounded by their visitors seeing Australia as a single entity still relative isolation, meant the individual were also discussed.25 In late 1891 the colonies were used to high degrees of New South Wales Exhibition Commission autonomy. The inability of the Federal proposed that a combined display, ‘while Council, established by Victoria in 1885, to likely to be of little value in connection secure the participation of New South Wales with the local work of collecting exhibits of or South Australia, indicates how fractured each Colony, would prove a most excellent intercolonial relationships could be. Until the thing in America, where it was advisable that commencement of discussions in the 1890s the Executive Commissioners representing which led to Federation, the only real sense the various Colonies should work together of connection between colonies came from for the general interest’. Tasmania agreed, occupation of the same continent and their and Queensland was at first in favour, derivation from the same Anglo-Celtic stock. suggesting that ‘a united Australian building On the matter of combining to create would reduce costs and represent to visitors a unified national display for overseas “the spirit of [Australian] Federation”’.26 exhibitions, Australian colonies could not Unsurprisingly, New South Wales insisted agree. As early as 1866, Victoria’s Redmond their commissioner be appointed the Barry suggested a single display for the 1867 executive commissioner for the whole Exposition Universelle in Paris. New South exercise. This no doubt partly influenced Wales and Queensland were not interested, all colonies, except New South Wales, to and in any case, the British commissioners, conclude by February 1892 that it was whose authority extended to decisions of impossible to send a display — whether this kind, would not agree. For the 1876 together or separate. Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia, Victoria New South Wales bemoaned the loss again proposed (perhaps as a tactical move of this opportunity to show ‘the world a to enable Victorian manufacturing exhibits practical proof of the value and importance to shine in comparison to the under- of the Federal idea as it is regarded in developed industries of other colonies) that Australia, together with the opportunity one display would reduce repetition and afforded for a united representation of enable the best exhibits to be selected.24 Australasia on an economical basis’.27 In Again, there was no agreement. June 1892, Premier Dibbs, impatient at the By the time colonies were considering ‘scant courtesy’ of the American organisers their individual invitations to participate (particularly the ‘shabby looking colonels’ in the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition sent to encourage colonial participation) in Chicago, many were exhausted by the and the wrangling over appropriate space, exhibitionary effort of the last 10 years. was on the verge of withdrawing the last
Louise Douglas 19 remaining Australian display.28 Despite these display of a creditable exhibit entail under exasperations, New South Wales sent a modern conditions’ was a strong disincentive comprehensive group of exhibits, totalling to participation from the private sector. It 50,000 square feet across eight separate was also noted that many businesses found buildings, recognised as being ‘represented the ‘cost of preparing an effective exhibit in a splendid manner in every department is usually out of all proportion to the direct of the Exposition’.29 results obtained’, conclusions just as relevant The last opportunity for the colonies in the colonial context.30 to demonstrate the ‘federal idea’ before The supply of exhibits was partly Federation through a unified display was the dependent on the generosity, goodwill and final imperial exhibition of the nineteenth pride of individual colonists — gentlemen century, the 1899 Greater Britain Exhibition in scientists, artisans, teachers, military London. However, as had been the tradition men, housewives, amateur artists and with previous imperial exhibitions, the photographers — and, towards the end colonies again stood separately. of the nineteenth century, increasingly of educational and cultural organisations, and government agencies such as jails, children’s Making colonial exhibits: homes and Aboriginal protection boards. people and processes A substantial number of exhibits came from burgeoning private collections with Following the British model, colonial state-funded museums, established from the governments provided exhibition 1850s as ‘extensions of the enthusiasm for commissions with limited subsidies that collecting, classification and encyclopedic enabled transportation costs to be covered, knowledge’, increasingly important but did not support any other costs contributors.31 associated with the development of exhibits Once colonial governments accepted generally supplied on a voluntary basis. an invitation to participate in an overseas Therefore voluntary exhibitors, whether exhibition, exhibits were generally first commercial organisations, learned societies brought together in a display for local or private individuals, had to fund all costs consumption. Victoria, for example, involved in creating and ‘decorating’ their displayed preparatory exhibits in Melbourne exhibit. This practice aligned with the British for every overseas exhibition, the largest held Government’s view that as exhibitions in 1875 for the 1876 Centennial Exhibition in created substantial opportunities for the Philadelphia.32 By 1862 an organisational commercial world, businesses should carry blueprint, with some variations, had the majority of the costs. It was not a been set and each colony took a similar constructive approach as it disadvantaged approach to coordinating their displays. A private exhibitors and created yet another committee (usually called a ‘commission’) factor which worked against coherence in of eminent citizens from government, the the displays. Over time, carrying the cost public service, the military, the business of exhibiting meant the private sector world and the professions was appointed became more disinclined to participate. This to select and recommend suitable exhibits. discontent was evident in the 1907 British Appointment to an exhibition commission Board of Trade Enquiry that concluded the carried considerable status, and although ‘trouble and cost which the preparation and the exhibits represented a cross-section of
