Austin Bryan 12/14/2020 Subversive Patriots Presidential

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Austin Bryan 12/14/2020 Subversive Patriots Presidential Austin Bryan 12/14/2020 Subversive Patriots Presidential historian Jon Meacham recently stated that “history [...] has a wonderful way of changing how we view things. In real time, people or events that are dismissed or derided can 1 come to look better and loom larger in retrospect.” ​ Such a historiographical lesson is perhaps ​ indispensable in evaluating the merit of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade’s commitment to fighting fascism in Spain. It is commonly accepted today that the allied effort in the second World War was an absolutely necessary and righteous rejection of Nazism, Italian fascism, and Japanese imperialism. What’s less commonly considered is the pre-war reluctance, throughout the 1930s, of democratic Europe and the United States to oppose the territorial expansion, and military buildup, of fascist European regimes. The notion of negotiating with Hitler appears, with historical hindsight, akin to madness. The hard lessons learnt from Munich, however, prove that within the contemporaneous political landscape, appeasement, and tangentially non-intervention, were considered reasonable policies to the end of avoiding another calamitous war. Waiting in the wings for his history-defining service as the British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill was a famous dissenting voice within conservative circles regarding appeasement. Less widely acknowledged in their prescient assessment of the danger of fascism were the roughly 3,000 American volunteers who combated a fascist uprising in Spain, on the eve of global war.2 ​ The Spanish Civil War is an historical event which, when viewed from the future, does assume greater significance as a prelude, of sorts, to the following world war. The war began as an attempted military coup initiated by several prominent Spanish generals, in July of 1936. As 1 Jon Meacham, "Ronald Reagan's Farewell Address," C13Originals, 2020, ep. 5. 2 C​ ary Nelson and Jefferson Hendricks, Madrid 1937 (New York: Routledge, 1996), 1. the Second Spanish Republic (the formally recognized, left-leaning, and democratic government of Spain) successfully resisted the capture of eastern Spain by the fascist rebels, the coup became a prolonged civil war that would ultimately end in April of 1939, in a nationalist (fascist/rebel) victory. Early in the course of the conflict, Francisco Franco assumed leadership of the nationalist faction, supported with arms and air support from Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. The Second Spanish Republic, in turn, received munitions from the Soviet Union in exchange for Spanish gold reserves. While the republic was still formally recognized by the United States, Great Britain, and France up until its eventual defeat, these nations assumed positions of neutrality and policies of non-intervention in regards to the Spanish Civil War.3 ​ The American reluctance to become entangled in the conflict can be explained by a general isolationist sentiment that characterized the US approach towards Europe in the 1930s. The British and French policies towards Spain can be understood as partially stemming from a miscalculated acceptance of false German assurances of non-intervention. The republican war effort was bolstered, however, by the presence of international volunteer soldiers who were organized into the International Brigades by the Soviet organization Comintern (communist international). The American volunteers were organized into a Washington Battalion and an Abraham Lincoln Battalion, later combined and collectively referred to as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Most of the Lincoln volunteers veered left to far-left in their politics, and demonstrated in their writings a coincidentally limited understanding of the totalitarian nature of the USSR.4 ​ But in more earnestly considering the perspective of these early American anti-fascists, it becomes clear that much of their commitment to preserving Spanish democracy can be drawn from their own objections to the political and social climate of America at the time. The service 3 Ibid., 1; Brian Domitrovic, “There Must Be Moscow Gold,” Forbes; Nelson and Hendricks, 3. ​ 4 Ibid., 3; Ibid., 307. ​ and writings of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade expressed discontentment with the politics of 1930s America, and a desire for change. Namely, these grievances are best understood through the issues of racial injustice, isolationism, and the lack of political and social tolerance for left-leaning ALB veterans. The Abraham Lincoln Brigade was one of the first racially integrated American fighting units, with black and white soldiers fighting alongside each other, 11 years ahead of President Truman’s executive order to integrate the previously segregated US military in 1948. More than 80 African-Americans served in the ALB. Some of these men rose to the ranks of company 5 captains during the course of the war. ​ Moreover, in the many personal writings and testimony of ​ black ALB veterans, these men consistently praise