Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA

RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE

Research Response Number: TZA32275 Country: Date: 6 September 2007

Keywords: Tanzania – – (CUF) – Political situation

This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein.

Questions

1. Please summarise the current political situation in Tanzania and with a focus on Zanzibar. 2. How are supporters of the CUF party treated on the mainland and on Zanzibar? 3 How are activists in the CUF party treated on the mainland and on Zanzibar? 4. Who are the leaders of the CUF in Zanzibar (Secretary General and Deputy Secretary General) - now and since 2002?

RESPONSE

1. Please summarise the current political situation in Tanzania and with a focus on Zanzibar.

1.1 Background 1.2 Current political situation in Tanzania 1.3 Opposition parties in Tanzania / The Civic United Front (CUF) 1.4 Current political situation in Zanzibar

1.1 Background

Tanzania was formed from the union of Tanganyika (the mainland) and the islands of Zanzibar in 1964. It is now a presidential democratic republic with a multi-party system. The is both head of state and head of government. From independence until the 1990s, Tanzania was a one-party socialist state. Since 1977 it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party ( or CCM). Beginning in the mid-1980s, Tanzania undertook a number of political and economic reforms to move the country towards democracy and a free-market economy. In 1992, the government legislated for multiparty democracy and other political parties were formed. Multiparty national elections for the presidency and parliament have been held in 1995, 2000 and 2005. The CCM has won all the presidential and parliamentary elections to date, both nationally and in Zanzibar. (See Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp.1211-1218 – Attachment 1; Mathews, Graham 2003, „Tanzania: Recent History‟ in Africa South of the Sahara 2003, 32nd edn, Europa publications, London, pp.1062-7 – Attachment 2; Day, Alan J. (ed) 2002, Political Parties of the World, 5th ed, John Harper Publishing, London, p.458-60 – Attachment 3; „Country Profile: Tanzania‟ 2007, BBC News, 16 August http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/1072330.stm – Accessed 4 September 2007 Attachment 4).

1.2 Current political situation in Tanzania

The CCM continues to dominate Tanzanian politics, having won all elections on the mainland comfortably, as well as all elections in Zanzibar despite more vigorous opposition there (see below). The current President is of the CCM party, who was elected in 2005 with over 80% of the vote. The Vice-president, , and the Prime Minister, , are also CCM members. The CCM currently holds 264 of the 324 seats in the National Assembly of Tanzania (the parliament) (Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp.1213, 1218 – Attachment 1).

The political situation in Tanzania since the introduction of multiparty democracy has been characterised by:

 The regular holding of three sets of presidential and parliamentary elections in 1995, 2000 and 2005;

 The continued dominance of the presidency and parliament by the CCM;

 The different situation in Zanzibar, where the CUF has come close to defeating the CCM, and CUF protests have resulted in violent government reactions and arrests. (See Section 1.4 below).

The US Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 – Tanzania is generally positive about the political situation in Tanzania, with some reservations about Zanzibar:

In the December 2005 Union presidential and legislative elections, Jakaya Kikwete was elected president, and the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party made significant gains in parliament. Observers considered the Union elections on both the mainland and in Zanzibar to be largely free and fair. The 2005 presidential elections in Zanzibar were more contentious, with serious irregularities and politically motivated violence; however, there were improvements in the administration of the elections. (Introduction)

The constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in elections on the mainland and in Zanzibar. However, legal and financial provisions that favored the ruling CCM party, electoral irregularities, and political violence limited the effectiveness of the electoral process in Zanzibar.

Elections and Political Participation Separate elections are held on the mainland and on Zanzibar, although sometimes on the same day, in which citizens of the two parts of the Union elect local officials, members of the National Parliament, and a Union (national) president. In addition Zanzibaris elect a president of Zanzibar and members of the Zanzibar House of Representatives in polls that are not open to mainlanders.

In December 2005 Jakaya Kikwete, the CCM candidate, was elected president of the Union with 80.2 percent of the vote in an election widely considered by observers as more free and fair than previous elections; however, the campaigns preceding them were marked by violence in some regions. In National Assembly elections, the CCM won 206 out of 233 elected seats in the Union parliament, while the CUF won 19.

In October 2005 voters in the semi-autonomous archipelago of Zanzibar elected a president, legislators, and local representatives for the archipelago. CCM candidate Amani Karume, the incumbent president, won the Zanzibari presidency with 53 percent of the vote in an election marred by irregularities and violence.

Harassment of political parties was considerably diminished during the year in comparison with the election year of 2005. (Sec.3 „Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government‟)

(US Department of State 2007, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 – Tanzania, 6 March – Attachment 5.)