20 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions colonial society, the commissioners did not. sufficiently large collection of articles to The commission’s brief was to find the excite considerable interest, and attract exhibits and arrange their transportation much attention’, citing the ‘apathy of their to the exhibition site. In New South Wales fellow colonists, and … monetary dullness’. in 1862, for example, letters were written On these grounds, they were forced to seek to ‘all the Police Magistrates, Benches of additional funds to augment the voluntary Magistrates, and other influential persons exhibits.35 The lack of specific guidelines through the Colony’ and the organisers and criteria for potential exhibitors and ‘published from time to time addresses to the absence of a conscious thematic vision their fellow colonists, soliciting cooperation invariably meant exhibits of all kinds were and support in the undertaking in order that offered, and few refused, giving the display this colony might be enabled … an adequate an undeniably democratic air. Finally, the illustration of her extensive and varied commission had little control over what resources to maintain that position to which happened to their display once at the she is entitled’.33 exhibition site, with host-nation organisers The commission faced a number of resolving the inevitable problems of fitting hurdles in fulfilling their responsibilities. The an overwhelming multitude of material in fact that exhibitors had to fund their own nearly always inadequate spaces. exhibits meant there was often a shortfall While eminent commissioners in the number of exhibits volunteered by provided overall guidance and approval, the specified date, and the quality was poor executive commissioners, sometimes or unrepresentative. Much to the chagrin called secretaries, were responsible for of Alfred Stephen (chairman, New South a complicated management exercise Wales commission for the 1855 Exposition which ensured appropriate exhibits were Universelle in Paris), colonial society was located, transported, set up and returned slow to understand the importance of successfully. They were typically polymaths, contributing exhibits. In his report on often with military or civil service in the the exhibition he pointed out that the outposts of the British Empire, and their ‘indifference generally of the Colonists’ had role was critical in not only managing resulted in the compilation of exhibits being: the practicalities, but also in framing and abandoned to chance, regardless of entreaties transforming nineteenth-century knowledge from the Board for co-operation, — and through their exhibitions.36 With the that some of our most importance branches exception of Margaret Windeyer, who of Industry, in consequence, have been left organised a major exhibition of women’s wholly without (or with very incomplete work from New South Wales for the 1893 and defective) illustration, — are facts not Columbian Exposition in Chicago, exhibition creditable to the character of the Individuals commissioners were men.37 concerned, for activity, foresight, or patriotic feeling; nor consistent with even a just perception of their own interests and the fair Trophies, pyramids and obelisks claims upon them of the Community.34 During the late nineteenth century, Again, in 1862, after a poor initial innovations in display practices, techniques response to the call for exhibits, the and ideas were evolving in department commission found it did not have ‘a stores, museums and, increasingly, in the
Louise Douglas 21 world of advertising. Exhibitions both juxtapositions. With a preference for borrowed from and influenced these typological comprehensiveness, rows and forms. Executive commissioners oversaw rows of showcases and cascading piles of the collection, selection, placement and exhibits were common. Colonial displays decoration of exhibits as one continuous gave visitors little information about the process with their previous professional exhibits but did provide extensive statistics, experience influencing the style of displays maps and a range of ancillary written for better or worse. Richard Daintree, material. A prime example is the set of 19 exhibition organiser for Queensland’s essays New South Wales provided at the displays in the 1870s, brought an unusual 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago combination of experience to the role which covered Aboriginal life, an overview of creating displays having trained as a of progress and resources in the colony geologist, worked as Queensland’s agent- and a comparative analysis of Australia and general in London and developed skills as America.39 Australia’s enterprising approach a photographer. to the use of printed material is also clear at Exhibition organisers struggled firstly the 1878 Universelle Exposition in Paris where to categorise and organise the myriad of special French editions of the Sydney Morning new and diverse objects from the natural, Herald and Illustrated Sydney News proved industrial and cultural world and, secondly, enormously popular with French visitors. with the volume of exhibits submitted. The Sydney Morning Herald reported this as a While there was loose international ‘trump card’ for New South Wales.40 commitment to core categories, classification Adding to the organisational challenge was systems were constantly being reworked the nineteenth-century propensity to display according to the national predilections and multiple, even hundreds, of samples of the cultural preferences of the host nation. one object. The design principle was a simple The overall trend was to expand categories, one: the greater the number of objects, the resulting in the initial 30 growing to 968 better the impression. Allied to this was a between 1851 and 1893.38 This did not fondness for gigantism, most prominent in concern foreign participants so much in building architecture, but equally evident in the 1850s when all exhibits were displayed displays. The inverted triangle, reminiscent together and they controlled their own of Egyptian civilisation and suggesting display spaces. However, from the 