the openness of the Spanish people and the International Brigades to fighting with black soldiers. When asked by a US Subversive Activities Control Board member, in 1954, whether he felt as though he had been treated unfairly on the basis of race by his peers in the International Brigades, ALB veteran Crawford Morgan offered a poignant response: “No, from the time I arrived in Spain until the time I left, for that period of my life I felt like a human being [...] People didn’t look at me with hatred in their eyes because I was black, and I wasn’t refused [anything] because I was black. I was treated like all the rest of the people were treated, and when you [...] have been treated worse than people treat their dogs, it is quite a nice feeling to go someplace and you feel like a human being.”6 ​ Integrated service in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade reflected a progressive racial outlook on the part of American volunteers that stood in contrast to racial attitudes in 1930s America that were shaded by Jim Crow. The Lincoln vets’ frustrations towards segregation were exacerbated for the 5 Peter Carroll, The Good Fight Continues (New York: New York University Press, 2008), 116; Langston Hughes, ​ "Harlem Ball Player Now Captain in Spain,” Afro-American, February 12 1938, 6. 6 Carroll, 258. many ALB vets who elected to join the US military for a second go against fascism in WWII.7 ​ For black soldiers going from service in an integrated outfit to a segregated army, the transition highlighted a rather obvious hypocrisy on the part of a country mobilizing against the Nazi 8 regime and its odious racial philosophies. ​ Even prior to reintroduction to segregated service, ​ while in Spain, Lincolns wrote extensively on racial injustice and the need to overthrow racism in the US. Many believed that their service in Spain would aid in the battle against Jim Crow, given that, to the Lincoln Brigade, Jim Crow policies were emblematic of a form of American fascism. This sentiment is reflected in letters written by veteran Canute Frankson: “why I, a Negro [...] am here in Spain today? [...] Because if we crush fascism here, we’ll save our people 9 in America.” ​ He reiterated this belief a year later, in another letter: ​ “I do hope that everyone of you who love liberty and democracy has done, and is doing, everything to help our cause here [...] You must understand, by now, that our fight is inseparable from the struggle of the progressives of the world who fight to put an end to tyranny [...] And that we can never think of freedom for our oppressed race until a realm of freedom and democracy is established for the whole people.”10 ​ The experiences of ALB volunteers fighting in integrated units in Spain underscored their acrimony towards racial relations in the US. Their service abroad, and their writings, serve as a repudiation for what the Lincolns perceived as shades of fascism in Jim Crow policy. In his letter, Frankson's allusion to the ‘whole people’ reveals another characteristic of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade members, a commitment to internationalism. In many of their actions and writings, this feeling is most obviously manifested in their critiques of American 7 Carroll, 127. 8 Ibid., 136. ​ 9 Nelson and Hendricks, 34. 10 Ibid., 132. isolationism. The United States enacted an arms embargo as the war began in order to maintain a position of neutrality. General American opinion tentatively sided with the Spanish republicans, 11 but with a tremendous Catholic influence that supported the rebels. ​ This dichotomy resulted in ​ occasional clashes between groups that supported the ALB at home, such as the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (VALB) or the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (FALB), and Catholics who were supportive of the arms embargo and policy of neutrality.12 ​ In a New York Times article dated to December of 1938, it was reported that labor union ​ ​ affiliates were supporting VALB and FALB in their efforts urging President Roosevelt to lift the embargo on Spain. Archie Brown wrote a month earlier on rumors circulating through the brigade of Roosevelt’s desire to lift the embargo: “Today’s papers carry the story that Roosevelt will propose the lifting of the embargo on Spain [...] Boy what the Spanish people couldn’t do with a few more artillery pieces & planes & of course food [...] The people of Spain need guns & food.” While this hope (that the Spanish people would win out against the nationalists with military aid) was present among the Lincolns throughout the war, it gained additional credence and fervor following the relatively successful Ebro offensive. Following a limited resupply of munitions from the Soviet Union, the International Brigades were able to mount a surprise attack across the Ebro river. Until Franco’s reinforcements arrived, the brigades performed with incredible competence given their comparative lack of arms. Following the Ebro offensive, Lincolns became incredibly confident that the rousing performance of the brigades could convince the democratic powers to lift their embargos, ditch their neutrality policies, and support the republic in a substantive way.