The most recent Freedom House assessment of Tanzania, which covers events up to the end of 2006, is also attached (Freedom House 2007, Freedom in the World: Country Report: Tanzania: 2007 – Attachment 6). It gives a brief assessment of Tanzania‟s three elections, noting accusations of fraud in all three, especially in relation to Zanzibar. The report concludes that:

Tanzania is not an electoral democracy. Although opposition parties were legalized in 1992, the ruling CCM continues to dominate the country‟s political life. … Eighteen parties presented candidates in the 2005 legislative elections. Some of these parties are active, but they tend to be divided and ineffectual. …

Tanzania has a higher level of press freedom than other countries in its region. Print and electronic media are active, but media impact is largely limited to major urban areas …

Constitutional protections for the rights of freedom of assembly and association are generally, but not always, respected. The laws allow rallies only by officially registered political parties.

1.3 Opposition parties in Tanzania/ The Civic United Front (CUF – Chama Cha Wananchi)

There are a number of legally registered opposition parties in Tanzania, the strongest being the Civic United Front (CUF), which currently has 30 seats in the National Assembly of Tanzania. For a profile of the CUF and other parties in Tanzania, see Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp. 1215-7 – Attachment 1; Day, Alan J. (ed) 2002, Political Parties of the World, 5th ed, John Harper Publishing, London, pp.458-60 – Attachment 3.

The CUF was formed in 1992 and has been the strongest opposition party in Tanzania since that time. Though it is based in Zanzibar and most reports of CUF activities concern Zanzibar, it has also established a presence on the mainland (Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp. 1215-7 – Attachment 1; Day, Alan J. (ed) 2002, Political Parties of the World, 5th ed, John Harper Publishing, London, p.459 – Attachment 3). The most recent Freedom House assessment of Tanzania notes that “The opposition CUF, based in Zanzibar and Pemba, has sought to establish significant support on the Tanzanian mainland” (Freedom House 2007, Freedom in the World: Country Report: Tanzania: 2007 – Attachment 6).

A recent BBC News Online article states that the CUF is strongly supported “by the descendants of the deposed Arabs” and has called for greater autonomy for Zanzibar – some supporters are said to have called for its independence („Regions and territories: Zanzibar‟ 2007, BBC News Online, 16 August http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/3850393.stm – Accessed 5 September 2007 – Attachment 6).

Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) also notes the racial aspect to support for the CUF, adding that, due to this, support for the party is stronger on the island of Pemba than on the main island of Zanzibar:

The political divide in Zanzibar is effectively a geographic divide with the majority of people on Pemba being CUF supporters and the majority on supporting the CCM. …

The CCM view their lack of support on Pemba within a racial framework – despite extensive of inter-marriage, immigration and population movement, Pembans are still regarded as Arabs and CUF is considered an Arab party. (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2006, DFAT Report No. 551 – Tanzania: RRT Information Request: TZA30374, 13 October – Attachment 7)

For more on the CUF, see the next section and Questions 2-4 below.

1.4 Current political situation in Zanzibar

Zanzibar consists of two main islands called Unguja (the main island, sometimes informally referred to as „Zanzibar‟) and Pemba. Although integrated into the country‟s governmental and party structure, Zanzibar has its own president, court system, and legislature, and has continued to exercise considerable autonomy. Both the presidency and the parliament of Zanzibar have been held by the CCM since multiparty elections were first held in 1995, but unlike the mainland situation, the results have been both closely contested and hotly disputed by the CUF. („Regions and territories: Zanzibar‟ 2007, BBC News Online, 16 August http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/3850393.stm – Accessed 5 September 2007 – Attachment 8; Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp. 1212-6 – Attachment 1). The islands are the main opposition stronghold („Zanzibari opposition leader freed on bail‟ 2005, Reuters News, 26 November – Attachment 9).

In 2005, of the CCM was re-elected as President of Zanzibar gaining 53% of the vote, just ahead of the CUF candidate, Seif Shariff Hamad, who gained 46%. The CCM also gained 30 seats in the Zanzibar House of Representatives compared to the CUF‟s 19 („Elections in Zanzibar‟ 2006, African Elections Database website, 7 May http://africanelections.tripod.com/zanzibar.html – Accessed 4 September 2007 – Attachment 10).

The political situation on Zanzibar appears to be more volatile than on the mainland, due to the strength of the opposition CUF on the islands. Banks et al note that the elections in Zanzibar have been the most hotly contested in Tanzania and all results on the islands have been disputed by the CUF, often leading to violent confrontations and court cases (see Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp.1214-6 – Attachment 1). Politics on the islands seems to follow a cycle after each election (1995, 200 and 2005):

1. Electoral violence between the CUF and the CCM

2. A CCM electoral victory, followed by CUF accusations of electoral fraud.

3. Demonstrations against the electoral result by CUF supporters, which is met with force by the government, resulting in injuries, arrests and sometimes deaths of CUF supporters. (After the 1995 events, several CUF members were tried for conspiracy to commit treason)

4. Reconciliation talks between the CUF and the CCM to reform the electoral process. Though agreements are reached, they are not implemented and CUF unrest continues at the next election.