1860s, the simultaneously ‘bulk, height, achievement exhibits of foreign participants were divided and aspiration’, was a popular display device between their own national court or pavilion at nineteenth-century exhibitions.41 Australia and separate halls or palaces holding exhibits used it for displaying all kinds of material in a particular category from all participating and products, with huge trophies of canned nations. For these thematic buildings, foreign meats, pyramids of wool and obelisks of gold participants had to adhere, often unhappily, frequently features of colonial displays. At to the host nation’s classification system. the 1862 International Exhibition in London, Within their own courts, Australian Victoria’s gilded obelisk, which stood 44 feet colonies presented their displays as they high and represented the 800 tons of gold wished, and, with few exceptions, a mined in Victoria since 1851, was one of the ‘cabinet of curiosities’ approach prevailed, most popular exhibits. At the 1878 Exposition exhibits being crammed together with Universelle in Paris, visitor Frederick Young little regard for the implications of their particularly admired the:
22 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions trophies of New South Wales, Victoria, South number of historical trajectories. They Australia and Queensland … obelisks towering provide a snapshot, in material form, of up almost to the dome indicated the wealth colonial consciousness at the moment of of gold produced from our great southern the exhibition, and symbolise many of colonies; while a special one, still larger than the dilemmas and paradoxes confronting the others, was shown by South Australia to colonial governments and exhibition 42 represent the yield of her copper mines. organisers in the nineteenth century. Being seen as modern was essential While the design of colonial displays for participants in nineteenth-century generally emulated British and European exhibitions, and the idea of modernity styles, some design elements were distinctive. as it was manifested at exhibitions was Australia, for example, appears to have inextricably linked to industrialisation. taken to the relatively new medium of The colonies struggled to create an image photography more enthusiastically than of a viable manufacturing base. As Michael other nations or colonies. By the 1870s, Bogle says, ‘the contents of the colonial thousands of photographs of prominent displays and the rhetoric accompanying white colonists, landscapes and metropolitan them provide a measure of the slow move and regional development, as well as toward the independent conversion of images of Aboriginal Australians, were the colony’s raw materials into valuable being produced for private and public finished goods’.45 Understandably, only consumption in Australia and overseas. a small number of artisans or skilled Australian scientists and anthropologists, tradesmen — mostly cabinet-makers recognising the capacity of photography and coach makers from Van Diemen’s to represent their research, discoveries and Land — were represented in the colonial theories, created another stream of images.43 displays at the 1851 Great Exhibition in While photographic images of Australia London. Twenty-five years later, Australia’s appeared in earlier exhibitions, they made industrial performance had improved a significant impact in the 1876 Centennial only slightly, with few (only Victorian) Exhibition in Philadelphia. American Edward manufacturing exhibits on display at the C Bruce observed that ‘no American state 1876 Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia. could “show anything to compare with By the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in these pictures of the face of the country Chicago, colonial manufacturing exhibits and its structure … a perfect portraiture, still comprised a lacklustre collection, this in short, of the country”’, after seeing time of boots, bookbinding and an exhibit Richard Daintree’s coloured photographs of horseshoes.46 The continuing absence of Queensland’s ‘landscapes, geological of industrial technology, and its products, formations and Aboriginal scenes’ and reinforced the view of Australia as a natural Barnard Otto Holtermann’s unprecedented but undeveloped paradise waiting for people photographic panorama of Sydney.44 and capital to civilise it.47 Thinly populated and desperate for Negotiating colonial identities labour, Australia’s colonies looked for avenues to attract immigrants and found The nature and balance of content in exhibition attendance numbers, and the colonial displays enables us to chart the prospect that some could be enticed to journey of Australia’s colonies along a emigrate, irresistible.48 Australian displays
Louise Douglas 23 therefore contained objects and images the colonies possessed the accoutrements designed to prove to potential immigrants of civilised society. However, there was that one colony more than the other offered a constant contest between images of the most appealing future for the working civilisation and those representing Australia man and his family, with an abundance as a boundless source of raw materials. of information about education, housing From the beginning of the exhibition and employment. The virtues of the movement, educational organisations, climate were romantically blended with collecting institutions and learned societies seductive photographs of rural and urban were all deployed in the name of civilisation. locations. Even demonstrations such as Initially, the Royal Society of Van Diemen’s gold washing machines and exhibits, which Land sent a collection of papers and applied ‘modern science and technology proceedings (with Californian gold leaf to a seemingly limitless agricultural and used in the lettering) to the 1851 Great mineral foundation’, were part of the sales Exhibition in London.53 In subsequent pitch to potential settlers.49 Investment exhibitions, an increase in categories such opportunities were heavily promoted though as ‘instruction’, ‘works of art’ and the this was hardly necessary — British capital ‘liberal arts’ assisted the colonies, to some came easily and at high level from the degree, to present themselves as diverse 1870s, with investors financing the housing and cosmopolitan. Exhibits from women, construction