Recommended publications
  • Sharpening EU Sanctions Policy for a Geopolitical Era
    Niklas Helwig, Juha Jokela, Clara Portela Sharpening EU sanctions policy for a geopolitical era Publications of the Government´s analysis, assessment and research activities 31/2017 ISSN 2342-6799 ISBN PDF 978-952-287-935-6 Publications of the Government´s analysis, assessment and research activities 2020:31 Sharpening EU sanctions policy for a geopolitical era Niklas Helwig, Juha Jokela, Clara Portela (eds.) Prime Minister’s Office Helsinki 2020 Prime Minister’s Office ISBN PDF: 978-952-287-935-6 Author and Niklas Helwig & Juha Jokela, Finnish Institute of International Affairs organization: Clara Portela, University of Valencia (Spain) Helsinki 2020 Description sheet Published by Prime Minister’s Office 27 May 2020 Authors Niklas Helwig, Juha Jokela, Clara Portela (eds.) Title of publication Sharpening EU sanctions policy for a geopolitical era Series and publication Publications of the Government´s analysis, assessment and research activities number 2020:31 ISBN PDF 978-952-287-935-6 ISSN PDF 2342-6799 Website address URN http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-952-287-935-6 Pages 203 Language English European Union, Common Foreign and Security Policy, sanctions, Brexit, United Kingdom, Transatlantic Keywords relations, International Relations, restrictive measures, economic sanctions, Russia, research, research activities Abstract The European Union (EU) increasingly uses sanctions in order to respond to breaches of international norms and adverse security developments in its neighbourhood and beyond. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state of EU sanctions and discusses options on how to maintain them as an effective tool. The study identifies the withdrawal of the UK as one of main architects of the instrument and an increasingly unilateral and unpredictable US sanctions policy as key challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
    The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 Also by David Renton RED SHIRTS AND BLACK: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Oxford in the ‘Thirties FASCISM: Theory and Practice FASCISM, ANTI-FASCISM AND BRITAIN IN THE 1940s THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A Century of Wars and Revolutions? (with Keith Flett) SOCIALISM IN LIVERPOOL: Episodes in a History of Working-Class Struggle THIS ROUGH GAME: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History MARX ON GLOBALISATION CLASSICAL MARXISM: Socialist Theory and the Second International The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 James Eaden and David Renton © James Eaden and David Renton 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-94968-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Command Series
    GLOBAL COMMAND SERIES v3.0 A Global War Expansion Designed by Will Henson Revision by Hans van der Leeuw & Delaja Schuppers Overview v3.0 HBG’s Spanish Civil War version 3.0 (SCW3.0) expansion provides a new set of rules, pieces and markers to play out this epic conflict within a game of Global War! Here you will find rules for Intervention by foreign powers, new consequences players face for victory (or defeat!), a set of advanced rules for the event markers of which some represent the different historical Factions that got involved in this bloody conflict that ended Spain’s colonial power. 2 Spanish Civil War Set Contents Republican (Plum colored) Nationalist (Yellow colored) · 8 Infantry · 8 Infantry · 2 Motorized Infantry · 2 Motorized Infantry Opel · 4 Artillery 122mm · 4 Artillery 75-7 Veld · 2 Light Armor T-26 · 2 Light Armor 38t · 2 Medium Armor T-34 · 2 Medium Armor Pz III · 2 Fighters I-16 · 2 Fighters FW-190 · 1 Tactical Bomber Su-2 · 1 Cruiser · 1 Medium Bomber IL-4 · 1 Transport · 1 Cruiser · 2 Destroyers · 1 Transport · 1 Battleship España-Class (3D · 2 Destroyers Printed) (Black colored) (Brown colored) · 2 Anti-Aircraft Artillery · 2 Anti-Aircraft Artillery · 1 Air transport (Condor Legion) Markers for specific units Markers for general purpose · 6 Spanish Blue Division Markers · 1 set of 10 Nationalist Roundels · 2 German Condor Legion Markers · 1 set of 10 Republican Roundels · 1 Italian Aviazione Legionaria · 5 Cavalry Markers · 1 Soviet Voluntary Pilots Marker · 5 Mountain Infantry Markers · 1 French Voluntary Pilots Marker · 8 Militia Markers · 6 Communist International Brigade Markers · 2 Army of Africa Markers 12 Event Markers · 4 CTV Markers Battleship España 3 War in Neutral Spain 1.