Banks et al note the following history of conflict between the CUF and the CCM on Zanzibar:

 1995 Elections are held. The CUF alleged widespread fraud in the Zanzibar elections which the CUF candidate narrowly lost (p.1213);

 1996-99 – The CUF continued to boycott the legislature to protest the rigging of the election by the CCM (p.1213);

 1997 – A split worsened between the CUF‟s mainland and island wings over recognition of the CCM government in Zanzibar (p.1216);

 1997 – 14 CUF members arrested for their alleged role in a coup plot in Zanzibar (p.1216);

 1998 – More arrests of CUF members reported (p.1216);

 1998 – The deadlock over recognition of the CCM government in Zanzibar continued as compromise plans are discussed (p.1213);

 1999 – Trial of 18 CUF members arrested for their alleged role in a coup plot began in February with charges upgraded to treason. Trial later postponed with those charged remaining in detention. (p.1216);

 1999 – Crackdowns continued on CUF militants early in the year. Agreement later signed between the CCM and CUF for the return to parliament and an independent electoral commission for the 2000 elections (p.1213);

 2000 – Elections, marked by flaws and violence in Zanzibar, produced a CCM win but ballot problems caused some reruns, which the CUF boycotted calling for all seats to be rerun (p.1213); All 16 CUF seats won in the 2000 election were in Pemba, Zanzibar (p.1216);

 2001 – The CUF organised demonstrations over perceived bias in the election administration and called for new elections. The government responded with force and at least 40 people were killed in Pemba, a CUF stronghold (p.1214);

 2005 – “There was widespread violence [in Zanzibar] prior to the October 2005 elections; government and opposition groups were accused of attacks. The government reportedly launched a series of raids on the headquarters of opposition parties and arrested a number of opposition leaders. Subsequent rioting left some 14 people dead and the administration suspended the registration of new parties” (p.1214);

 2005 – CCM offices were bombed in April. Police arrested four activists (p.1214);

 2005 – “After the polling in Zanzibar, CUF members and supporters rioted to protest the results, and security forces used tear gas and force to disperse the protesters. Opposition groups complained that the CCM sponsored groups of youths (dubbed Janjaweed after the Sudanese militias) who intimidated voters … International observers noted some irregularities, but described the voting as generally free and fair.” (p.1214-5). (Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp.1214-6 – Attachment 1).

In October 2006, DFAT made the following comments on the current situation in Zanzibar:

All interlocutors agree that post-election Zanzibar has been calm without any demonstrations or unrest. Considering the turmoil during the aftermath of the elections in October and December 2005, and the ensuing political rhetoric between contenders, this tranquillity cannot be taken for granted. It is not clear, however, whether the current peaceful situation represents the start of a long-term trajectory of stability or if it is a temporary „wait-and-see‟ situation before political turmoil resumes.

One year on from the elections, CUF continues to deny the legitimacy of President Karume and his cabinet, on the basis that the electoral process was rigged. A report by the Zanzibar Electoral Commission, released on 2 October, 2006, acknowledges several „shortcomings‟ in the October 2005 elections, including double and under-age voting registration and indicts political leaders, senior government officers and electoral officers for „incessantly and unnecessarily interfering in the election process. However the ZEC stands by the election results.

All CUF representatives have taken their seats in the House of Representatives and are engaging in debates. International observers report that the debates are quite constructive. (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2006, DFAT Report No. 551 – Tanzania: RRT Information Request: TZA30374, 13 October – Attachment 7)

Freedom House notes that the press is more tightly controlled in Zanzibar than the rest of Tanzania:

Press freedom rights in Zanzibar have been constrained by its semiautonomous government. Reforms contained in a 2001 media bill did not apply to the island group. In recent years, the government there has not permitted private broadcasters or newspapers, though many islanders can receive mainland broadcasts and read the mainland press. The Zanzibari government often reacts to media criticism by accusing the press of being a “threat to national unity.” In 2005, it banned leading columnist Jabir Idrissa. The weekly newspaper Dira was banned in November 2003, with no reason given until April 2006, when the government defended its decision on the grounds that the paper had been “publishing articles bent on destabilizing the unity and solidarity” of Zanzibar. (Freedom House 2007, Freedom in the World: Country Report: Tanzania: 2007 – Attachment 6). The next question contains further information on the situation in Zanzibar.