boom, the pastoral and mining without whom moral and social progress industries and the creation of essential were not possible, were also encouraged. infrastructure such as transportation and Interestingly, Orr has calculated that, at least communication systems.50 Forensic analysis for the three exhibitions held in Australia of national economic statistics following between 1879 and 1888, women contributed participation in overseas exhibitions remains between 11 and 14 per cent of exhibits to be done, but there is some evidence, across all categories. This compares with particularly from Queensland, to suggest a participation rate of 1–4 per cent for that promotion at overseas exhibitions did American, French and British women at the indeed attract immigrants and capital. After 1878 Exposition Universelle in Paris.54 the 1862 International Exhibition in London, Exhibitions represented one of the few Queensland Commissioner Matthew Henry public forums where women could both Marsh wrote: ‘I think the Exhibition has be visible and at the same time have their done wonders in bringing the Colony into place in the private sphere reinforced. At the notice. Within my knowledge, it has induced 1851 Great Exhibition in London, women’s great numbers to emigrate … many of them exhibits included clothing, with those made with considerable capital’.51 Later in the from opossum dominating. For example, century, a rush of investment in Queensland Mrs Morrison from Sydney sent stockings mining after the 1886 Colonial and Indian and mitts, Mrs MacKenzie and Mrs E Tooth Exhibition provides one of the few examples from Van Diemen’s Land sent gloves, and of a direct correlation between participation Mrs MacKenzie also sent a lady’s cape. A in an exhibition and an increase in colonial more exotic exhibit — a ‘book of pressed economy activity.52 algae’ — came from Mrs Sharland of Pride also motivated exhibition George Town, Van Diemen’s Land.55 By the commissioners and organisers to present the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, best picture possible of the degree to which displays of women’s work had expanded
24 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions and become a major feature.56 In Australia’s The emphasis placed on Australia as 1893 displays, clothing made from opossum a primary producer partly countered the fur was prominent again but exhibits also message that Australia was more than a reflected that women were now involved in source of raw materials for British and a broader range of activities: ‘30 specimens world manufacturing. Lieutenant Colonel of furs, a number of the most remarkable Macarthur sent 132 merino wool fleeces, birds and animals, specimens of woods, derived from his father’s original flock, various exhibits in photography, lace making, to the 1851 Great Exhibition in London knitting, illuminating, modelling, painting and, from then, wool dominated colonial and printing’. The dynamic Margaret displays just as it did Australia’s economy.61 Windeyer, president of the Woman’s Work Wool’s profile was enhanced by winning Committee, reassured readers of her final prizes, including a grand jury prize awarded report that ‘the skills in … plain and fancy to New South Wales wool at the 1878 needlework … brought to the far-off land Exposition Universelle in Paris.62 The design by our mothers and foremothers has not of Australia’s wool displays consistently degenerated’.57 attracted comment. The New South Wales Despite the efforts of organisers to wool display at the 1893 World’s Columbian emphasis culture and sophistication, the Exposition in Chicago featured a ‘solid wall trope of Australia as a source of minerals of wool’ and ‘pyramidal trophies of wool dominated colonial displays both in terms of bales’ with a ‘very large entablature … in space and attention from visitors. Tangkillo large letters and figures the most important Reedy Creek Mine and the Barossa Range statistics of our wool industry’. The Mining Company were the first to represent executive commissioner reported that ‘the the mining wealth of Australia with their court … was visited by all the leading wool- small exhibit of copper ore samples at the growers of America and elsewhere, and in 1851 Great Exhibition in London. Later all the leading papers dealing with wool, milestones included Queensland’s full-sized commendations of the highest character gold battery at the 1886 Colonial and Indian were expressed at the value and interest of Exhibition in London which ‘crushed and the exhibition. No other country had such a treated some 300 tons of ore sent from the display, and it was universally acknowledged colony’. This was seen as the ‘quintessential to be the finest and best arranged in the symbol of colonial progress’ and ‘amongst Agricultural Building’.63 the leading features of the Exhibition’.58 The idea of Australia as an egalitarian Queensland also sent an impressive gold and classless society, where advancement trophy comprising 1407 specimens of and prosperity could be gained for any man ores and quartz.59 By the time of the 1893 or woman with commitment and enterprise, World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago the was another strong theme of colonial mining display occupied 11 per cent of displays. Functioning primarily as part of the the total space allocated to Australia and promotional apparatus to attract immigrants, featured a handsome 40-foot high ‘silvered the principle of inclusiveness clearly did column’ erected by Broken Hill Proprietary not apply to Australia’s first inhabitants. Company.60 It is worth noting that mineral Aboriginal Australians were not considered exhibits also performed an important role part of the colony’s citizenry and were as advertisements to stimulate further regarded with either pity or fear or strictly as investment in the colonies. the focus of scientific interest. Nineteenth-