    [Show full text]
  • PRESENT-DAY SPAIN and the CONTEXT of INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (45 Class Hours) Lecturer: Dr
    Course GB-18 PRESENT-DAY SPAIN AND THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (45 class hours) Lecturer: Dr. Inmaculada Cordero ([email protected]) Substitute Lecturer: Dr. Leonardo Ruiz Sánchez ([email protected]) OBJECTIVES The aim of this Course is to provide students with as detailed an overview as possible of Spain’s International Relations and Foreign Policy within the period dating from the Second World War until the Present Day. With this aim in mind, a specific methodology has been designed in terms of the kind of students participating in the Course, while also taking into account its duration, as well as the distribution of its sessions which will be divided between those of a practical kind and those which are theoretical in character. METHODOLOGY The syllabus will span the academic year’s second semester in two weekly modules, each with a duration of two hours. In the theoretical sessions, classes will be based on explanations of the fundamental aspects of each of the subject blocks. Once the Course has moved forward, one session in three will be dedicated to the screening of, and commentary on, historical documentaries and movies specifically chosen as back-up to the explanations and analysis offered in class. Amongst others, projections will include those chapters dealing with the question of international relations belonging to documentary series such as La Guerra Civil Española; Franco, Juan Carlos I y La Transición Democrática Española. The movie ¡Bienvenido, Mr. Marshall! will also be screened. SYLLABUS SUBJECT BLOCK 1. THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR AS AN INTERNATIONAL EVENT. The Domestic Conflict and its Internationalization.
    [Show full text]
  • WW2-Spain-Tripbook.Pdf
    SPAIN 1 Page Spanish Civil War (clockwise from top-left) • Members of the XI International Brigade at the Battle of Belchite • Bf 109 with Nationalist markings • Bombing of an airfield in Spanish West Africa • Republican soldiers at the Siege of the Alcázar • Nationalist soldiers operating an anti-aircraft gun • HMS Royal Oakin an incursion around Gibraltar Date 17 July 1936 – 1 April 1939 (2 years, 8 months, 2 weeks and 1 day) Location Spain Result Nationalist victory • End of the Second Spanish Republic • Establishment of the Spanish State under the rule of Francisco Franco Belligerents 2 Page Republicans Nationalists • Ejército Popular • FET y de las JONS[b] • Popular Front • FE de las JONS[c] • CNT-FAI • Requetés[c] • UGT • CEDA[c] • Generalitat de Catalunya • Renovación Española[c] • Euzko Gudarostea[a] • Army of Africa • International Brigades • Italy • Supported by: • Germany • Soviet Union • Supported by: • Mexico • Portugal • France (1936) • Vatican City (Diplomatic) • Foreign volunteers • Foreign volunteers Commanders and leaders Republican leaders Nationalist leaders • Manuel Azaña • José Sanjurjo † • Julián Besteiro • Emilio Mola † • Francisco Largo Caballero • Francisco Franco • Juan Negrín • Gonzalo Queipo de Llano • Indalecio Prieto • Juan Yagüe • Vicente Rojo Lluch • Miguel Cabanellas † • José Miaja • Fidel Dávila Arrondo • Juan Modesto • Manuel Goded Llopis † • Juan Hernández Saravia • Manuel Hedilla • Carlos Romero Giménez • Manuel Fal Conde • Buenaventura Durruti † • Lluís Companys • José Antonio Aguirre Strength 1936
    [Show full text]
  • Tournament 10 Round 11 Tossups 1