2. How are supporters of the CUF party treated on the mainland and on Zanzibar?

As mentioned in the previous section, violent clashes between the CUF and the authorities have occurred following each of the elections in 1995, 2000 and 2005, in each case leading to a series of negotiations between the CUF and the government. CUF supporters have been arrested, beaten and even killed during periods of heightened conflict in 1997, 2001 and 2005 (see section 2.2 below), but other periods, including more recently (see section 2.3 below) have been much quieter. The most recent assessment of the current situation, provided by DFAT in consultation with other bodies, follows. Following that are:

2.2 Reports on treatment of CUF supporters after the 1995, 2000 and 2005 elections

2.3 Recent reports of the CUF

2.1 Most recent assessment

In October 2006, DFAT consulted with other observers of the situation in Tanzania (representatives of the US, UK and Canadian embassies in Tanzania as well as the Head of Mission of the International Committee of the Red Cross in Tanzania and Professor Haroub Othman, University of Dar-es-Salaam) and made the following comments on the position of CUF supporters on the mainland and on Zanzibar:

All interlocutors agreed that there is no evidence of human rights abuses of CUF officials/supporters on mainland Tanzania, although there are more general human rights abuses (eg. arbitrary detention and poor prison conditions) which were systemic and not related to political activity. Ms Johnson (US Embassy) says that she has often questioned why abuses do not occur or are not reported on the mainland – she says that she has heard anecdotal reports of abuses (noting that in most cases, that both victim and persecutor are from the islands), but has never received an official report.

The most likely reason for the difference is that CUF is regarded on the mainland, as a „Zanzibari‟ party focusing on Zanzibari issues. The party has a very small presence on the mainland, managing to win only 19 (out of 232) parliamentary seats filled through direct election. It is just one of many political parties.

Zanzibar, in contrast, is highly politicised, effectively divided between the CCM Zanzibar and CUF – at the last election, CCM won 53% of the vote, and CUF 46% (although as noted above, CUF disputes the result).

The politicisation permeates most aspects of society in Zanzibar. Interlocutors agree that CUF is able to function as a political party without too much impediment. They are registered with the Zanzibar Electoral Commission, CUF MPs participate in the legislative assembly – they are politically active, vocal and hold rallies for their members (although they do have to apply for permits and there is no guarantee that it will be approved).

Yet, interlocutors agree that CUF supporters frequently experience blatant discrimination when dealing with state institutions, including the judiciary and police and security organisations (CUF would also add the electoral commission to this list). Employment within state institutions (including the general civil service) is apparently blocked to CUF supporters, with Mr Soro (ICRC) noting that party affiliation, ethnic origin and political loyalty are key criteria. Thus the judiciary and police are completely dominated by CCM supporters – although it should be noted that there is a right to appeal (in certain circumstances) to the Court of Appeal in mainland Tanzania, if a plaintiff is unhappy with a decision in the Zanzibari courts. The ICRC notes that a known CUF supporter will have difficulty dealing with all arms of government (for e.g obtaining a business licence), is more likely to arrested for a petty crime and more likely to have an unfavourable judgement made against them in the court. Economically, life can be quite difficult for a CUF supporter.

Having said that, Mr Soro (ICRC), while noting the discrimination that CUF supporters encounter when dealing with government officials, says that the ICRC is not aware of direct threats being made against CUF supporters and further notes that CUF officials (including senior leaders) are able to live and conduct their activities relatively unhindered. This is of course a big change from the past and most likely due to the lasting memory of international sanctions that the island has previously experienced. (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2006, DFAT Report No. 551 – Tanzania: RRT Information Request: TZA30374, 13 October – Attachment 7)

The DFAT report notes that the situation is more serious for CUF supporters on the island of Pemba:

The Pemba Issue

During separate discussions, both Ms Johnson (US) and Mr Soro (ICRC) enquired whether the claimants were from Pemba, acknowledging that Pembans have borne the brunt of reported human rights abuses and general marginalisation by the CCM government in Zanzibar. The political divide in Zanzibar is effectively a geographic divide with the majority of people on Pemba being CUF supporters and the majority on Unguja supporting the CCM.

The US notes, that Pembans have been looked down upon and discriminated against by Zanzibar authorities since the 1964 revolution. So much so that today, CUF legislators recently compared Pemba to Palestine, „whose land is occupied‟ (The Citizen, 7 July 2006). The grievances among Pembans are high and their frustrations concerning the political situation are increasing.

Extending the Palestine analogy, Mr Soro noted that Pemba is „incredibly militarised‟, with an overwhelming number of security personnel being deployed from the mainland and fiercely loyal to the ruling party. One of the CUF‟s frequent allegations against the October 2005, is that the non-Zanzibari personnel voted in the October 2005, despite being ineligible.