Louise Douglas 25 century museums and exhibitions reflected By the 1860s, following increasing these attitudes in the way Aboriginal people violence between Aboriginal people and were present, or absent, in their displays.64 settlers, the emphasis had shifted to portrayals Aboriginal life was represented at the of Aboriginal people ‘on the other side of 1851 Great Exhibition in London by four the frontier’ who were to be feared and models of ‘canoes of the aborigines of overcome. In this context, weapons, as Van Diemen’s Land … made of Melaleuca signifiers of the threat under which heroic squarrosa bark’ and described in the catalogue settlers lived, were increasingly prominent. as being used to travel between the mainland When New South Wales sent a large and ‘Brune [Brunie] Island’.65 On reviewing collection of Indigenous material to the these models, one British commentator 1867 Universelle Exposition in Paris, Aboriginal deplored the decimation of Indigenous people were described in terms of their ‘stone Tasmanians. This gave colonial display age’ state and used to contrast with ‘man in organisers an early indication that some parts the golden age of his present civilisation, as of the international community were aware existing in the great capitals of the old world’. of the decline of Aboriginal society, making Although the exhibits included decorative their presence in overseas exhibitions and functional items, objects associated with potentially problematic.66 A broader group death and weapons were highlighted. They of objects collected by John Hunter Kerr, included ‘aboriginal memorials’: ‘two caps of a sympathetic squatter in Victoria’s Loddon clay, worn by the aboriginal widows for 12 River district committed to documenting months during mourning’, and a ‘skull of an Aboriginal culture, was displayed at the 1855 aboriginal female’.70 Exposition Universelle in Paris.67 The display Weapons were often used as a included photographs taken by Kerr and major element of display ‘decoration’. objects relating to women’s work, items of Contemporary photographs of nineteenth- ceremonial significance, tools and weapons, century colonial displays reveal how multiple skins, and ‘two ‘native drawings on bark’, spears in vertical rows were often placed one showing a kangaroo and other animals at the entrance to colonial courts. In some being hunted, and the other one Aboriginal cases, such as the 1876 Centennial Exhibition dancers wearing emu feather headdresses.68 in Philadelphia, organisers specifically sought As Willis argues: Aboriginal weapons and implements from ‘amateur collectors, government offices The products and crafts of Indigenous and public institutions’. Here they were peoples of the colonised world — the displayed not only to contrast with the objects that would be dismissed as ‘curios’ or ‘curiosities’ by later generations — then progress of European civilisation but also formed part of the large displays presented to ‘draw parallels between the American and by colonial powers and were not separated Australian frontier experience’. The display off into disconnected displays arranged by contained nullas, clubs and boomerangs ethnicity. It was colonialism, rather than (from Thomas Brown, Member of the race or ethnicity, that was being displayed. Legislative Assembly, Eskbank, Bowenfels), Indigenous items were on display in the ‘mogos’ or stone hatchets (from JF Wilcox, 1850s essentially as examples of ‘native Clarence River) and included a description industry’ and adaptability, and as indicators of how they were made.71 The already of the workmanship and common humanity established pattern of making weapons of people from all parts of the world.69 prominent was reinforced as a result of
26 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions the Australian specimens being compared Exhibition refused an offer from Mr Harry with ‘an international array of swords’ in a Stockdale ‘to display of 50 or 60 natives of publication entitled ‘A study of the savage the Northern Territory of South Australia’.75 weapons at the Centennial Exhibition, Roslyn Poignant’s work, in tracing the Philadelphia, 1876’, by Edward H Knight. story of two Aboriginal groups taken from Knight was ‘struck by the absence of metal Queensland to tour the world in the 1880s work and the limited variety’, ‘astonished by and 1890s by an entertainment entrepreneur, the Aborigines’ success with the throwing indicates that one of these groups may stick’, but dismissed other signs of skill in the have performed for a short time at the 1893 development of weapons, ‘as technological exhibition, but not as a formal part of the transfers from outside Australia’.72 exhibition program.76 Nervous because The attitude of colonial exhibition the plight of Aboriginal Australians had commissions to the practice of featuring become a matter of international debate, living Indigenous people at overseas colonial organisers continued to prefer wax exhibitions illustrates one aspect of the figures in dioramas, pictorial images and ambivalence of Australian governments objects rather than living Aboriginal people towards the representation of Aboriginal who undoubtedly would attract even more people. The practice began at the 1867 unnecessary international attention. By Universelle Exposition in Paris and grew to the end of the century, live exhibits began become one of the most popular aspects of to fall out of favour and the enormous nineteenth-century exhibitions. Depending village of Filipinos present at the 1904 on the nature of the overall exhibition and International Exhibition in St Louis (as a whether the organisers saw the Indigenous symbol of American imperialism) was the component as amusing or educational, last substantial display of this kind. Indigenous peoples were presented variously as craftsmen, curiosities or freaks, specimens or objects of scientific curiosity, or trophies Conclusion of conquest in the amusement zone.73 By the 1880s, exhibits of Indigenous people Young colonies, embarking on the were an integral part of the colour and exotic process of economic, social, cultural atmosphere of the exhibition site. At the and political formation, were even more 1886 Colonial and Indian Exhibition in London, keenly motivated than mature nations a compound outside the main exhibition to participate in, and sometimes host, featured Indigenous people from Britain’s exhibitions. Exhibitions, which operated empire, including Red Indians from British as a key force in international information Guiana and Hong Kong Chinese.74 France networks for government, commerce brought whole villages from their empire to and culture, were important to Australia’s the 1889 Universelle Exposition in Paris. colonies for two reasons. Pragmatically, There is no evidence that any colonial they were used to attract people and capital government seriously entertained the idea to Australia and, more conceptually, they of using Aboriginal people as exhibits at enhanced colonial identity in the wider overseas exhibitions, despite high levels world. However, perceptions of the colonies of scientific and anthropological interest. were refracted through complicated national In 1891, the New South Wales organising and imperial frameworks which affected committee for the 1893 World’s Columbian how the messages of colonial displays were