    Tournament 10 Round 11 Tossups 1. This author wrote a poem about pursuing a creation “with thimbles,…forks, and hope.” In another work by this author, a story about three sisters who live at the bottom of a well and live off treacle is told by a (*) dormouse. One of his title characters is accompanied by her cat Dinah while following a white rabbit who is employed by the Queen of Hearts. He created Tweedledee and Tweedledum as well as the Cheshire Cat. For 10 points, name this author of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland . ANSWER: Lewis Carroll [or Charles Lutwidge Dodgson] 027-09-11-11102 2. The title figure in one of his paintings is bent forwards, showing the hand of cards she is playing. In addition to that portrait of Mary Cassatt, he showed a weary-eyed woman looking out over a glass of the title beverage in his (*) L’Absinthe . He depicted two men in suits and bowler hats examining the title commodity in his New Orleans Cotton Exchange. A man with a violin sits on the left in a painting depicting his most famous subjects. For 10 points, name this French Impressionist painter, noted for his depictions of horses and ballerinas. ANSWER: Edgar Degas (Day-GA) [accept Hilaire-Germain-Edgar Degas] 002-09-11-11103 3. Misha Gordon witnesses a suicide at the beginning of this work, and that suicide victim's son is friends with Nicky Dudorov. One character in this novel takes on the name Strelnikov, meaning "The Shooter," having been formerly known as (*) Pasha Antipov.
    [Show full text]
  • Gold and Its Determining Role in Modernization and Technological Processes Related to Changing Geo-Economic Structure of the World
    IJEFI_8 Dudin_275471 1 1 2 International Journal of Economics and Financial 2 3 3 4 Issues 4 5 5 6 ISSN: 2146-4138 6 7 7 8 available at http: www.econjournals.com 8 9 9 10 International Journal of Economics and Financial Issues, 2016, 6(S3) 1-8. 10 11 11 Special Issue for “State and Municipal Regulation, Investment, Commerce: National and International Aspects of the Business” 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 15 16 Gold and its Determining Role in Modernization and 16 17 Technological Processes Related to Changing Geo-economic 17 18 18 19 Structure of the World 19 20 20 21 21 22 Mihail Nikolaevich Dudin1*, Vladimir Dmitriyevich Sekerin2, Anna Evgenevna Gorohova3, 22 23 Vladimir Ivanovich Gayduk4, Tamara Petrovna Danko5 23 24 24 25 25 1Russian Academy of Entrepreneurship, 14 Radio Street, Moscow 105005, Russian Federation, 2Moscow State University of 26 26 Mechanical Engineering, 38 Bolsheaya Semenovskaya Street, Moscow 107023, Russian Federation, 3Moscow State University 27 27 of Mechanical Engineering, 38 Bolshaya Semenovskaya Street, Moscow 107023, Russian Federation, 4Kuban State Agrarian 28 28 University, 13 Kalinina Street, Krasnodar 350044, Russian Federation, 5Plekhanov Russian University of Economics, 36 Stremyanny 29 29 Per., Moscow, 117997, Russian Federation. *Email: [email protected] 30 30 31 31 32 ABSTRACT 32 33 This article considers the role of gold in the world economy and its place in contemporary structures of gold-value reserves of the leading countries 33 34 of the world. It also takes into account the historical experience of using gold in various periods (epochs). The theme of the article is rather urgent 34 35 at the moment of transformation and occurrence of a new transitional stage in the world economy, because traditionally at any transitional period 35 36 the investment activity was focused on the least risky investments.