The CCM view their lack of support on Pemba within a racial framework – despite extensive of inter-marriage, immigration and population movement, Pembans are still regarded as Arabs and CUF is considered an Arab party. By regarding and treating Pembans as foreigners, there is no incentive for CCM Zanzibar to work for Pemban development and support – the lack of social and economic development in Pemba (in contrast to Ungoja) is marked. (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2006, DFAT Report No. 551 – Tanzania: RRT Information Request: TZA30374, 13 October – Attachment 7)

2.2 Reports on treatment of CUF supporters after the 1995, 2000 and 2005 elections

After the 1995 election

A 2000 Amnesty International report gives information on the conduct of the 1995 election in Zanzibar and events leading up to the 1997 arrest of 14 CUF members and supporters on charges of conspiracy to commit treason (Amnesty International 2000, Tanzania: Prisoners of Conscience Face Treason Trial in Zanzibar, AFR 56/01/00, 27 January – Attachment 12).

Another 2000 report on the situation by UK human rights group Article 19 is also attached (Article 19 2000, Zanzibar Democracy On Shaky Foundations, April http://www.article19.org/pdfs/publications/tanzania-zanzibar-democracy-on-shaky- foundatio.pdf – Accessed 6 September 2007 - Attachment 36).

After the 2000 election

Two longer reports give detailed descriptions of the killing and arrest of CUF supporters in Zanzibar in January 2001. These reports also contain useful background to the situation in Zanzibar up to that time.

 Amnesty International 2002, Tanzania: Human rights concerns relating to demonstrations in Zanzibar on 27 January 2001, AI Index: AFR 56/001/2002, January – Attachment 13.

 Human Rights Watch 2002, “The Bullets Were Raining”: The January 2001 Attack on Peaceful Demonstrators in Zanzibar, Vol.14, No.3(A), April – Attachment 14.

Many CUF supporters fled to Kenya after the 2001 events („Regions and territories: Zanzibar‟ 2007, BBC News Online, 16 August – Attachment 8).

Another report is attached which briefly examines the problems after the first two elections and looks at the Muafaka negotiations between the CUF and CCM to solve the problems up to the period before the 2005 election (Mpangala, Gaudens P. 2006, „The Zanzibar Conflict: A Search For Durable Solutions‟ in Civil Security Relations in Tanzania: Investigating the Relationship Between the State, Security Services and Civil Society, eds M. Rupiya, J. Lwehabura and L, le Roux, Monograph No 128, December http://www.issafrica.org/dynamic/administration/file_manager/file_links/MONO128FULLP DF.PDF?link_id=3&slink_id=4030&link_type=12&slink_type=13&tmpl_id=3 – Accessed 6 September 2007 – Attachment 37).

After the 2005 election

A previous research response examined the treatment of CUF supporters up to mid-2006 (RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response TZA30242, 13 June – Attachment 15). It contains many reports of violence and arrest of CUF supporters before and after the 2005 elections – the supporting documents are at Attachments 9 and 16-20.

An Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada report also provided information on the October and December 2005 elections but found no more recent information on the treatment of CUF members by the government (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2006, TZA101530.FE – Tanzania: The Civic United Front (CUF), particularly its relations with the government authorities and the treatment of its members by those authorities (March 2004- July 2006), 18 July – Attachment 21).

A report is on the election by a monitoring organisation, the Norwegian Resource Bank for Democracy and Human Rights, is attached (Mørck, Anna Birgitte 2006, The United Republic Of Tanzania: Presidential And Parliamentary Elections December 2005, Norwegian Resource Bank for Democracy and Human Rights, NORDEM Report 4/2006, http://www.humanrights.uio.no/forskning/publ/nr/2006/0406.pdf – Accessed 6 September 2007 – Attachment 38). This describes irregularities in the election process on Zanzibar and incidents of police action against the CUF, concluding:

The climate in Zanzibar in which the voting takes place seems to be very hostile. The excessive use of force and the lack of accountability seem to create an atmosphere of rumours and allegations. Complaints and claims are rarely substantiated, but the perception of many voters we have met is one of suspicion and fear. The technical irregularities contribute to “confirming” these voters‟ lack of trust in the Zanzibari authorities. (pp.28-9)

2.3 Recent reports of the CUF

The following more recent documents on the treatment of CUF supporters are attached. They confirm the situation has moved from the violent confrontation stage to the protracted negotiation stage, again:

 „Zanzibar: the islands are quiet for now‟ 2006, Africa Confidential, Vol.47, No.14, 7 July, p.6 – Attachment 22. This report notes that the election violence had died down, but the antagonism between the CUF and the CCM remained. It also noted a racial divide between CUF and CCM supporters, with the former descended from the Arab rulers of Zanzibar and the latter from mainland Africans who were formerly servants or slaves.

 „Tanzania: Opposition youth confront party head over Zanzibar‟s political future‟ 2006, BBC Monitoring Africa, Source: Tanzanian newspaper The Guardian, 16 August – Attachment 23. This is the most recent news item mentioning CUF supporters, but mentions a clash between supporters and CUF Secretary-General Seif Shariff Hamad.