Louise Douglas 27 received. Although Melbourne and Sydney Notes were highly cosmopolitan centres, colonial attempts to present themselves in the most 1 In Tom Campbell, ‘George R Dibbs: Letters and publications’, unpublished ms., 1996, p. 220. positive and optimistic light were also 2 The following terminology is used in this paper: thwarted by the reality that their economies ‘exhibition’ for an international exhibition; were still in the early stages of development. ‘display’ for a subset of exhibitions, for Colonies’ conscious attempts to example, those of the colonies; and ‘exhibit’ for represent an advanced level of modernity specific items or groups of items. and civilisation struggled in the context 3 Robert W Rydell, All the World’s a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876– of the overriding perception that they 1916, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1984; were primarily sources of raw materials or Robert W Rydell, World of Fairs: The Century primary produce. This was exacerbated by of Progress Expositions, Chicago University Britain’s view that their value was in the Press, Chicago, 1993; John E Findling & economic contribution their raw materials Kimberley D Pelle, Fair America: World’s Fairs in made to British industry and to the strength the United States, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, 2000; Burton Benedict et al., of the Empire. In other words, what the The Anthropology of World’s Fairs: Panama Pacific colonies wanted to emphasise in their International Exposition, 1915, Lowie Museum displays was not necessarily in the interests of Anthropology with Scolar Press, London of Britain or the Empire. In representations and Berkeley, 1983; Peter H Hoffenberg, An of Aboriginal Australians, display organisers Empire on Display: English, Indian and Australian found it difficult to resolve the tension Exhibitions from the Crystal Palace to the Great between high levels of scientific and popular War, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2001; John M MacKenzie (ed.), Imperialism and interest and the worldwide awareness of Popular Culture, Manchester University Press, the decimation of Aboriginal life. That Manchester, 1986; Jeffrey A Auerbach, The Aboriginal people could not be presented as Great Exhibition of 1851: A Nation on Display, part of mainstream colonial culture in the Yale University Press, New Haven and London, displays also contradicted the message that 1999; Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Australia was a free and democratic society. Expositions Universelles, Great Exhibitions and World’s Fairs, 1851–1939, Manchester University The ‘together or separate’ narrative Press, Manchester, 1988. running through the development of 4 Annie Coombs, Reinventing Africa: Museums, colonial displays for overseas consumption Material Culture and Popular Imagination in Late neatly charts the lack of resolution around Victorian and Edwardian England, Yale University intercolonial relationships. As Orr contends, Press, New Haven, 1994; Elizabeth Willis, local exhibitions played an important role in ‘Exhibiting Aboriginal industry: A story behind a “rediscovered” bark drawing from Victoria’, solidifying a national consciousness primarily Aboriginal History, vol. 27, 2003, 39–58; Penelope because they could be experienced by the Edmonds, ‘The Le Souef box: Reflections Australian populace. In contrast, colonial on imperial nostalgia, material culture and participation in exhibitions overseas was exhibitionary practice in colonial Victoria’, more abstract and imagined, and therefore Historical Studies, vol. 37, no. 127, April 2006, a less potent force in the development of 117–39; Maurice Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at World’s momentum towards Federation. Fairs: Crafting a Modern Nation, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1996. 5 Judith McKay, Showing Off: Queensland at World This paper has been independently Expositions 1862–1988, Central Queensland peer-reviewed. University Press, Queensland Museum,
28 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions Rockhampton and Brisbane, 2004; David from Commissioners, Inspectors and Others, vol. Dunstan (ed.), Victorian Icon: The Royal Exhibition 49, January 1908 – 21 December 1908, His Building, Melbourne, The Exhibition Trustees, Majesty’s Stationery Office by Wyman and Sons Melbourne, 1996; Peter Proudfoot, Roslyn Ltd, London, 1907, p. 57. Maguire & Robert Freestone (eds), Colonial City, 12 ibid., p. 8. Global City: Sydney’s International Exhibition 1879, 13 ibid., p. 1. Crossing Press, Sydney, 2000; Graeme Davison, 14 ibid., pp. 181–2. Collins took Victorian displays ‘Festivals of nationhood: The international to Vienna in 1873, Philadelphia in 1876 and exhibitions’, in SL Goldberg & FB Smith, Paris in 1878. He organised the Melbourne Australian Cultural History, Cambridge University Exhibition in 1880–81 and then the British Press, New York, 1988; Graeme Davison, ‘The Section for the Adelaide Exhibition in 1887. culture of the international exhibitions’, in 15 JG Knight, The Australasian Colonies at the Dunstan (ed.), Victorian Icon; Graeme Davison, International Exhibition, London, 1862 — The Rise and Fall of Marvellous Melbourne, Extracts from the Reports of the Jurors and Other Melbourne University Press, 1978 and 2007; Information taken from Official Sources, John Ferres, Martha Sear, ‘Unworded proclamations: Government Printer, Melbourne, 1865, p. 2. Exhibitions of women’s work in colonial 16 Sir William Denison, Address to Members Australia’, PhD thesis, University of Sydney, of Australian Agricultural and Horticultural 2000; Kirsten Orr, ‘A force for Federation: Societies, Reading and Wellbank, Sydney, 1855, International exhibitions and the formation quoted in Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display, of Australian ethos, 1851–1901’, PhD thesis, p. 132. La Trobe University, 2005; Ewan Johnston, 17 Robert Burdett Smith [Collection of speeches made ‘Representing the Pacific at international and printed to honor departure of Robert Burdett Smith exhibitions, 1851–1940’, PhD thesis, University to Indian and Colonial Exhibition 1886], n.p., n.d. of Auckland, 1999. [pp. 12–13]. 