    [Show full text]
  • Casanova, Julían, the Spanish Republic and Civil
    This page intentionally left blank The Spanish Republic and Civil War The Spanish Civil War has gone down in history for the horrific violence that it generated. The climate of euphoria and hope that greeted the over- throw of the Spanish monarchy was utterly transformed just five years later by a cruel and destructive civil war. Here, Julián Casanova, one of Spain’s leading historians, offers a magisterial new account of this crit- ical period in Spanish history. He exposes the ways in which the Republic brought into the open simmering tensions between Catholics and hard- line anticlericalists, bosses and workers, Church and State, order and revolution. In 1936, these conflicts tipped over into the sacas, paseos and mass killings that are still passionately debated today. The book also explores the decisive role of the international instability of the 1930s in the duration and outcome of the conflict. Franco’s victory was in the end a victory for Hitler and Mussolini, and for dictatorship over democracy. julián casanova is Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Zaragoza, Spain. He is one of the leading experts on the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War and has published widely in Spanish and in English. The Spanish Republic and Civil War Julián Casanova Translated by Martin Douch CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521493888 © Julián Casanova 2010 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • The Foreign Press During Spain's
    The Foreign Press During Spain’s Transition to Democracy, 1974-78 A Personal Account William Chislett William Chislett (born Oxford, 1951) reported on Spain’s 1975-78 transition to democracy for The Times. Between 1978 and 1984 he was based in Mexico City for The Financial Times, covering Mexico and Central America, before returning to Madrid in 1986 as a translator (principally for Grupo Santander) and writer. He has written books on Spain, Portugal, Chile, Ecuador, Panama, Finland, El Salvador and Turkey for Euromoney Publications. The Writers and Scholars Educational Trust published his The Spanish Media since Franco in 1979. Banco Central Hispano published his book España: en busca del éxito in 1992 (originally published that same year by Euromoney), Spain: at a Turning Point in 1994, and Spain: the Central Hispano Handbook, a yearly review, between 1996 and 1998. Banco Santander Central Hispano published his dictionary of economic terms in 1999 and his Spain at a Glance in 2001. He wrote the section on Latin America for Business – The Ultimate Resource (Bloomsbury, 2002). In 2002 the Elcano Royal Institute published his book The Internationalization of the Spanish Economy, in 2003 Spanish Direct Investment in Latin America: Opportunities and Challenges and in 2005 The United States and Spain: In Search of Mutual Rediscovery. He has also written five Working Papers on Turkey for Elcano and two on Cyprus and since 2004 has written a monthly essay on Spain for the Institute called Inside Spain (www.realinstitutoelcano.org/wps/portal/rielcano_eng/Insidespain). He writes the article on Spain for the Annual Register (founded in 1758 by Edmund Burke).
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Correspondents in Francoist Spain
    Foreign correspondents in Francoist Spain (1945-1975) Tobias Reckling This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2016 1 Abstract This thesis will examine the foreign press corps in Francoist Spain from 1945 until 1975. After the end of the Second World War, the Franco regime was internationally isolated as a result of its ties with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. However, the dictatorship returned to the international stage during the 1950s and managed to survive on the margins of the Cold War world order until the death of Franco in 1975. Throughout these 30 years and while never loosening its dictatorial control over Spain, the Franco regime continuously tried to improve its international position and image beyond mere toleration. Foreign correspondents were working at the centre of this balancing act. Against this backdrop, this thesis has two central aims. First, it will examine the regime’s policy towards the foreign press. The thesis will show that the Francoist authorities never fully accepted the foreign press corps’ work within Spain and tried to exercise control over the foreign press corps until the end of the regime. Throughout the regime’s internal and external development, however, the Francoist authorities adapted the means they employed. At the same time, conflicting interests and strategies within the Franco regime shaped its policy towards the foreign press. This thesis will further show that conflicts with correspondents partially had their roots in the importance of the foreign press, distributed within Spain, for the Spanish public in general and the political opposition in particular.