 „No fresh election until 2010‟ 2006, Xinhua News Agency, 3 November – Attachment 24. President Abeid Karume of Zanzibar stated that no elections will be held in Zanzibar until 2010

 „Zanzibar president rejects calls to form national unity government‟ 2006, BBC Monitoring Africa, source: The Guardian, 3 November – Attachment 25. President Abeid Karume of Zanzibar rejected a call by the CUF to form a government of national unity, dismissing it as “non-practical and unconstitutional”.

 Hughes, Paul 2007, „Tanzania hails start of reconciliation in Zanzibar‟, Reuters, 18 January – Attachment 26; and „Tanzania‟s ruling CCM approves further talks with opposition CUF‟ 2007, BBC Monitoring Africa, source: The Guardian, 25 January – Attachment 27. Talks between the CCM and the CUF began on 17 January 2007 with CCM Secretary General Yusuf Makamba and CUF Secretary General Seif Shariff Hamad agreeing on a framework and timetable for full reconciliation talks. On 22 January 2007, the CCM Central Committee has agreed that CCM Secretary General Yusuf Makamba and CUF Secretary General Seif Shariff Hamad should continue talks. The mandate has been left up to the two Secretary Generals and no timeframe has been provided  Amnesty International 2007, Amnesty International Annual Report 2007 – Tanzania, May – Attachment 28. This does not report any problems for CUF members, noting only “Talks on legal and electoral reform in semi-autonomous Zanzibar continued between the ruling Party of the Revolution (Chama Cha Mapinduzi) and the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) but without much progress.”

 All recent news reports on the CUF concern ongoing reconciliation talks which are continuing between the CUF and the CCM to solve the problems in Zanzibar (see for example „Politics of the sieve‟ 2007, Africa Confidential, Vol.48, No.14, 6 July, pp.4- 5 – Attachment 29; „Tanzania: Ruling CCM official says talks with CUF not open to other parties‟ 2007, BBC Monitoring Africa, Source: Tanzanian state owned TVT TV, 29 August – Attachment 30; „Tanzania: Ruling CCM denies talks with opposition CUF on Zanzibar have failed‟ 2007, BBC Monitoring Africa, Source: Tanzanian newspaper Daily News, 8 August – Attachment 31).

3 How are activists in the CUF party treated on the mainland and on Zanzibar?

No sources noted any differences in treatment of activists and supporters. DFAT were asked for a distinction in 2006, but only made the comments on the position of CUF supporters without noting differences in treatment for activists, apart from the following:

The politicisation permeates most aspects of society in Zanzibar. Interlocutors agree that CUF is able to function as a political party without too much impediment. …

Yet, interlocutors agree that CUF supporters frequently experience blatant discrimination when dealing with state institutions, including the judiciary and police and security organisations … Having said that, Mr Soro (ICRC), while noting the discrimination that CUF supporters encounter when dealing with government officials, says that the ICRC is not aware of direct threats being made against CUF supporters and further notes that CUF officials (including senior leaders) are able to live and conduct their activities relatively unhindered. This is of course a big change from the past and most likely due to the lasting memory of international sanctions that the island has previously experienced. (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2006, DFAT Report No. 551 – Tanzania: RRT Information Request: TZA30374, 13 October – Attachment 7)

4. Who are the leaders of the CUF in Zanzibar (Secretary General and Deputy Secretary General) - now and since 2002?

The following positions are unchanged since 2002:

 National Chairman Prof. Ibrahim Haruna Lipumba (from mainland)

 General Secretary Mr Seif Shariff Hamad (from Zanzibar)

The Vice-Chairman position was held by Mr Shaaban Khamis Mloo (from Zanzibar) in 2002, but appears to have been held by Mr. Machano Khamis Ali since about 2005.

According to a 2002 version of the CUF‟s old (now defunct) website (http://www.cuftz.org/) in March 2002 the leaders were as follows:

Prof. Ibrahim Haruna Lipumba, National Chairman Hon. Shaaban Khamis Mloo, Vice-Chairman Hon. Seif Shariff Hamad, General Secretary

Deputy Secretary General (Tanzania Mainland) Hon. Wilfred Lwakatare

Deputy Secretary General (Zanzibar) Hon.

Acting Deputy Secretary General (Zanzibar) Hon. Abdulaziz Ali Said

(„Party Leadership‟ 2002, Civic United Front (CUF) website, 31 March (Accessed through Webarchive http://web.archive.org/web/20021017022252/www.cuftz.org/leadership/index.htm – Accessed 5 September 2007).

Other archive versions of this website show the same leadership in 2000, 2001, 2003, 2004, and early 2005.

The top three position holders are confirmed by the 2002 version of Political Parties of the World, although Seif Shariff Hamad is called “Secretary-General” instead of “General Secretary” (Day, Alan J. (ed) 2002, Political Parties of the World, 5th ed, John Harper Publishing, London, p.459 – Attachment 3).