6 John E Findling & Kimberley D Pelle 18 Letter, H Tozer to Chief Secretary, 2 December (eds), Historical Dictionary of World’s Fairs and 1901, in McKay, Showing Off, p. 4. Expositions, 1851–1988, Greenwood Press, 19 McKay, Showing Off, p. 9. New York, 1990, pp. 382–402. 20 Richard White, ‘Imagining: Representing 7 ibid., p. 45. Australia’, in Graeme Davison & Kimberley 8 Other exhibitions in Australia had international Webber (eds), Yesterday’s Tomorrows: The representation, for example, the 1887–88 Jubilee Powerhouse Museum and its Precursors 1880–2005, International Exhibition in Adelaide, the 1894–95 Powerhouse Publishing in association with Tasmanian International Exhibition in Hobart University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, and the 1897 Queensland International Exhibition 2005, p. 130. in Brisbane. However, these are generally not 21 Australia exhibited frequently in many other accorded international exhibition status due cities around the world, including in Calcutta in to their smaller size and low level of foreign 1883–84 where Australian displays were similar representation. to others, but with a slightly stronger orientation 9 Arthur Renwick, Report of the Executive to encouraging trade between Australia Commissioner for New South Wales to the World’s and India. For a comprehensive analysis of Columbian Exhibition, Chicago, 1893, Charles Australian displays in British Imperial India, see Potter, Government Printer, Sydney, 1894, p. 51. Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display. 10 Jeffrey A Auerbach, The Great Exhibition of 22 Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute, London, 1851: A Nation on Display, Yale University Press, vol. 10, 1878–79, quoted in McKay, Showing Off, New Haven and London, 1999, p. 4. p. 33. 11 International Exhibitions Committee, ‘Report 23 FJ Mines, quoted in KT Livingston, The Wire of the Committee Appointed by the Board Nation Continent: The Communication Revolution of Trade to Make Enquiries with Reference and Federating Australia, Oxford University Press, to the Participation of Great Britain in Melbourne, 1996, p. 17. Great International Exhibitions’, in Reports 24 Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display, p. 10;
Louise Douglas 29 Despatch Book: Governor to Secretary of 37 Sear’s ‘Unworded proclamations’ provides a State, vol. 8, nos 64, 15 June 1875; 65, 6 July comprehensive account of Margaret Windeyer’s 1875; and 92, 6 September 1875, Victoria Public exhibition management role. Record Service, VPRS 1084, quoted in Marc 38 For a detailed discussion of the evolution of Rothenberg & Peter H Hoffenberg, ‘Australia the classification systems used at international at the 1876 Exhibition in Philadelphia’, Historical exhibitions, see John Allwood, ‘International Records of Australian Science, vol. 8, no. 2, exhibitions and the classification of their June 1990, 55–62 (p. 57). exhibits’, Journal of Royal Society of Arts, vol. 128, 25 Chamber of Manufacturers of Premier, 1979–80, pp. 450–5; for a succinct overview see ‘Papers in connection with Chicago Exhibition’, Benedict et al., The Anthropology of World’s Fairs, 30 September 1891, quoted in Hoffenberg, pp. 27–41. An Empire on Display, p. 123. 39 Pamphlets issued by the New South Wales 26 ‘Correspondence and papers relating to the Commissioners for the World’s Columbian Exposition, World’s Columbian Exposition’, Chicago, 1891– Chicago, 1893, for the Information of Visitors to the 1893’, quoted in Hoffenberg, An Empire on Exhibition, the American Public and Others Interested Display, p. 10. (2 vols), Charles Potter, Government Printer, 27 [William McMillan], Report of the President of the Sydney, 1893. New South Wales Commission: World’s Columbian 40 Article, Sydney Morning Herald, 29 October 1878, Exposition, Chicago, 1893, Charles Potter, quoted in Linda Young, ‘Let them see how like Government Printer, Sydney, 1894, pp. 5, 10, England we can be: An account of the Sydney 15–16. International Exhibition, 1879’, MA thesis, 28 Letter, George R Dibbs to Sir Edmund Barton, University of Sydney, 1983, p. 35. New South Wales Attorney-General, 23 June 41 Davison, ‘The culture of the international 1892, in Campbell, ‘George R Dibbs’, p. 121. exhibitions’, p. 13. 29 Royal Commission for the Chicago Exhibition, 1893: 42 Frederick Young, England and her Colonies at Official Catalogue of the British Section, William the Paris Exhibition [1878]: A Paper Read at the Clowes and Son, London, 1893, p. vii; John Opening Meeting of Session 1878–79 of The Royal J Flinn, The Best Things to Be Seen at the World’s Colonial Institute, 19 November 1878, Unwin Fair, The Columbian Guide Company, Chicago Brothers, Printers, London, 1878, p. 9. [1893], p. 143. 43 Helen Ennis, Photography and Australia, Reaktion 30 International Exhibitions Committee, Books, London [2007], pp. 27, 37. ‘Report’, p. 4. 44 Edward C Bruce, in McKay, Showing Off, p. 25; 31 Tom Griffiths, Hunters and Collectors: The Rothenberg & Hoffenberg, ‘Australia at the Antiquarian Imagination in Australia, Cambridge 1876 Exhibition’ (p. 58). University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p. 18; Ann 45 Michael Bogle, Design in Australia, 1880–1970, Moyal, ‘A Bright and Savage Land’: Scientists in Craftsman House/G&B Arts International, Colonial Australia, Collins, Sydney, 1986, chapter 5. Sydney, [1998], p. 28. 32 Dunstan (ed.), Victorian Icon, pp. 23–4. 46 Renwick, Report, p. 223. 33 Official Catalogue of the Natural and Industrial 47 Rothenberg & Hoffenberg, ‘Australia at the Products of New South Wales, Forwarded to the 1876 Exhibition’ (p. 59). International Exhibition 1876 at Philadelphia, 48 With the shortage of labour a critical issue, the Thomas Richards, Government Printer, Sydney, colonies competed fiercely against each other 1876, n.p. to attract the best and most migrants until 34 Catalogue of the Natural and Industrial Products the Commonwealth took responsibility for of New South Wales Exhibited in the Australian migration in 1920. Museum by the Paris Exhibition Commissioners, 49 Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display, p. 142. Sydney, November, 1854, Reading and Wellbank, 50 Peter Cochrane, Industrialisation and Dependence: Sydney [1854], p. 88. Australia’s Road to Economic Development, 1870–1939, 35 Catalogue of the Natural and Industrial Products of University of Queensland Press, Brisbane, 1980; New South Wales, pp. 3–5, passim. Robert Birrell, A Nation of Our Own: Citizenship 36 Hoffenberg, An Empire on Display, p. 36. and Nation-Building in Federation Australia, Longman