    [Show full text]
  • Katalog Inspiracji2021
    KATALOG 2021 INSPIRACJI Farby i tynki dekoracyjne Foto: hompics.com Foto: LET'S SHINE Dekoracyjna farba z brokatem Macau Lisbon GOLD Singapore Valletta Dubaj Nicosia Athens Vienna Monaco Warsaw Macau Budapest GOLD Berlin GOLD Madrid Let’s shine to farba dekoracyjna połyskująca tysiącem srebrzystych drobinek. Uzyskany efekt jest bardzo subtelny, a jego intensywność wzrasta przy do- brym oświetleniu. Produkt przeznaczony jest do malowania ścian i sufitów wewnątrz pomieszczeń. Charakteryzuje się wysoką odpornością na zmywa- nie i doskonałym kryciem. Wydajność: 15 m2/2l. Narzędzia: wałek, pędzel. Opakowanie: 2 l. London Rome GOLD Moscow GOLD Lisbon GOLD Paris GOLD Antalya Chicago Montreal Dallas Sapporo Shanghai Reykjavik Hollywood Bangkok Vancouver GOLD Las Vegas Denver Hong Kong Paris GOLD Los Angeles Prague GOLD Hollywood MYSTIC Efekt mieniących się kryształków Universe Proxima Antares Nebula Proxima Syrius Farba dekoracyjna do wnętrz, zawierająca tysią- ce drobinek, które iskrząc i mieniąc się w świetle, nadają powierzchniom spektakularny efekt wi- zualny. Mystic doskonale sprawdza się zarówno w bardzo nowoczesnych jak i klasycznych wnę- trzach, całkowicie odmieniając wygląd pomiesz- czeń. Produkt jest dostępny w palecie gotowych kolorów. Farbę Mystic można również barwić przy użyciu kolorantów. Wydajność: 12 m2/l. Narzędzia: pędzel płaski. Opakowanie: 1 l. Moon Universe Star dust Moon Galaxy Syrius SILVER SAND Efekt rozwianego wiatrem piasku Malaga Blanca Brava Baza Farba strukturalna do tworzenia kreatywnych efektów dekoracyjnych. Powierzchnie pokryte farbą, pod wpływem padania światła mienią, się perłowymi refleksami, tworząc trójwymiarowy efekt głębi. Doskonałe efekty wizualne otrzymu- jemy zarówno przy świetle sztucznym, jak i na- turalnym. Silver Sand zawiera specjalistyczne dodatki strukturalne, które w trakcie aplikacji tworzą wzór niczym rozsypany wiatrem piasek.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism
    American Communist History, Vol. 2, No. 2, 2003 Rethinking the Historiography of United States Communism BRYAN D. PALMER Questioning American Radicalism We ask questions of radicalism in the United States. Many are driven by high expectations and preconceived notions of what such radicalism should look like. Our queries reflect this: Why is there no socialism in America? Why are workers in the world’s most advanced capitalist nation not “class conscious”? Why has no “third party” of laboring people emerged to challenge the estab- lished political formations of money, privilege, and business power? Such interrogation is by no means altogether wrongheaded, although some would prefer to jettison it entirely. Yet these and other related questions continue to exercise considerable interest, and periodically spark debate and efforts to reformulate and redefine analytic agendas for the study of American labor radicals, their diversity, ideas, and practical activities.1 Socialism, syndicalism, anarchism, and communism have been minority traditions in US life, just as they often are in other national cultures and political economies. The revol- utionary left is, and always has been, a vanguard of minorities. But minorities often make history, if seldom in ways that prove to be exactly as they pleased. Life in a minority is not, however, an isolated, or inevitably an isolating, experience. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the US gave rise to a significant left, rooted in what many felt was a transition from the Old World to a New Order. Populists,
    [Show full text]