A number of sources state that Mr. Machano Khamis Ali became Vice Chairman in place of Mr. Shaaban Khamis Mloo sometime in 2005 (for example, „Party Leadership‟ 2005, Civic United Front (CUF) website, 2 November – Accessed through Webarchive http://web.archive.org/web/20051216042424/www.cuftz.org/leadership.html – Accessed 5 September 2007 – Attachment 33). Mr. Machano Khamis Ali first appeared on the CUF website in late March 2005 and remained there until the end of 2006, when the website ceased operation.

The CUF‟s new website (http://www.cuf-tz.com/) is inconsistent – different pages of the website show both Mr. Machano Khamis Ali and Mr. Shaaban Khamis Mloo as the Vice Chairman. The Homepage of the website shows Mr. Machano Khamis Ali as the Vice Chairman („CUF – Civic United Front :: Chama Cha Wananchi: Leaders‟ 2007, Civic United Front (CUF) website, http://www.cuf-tz.com/index.html – Accessed 5 September 2007 – Attachment 34) and the „About Us‟ page lists Mr. Shaaban Khamis Mloo as the Vice Chairman („About Us‟ 2007, Civic United Front (CUF) website, http://www.cuf- tz.com/about_us.html – Accessed 5 September 2007 – Attachment 35). All pages confirm the Chairman and General Secretary positions are still held by Mr Lipumba and Mr Hamad.

List of Sources Consulted

Internet Sources:

Government Information & Reports Immigration & Refugee Board of Canada http://www.irb.gc.ca/ UK Home Office http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk US Department of State http://www.state.gov/ US Department of State website http://www.state.gov United Nations (UN) UNHCR http://www.unhchr.ch/ Non-Government Organisations Amnesty International website http://www.amnesty.org/ Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=1 Human Rights Watch http://www.hrw.org/ Article 19 http://www.article19.org/ Norwegian Resource Bank for Democracy and Human Rights (NORDEM) http://www.humanrights.uio.no/ International News & Politics BBC News website http://news.bbc.co.uk/ Region Specific Links Civic United Front http://www.cuf-tz.com/index.html & www.cuftz.org Institute for Security Studies (Africa) http://www.issafrica.org/ Search Engines Google search engine http://www.google.com.au/ Google Scholar http://scholar.google.com/ Webarchive http://web.archive.org/web/20051216042424/www.cuftz.org/ Online Subscription Services

Databases: FACTIVA (news database) BACIS (DIMA Country Information database) REFINFO (IRBDC (Canada) Country Information database) ISYS (RRT Country Research database, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, US Department of State Reports) RRT Library Catalogue

List of Attachments

1. Banks, A.S. & Muller, T.C. & Overstreet, N.R. (eds) 2007, Political Handbook of the World: 2007, CQ Press, Washington D.C., pp.1211-1218. (RRT Library)

2. Mathews, Graham 2003, „Tanzania: Recent History‟ in Africa South of the Sahara 2003, 32nd edn, Europa publications, London, pp.1062-7. (RRT Library)

3. Day, Alan J. (ed) 2002, Political Parties of the World, 5th ed, John Harper Publishing, London, pp.458-60. (RRT Library)

4. „Country Profile: Tanzania‟ 2007, BBC News, 16 August http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/1072330.stm – Accessed 4 September 2007.

5. US Department of State 2007, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 – Tanzania, 6 March.

6. Freedom House 2007, Freedom in the World: Country Report: Tanzania: 2007, http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&country=7285&year=2007 – Accessed 6 September 2007.

7. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2006, DFAT Report No. 551 – Tanzania: RRT Information Request: TZA30374, 13 October. 8. „Regions and territories: Zanzibar‟ 2007, BBC News Online, 16 August http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/3850393.stm – Accessed 5 September 2007.

9. „Zanzibari opposition leader freed on bail‟ 2005, Reuters News, 26 November. (FACTIVA)

10. „Elections in Zanzibar‟ 2006, African Elections Database website, 7 May http://africanelections.tripod.com/zanzibar.html – Accessed 4 September 2007.

11. RRT Country Research 2006, Email to Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade „Refugee Review Tribunal Information Request: TZA30684‟, 22 September.

12. Amnesty International 2000, Tanzania: Prisoners of Conscience Face Treason Trial in Zanzibar, AFR 56/01/00, 27 January.

13. Amnesty International 2002, Tanzania: Human rights concerns relating to demonstrations in Zanzibar on 27 January 2001, AI Index: AFR 56/001/2002, January.

14. Human Rights Watch 2002, “The Bullets Were Raining”: The January 2001 Attack on Peaceful Demonstrators in Zanzibar, Vol.14, No.3(A), April.

15. RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response TZA30242, 13 June.

16. US Department of State 2006, „Arrest and Detention‟, „Freedom of Assembly‟, „Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation‟, „Elections and Political Participation‟ in Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2005 – Tanzania, 8 March.

17. „Tanzania: Police, Opposition Clash As Zanzibaris Await Poll Results‟ 2005, UN Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), allAfrica.com website, 1 November http://allafrica.com/stories/printable/200511010128.html – Accessed 5 June 2006.

18. „Armed and dangerous‟ 2005, Africa Confidential, 4 November, Vol. 46, No. 22, p.3. (RRT Library)

19. „Tanzania: Ruling Party Wins National Elections in Zanzibar But Islands Remain Divided‟ 2005, UN Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), allAfrica.com website, 16 December. (http://allafrica.com/stories/printable/200512160010.html – Accessed 5 June 2006)

20. Mkinga, Joyce 2005, „Tanzanian police arrest six after clash between rival party supporters‟, BBC Monitoring Africa, source: Guardian website, Dar es Salaam, 10 December. (FACTIVA)

21. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2006, TZA101530.FE – Tanzania: The Civic United Front (CUF), particularly its relations with the government authorities and the treatment of its members by those authorities (March 2004-July 2006), 18 July. (REFINFO)

22. „Zanzibar: the islands are quiet for now‟ 2006, Africa Confidential, Vol.47, No.14, 7 July, p.6. (RRT Library) 23. „Tanzania: Opposition youth confront party head over Zanzibar‟s political future‟ 2006, BBC Monitoring Africa, Source: Tanzanian newspaper The Guardian, 16 August. (FACTIVA)

24. „No fresh election until 2010‟ 2006, Xinhua News Agency, 3 November. (FACTIVA)

25. „Zanzibar president rejects calls to form national unity government‟ 2006, BBC Monitoring Africa, source: The Guardian, 3 November. (FACTIVA)

26. Hughes, Paul 2007, „Tanzania hails start of reconciliation in Zanzibar‟, Reuters, 18 January. (Factiva)

27. „Tanzania‟s ruling CCM approves further talks with opposition CUF‟ 2007, BBC Monitoring Africa, source: The Guardian, 25 January. (FACTIVA)

28. Amnesty International 2007, Amnesty International Annual Report 2007 – Tanzania, May.

29. „Politics of the sieve‟ 2007, Africa Confidential, Vol.48, No.14, 6 July, pp.4-5. (RRT Library)

30. „Tanzania: Ruling CCM official says talks with CUF not open to other parties‟ 2007, BBC Monitoring Africa, Source: Tanzanian state owned TVT TV, 29 August. (FACTIVA)

31. „Tanzania: Ruling CCM denies talks with opposition CUF on Zanzibar have failed‟ 2007, BBC Monitoring Africa, Source: Tanzanian newspaper Daily News, 8 August. (FACTIVA)

32. „Party Leadership‟ 2002, Civic United Front (CUF) website, 31 March (Accessed through Webarchive http://web.archive.org/web/20021017022252/www.cuftz.org/leadership/index.htm – Accessed 5 September 2007.

33. „Party Leadership‟ 2005, Civic United Front (CUF) website, 2 November – Accessed through Webarchive http://web.archive.org/web/20051216042424/www.cuftz.org/leadership.html – Accessed 5 September 2007.

34. „CUF – Civic United Front: Chama Cha Wananchi: Leaders‟ 2007, Civic United Front (CUF) website, http://www.cuf-tz.com/index.html – Accessed 5 September 2007.

35. „About Us‟ 2007, Civic United Front (CUF) website, http://www.cuf- tz.com/about_us.html – Accessed 5 September 2007.

36. Article 19 2000, Zanzibar Democracy On Shaky Foundations, April http://www.article19.org/pdfs/publications/tanzania-zanzibar-democracy-on-shaky- foundatio.pdf – Accessed 6 September 2007.

37. Mpangala, Gaudens P. 2006, „The Zanibar Conflict: A Search For Durable Solutions‟ in Civil Security Relations in Tanzania: Investigating the Relationship Between the State, Security Services and Civil Society, eds M. Rupiya, J. Lwehabura and L, le Roux, Monograph No 128, December http://www.issafrica.org/dynamic/administration/file_manager/file_links/MONO128FUL LPDF.PDF?link_id=3&slink_id=4030&link_type=12&slink_type=13&tmpl_id=3 – Accessed 6 September 2007.

38. Mørck, Anna Birgitte 2006, The United Republic Of Tanzania: Presidential And Parliamentary Elections December 2005, Norwegian Resource Bank for Democracy and Human Rights, NORDEM Report 4/2006, http://www.humanrights.uio.no/forskning/publ/nr/2006/0406.pdf – Accessed 6 September 2007.