30 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions Australia, Melbourne, 1995, p. 82. 65 Ellis, Official Catalogue, p. 997. Although they 51 Letter, MH Marsh to Colonial Secretary, 22 were not listed in the official catalogue, November 1862, in McKay, Showing Off, p. 6; see Elizabeth Willis cites a contemporary London also Robert D Grant, Representations of British journalist who describes Tasmanian shell Emigration, Colonisation and Settlement: Imagining necklaces, baskets and water vessels made Empire, 1800–1860, Palgrave Macmillan, from seaweeds which appear to have been Basingstoke, 2005 for a comprehensive displayed in conjunction with the canoes: Willis, discussion of the earlier period. ‘Exhibiting Aboriginal industry’, p. 48. 52 Letter, JF Garrick to Chief Secretary, 10 66 The Crystal Palace and its Contents, quoted in September 1886, QSA, COL/A99, 1886/7811, Willis, ‘Exhibiting Aboriginal industry’ (p. 48); quoted in McKay, Showing Off, pp. 38–9, 42. Ian Coates, senior curator, National Museum of 53 Robert Ellis (ed.), Official Catalogue of the Great Australia, has recently studied the Indigenous Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, collections of the British Museum and has 1851, Spicer Brothers Wholesale Stationers and located a number of these objects which the W Clowes and Sons, Printers, London, 1851, British Museum believes were exhibited in the vol. 1, pp. 987–1000. 54 Kirsten Orr, ‘A force for federation: 1851 exhibition. International exhibitions and the formation 67 JH Kerr’s contribution to the 1855 exhibition of Australian ethos, 1851–1901’, PhD thesis, and the approach to the collection and display La Trobe University, 2005, p. 157. of Indigenous Victorians in the 1850s and 55 Ellis, Official Catalogue, pp. 968–1000. 1860s has been researched and described by 56 For detailed analysis of both the preparatory Elizabeth Willis in ‘Exhibiting Aboriginal exhibition and the display that went to Chicago, industry’ (pp. 39–58). see Sear, ‘Unworded proclamations’. 68 The full list of exhibits in Kerr’s display is: ‘no. 57 [McMillan], Report, pp. 51–2. 7 Skins of opossums worked by Aborigines; 58 Letter, JF Garrick to Chief Secretary. no. 10 Waddies; no. 11 Kangaroo Rat Skins 59 ibid. used in Corrobberys; no. 12 Boomerangs — 60 Renwick, Report, p. 141. Loddon and Murray Tribes; no. 13 Native 61 Information on the contents of Australian Tomahawks; no. 14 Native Boys’ Play Sticks; exhibits is taken from Ellis (ed.), Official Catalogue, no. 15 Native Grass wrought by Lubras; no. pp. 987–1000. This section of the Catalogue 16 Native Drawings on Bark; no. 17 Spears; implies that Van Diemen’s Land appears to no. 18 Emu feathers used in Corrobberys; no. have the larger display in terms of the number 19 Spear Throwers’. See Official Catalogue of the of exhibits contradicts information on spatial Melbourne Exhibition, 1854, in Connexion with the allocations on p. 17 of the Supplement where Paris Exhibition 1855, F. Sinnett and Company, New South Wales has the largest area by square Melbourne, 1854. feet. Official catalogues, often produced in great 69 Benedict et al., The Anthropology of World’s haste in time for opening even though not all the Fairs, p. 41. exhibits had arrived at the exhibition, and when 70 TA Murray, A Description of the Natural and last-minute changes were being made to the Industrial Products of New South Wales as forwarded to location of displays, are notoriously unreliable. the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1867, in Intercolonial 62 Young, England and her Colonies at the Paris Exhibition, pp. 11–15, passim; McKay, Showing Exhibition of Australasia, Melbourne 1866–67: Off, p. 9. Official Record, Containing Introduction, Catalogues, 63 Renwick, Report, pp. 90–1. Reports and Awards of the Jurors and Essays and 64 See Lynette Russell, Savage Imaginings: Historical Statistics of the Social and Economic Resources and Contemporary Constructions of Australian of the Australasian Colonies, Blundell and Co., Aboriginalities, Australian Scholarly Publishing, Melbourne, 1867, p. 356; Catalogue of the Natural Melbourne, 2001, especially ‘Images of and Industrial Products of New South Wales forwarded Power: Colonial Relationships and Museum to the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1867 by the New Representations of Aboriginal Australia’, South Wales Commissioners, Thomas A Richards, pp. 38–72. Government Printer, Sydney, 1867, p. 38.
Louise Douglas 31 71 Official Catalogue of the Natural and Industrial Products of New South Wales, p. 43. 72 Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution … for the Year 1879, quoted in Rothenberg & Hoffenberg, ‘Australia at the 1876 Exhibition’ (pp. 59–60). 73 Benedict et al., The Anthropology of World’s Fairs, pp. 43–5. 74 John M MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880–1960, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1986, p. 114. 75 [McMillan], Report, p. 9. 76 Ros Poignant, Professional Savages: Captive Lives and Western Spectacle, Yale University Press, New Haven [2004].
Citation guide Louise Douglas, ‘Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions’, reCollections: Journal of the National Museum of Australia, vol. 3, no. 1 (2008), pp. 13–32.
Author Louise Douglas is general manager, audiences and programs, at the National Museum of Australia. She has worked in cultural heritage management for 20 years at senior and executive management levels at both the Powerhouse Museum and the National Museum of Australia.
32 Representing colonial Australia at British, American and European international exhibitions