Chapter 4: House, Government and Opposition
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'Opposition-Craft': an Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitte
‘Opposition-Craft’: An Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD The University of Leeds, School of Politics and International Studies May, 2020 1 Intellectual Property and Publications Statements The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ©2020 The University of Leeds and Edward Henry Lack The right of Edward Henry Lack to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 2 Acknowledgements Page I would like to thank Dr Victoria Honeyman and Dr Timothy Heppell of the School of Politics and International Studies, The University of Leeds, for their support and guidance in the production of this work. I would also like to thank my partner, Dr Ben Ramm and my parents, David and Linden Lack, for their encouragement and belief in my efforts to undertake this project. Finally, I would like to acknowledge those who took part in the research for this PhD thesis: Lord David Steel, Lord David Owen, Lord Chris Smith, Lord Andrew Adonis, Lord David Blunkett and Dame Caroline Spelman. 3 Abstract This thesis offers a distinctive and innovative framework for the study of effective official opposition politics in the United Kingdom. -
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Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 Eileen Ryan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Eileen Ryan All rights reserved ABSTRACT Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 By Eileen Ryan In the first decade of their occupation of the former Ottoman territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in current-day Libya, the Italian colonial administration established a system of indirect rule in the Cyrenaican town of Ajedabiya under the leadership of Idris al-Sanusi, a leading member of the Sufi order of the Sanusiyya and later the first monarch of the independent Kingdom of Libya after the Second World War. Post-colonial historiography of modern Libya depicted the Sanusiyya as nationalist leaders of an anti-colonial rebellion as a source of legitimacy for the Sanusi monarchy. Since Qaddafi’s revolutionary coup in 1969, the Sanusiyya all but disappeared from Libyan historiography as a generation of scholars, eager to fill in the gaps left by the previous myopic focus on Sanusi elites, looked for alternative narratives of resistance to the Italian occupation and alternative origins for the Libyan nation in its colonial and pre-colonial past. Their work contributed to a wider variety of perspectives in our understanding of Libya’s modern history, but the persistent focus on histories of resistance to the Italian occupation has missed an opportunity to explore the ways in which the Italian colonial framework shaped the development of a religious and political authority in Cyrenaica with lasting implications for the Libyan nation. -
Zeynep Koçak-Şimşek* This Article
M ARSILIUS OF P ADUA : T HE S OCIAL C ONTRACTARIAN Zeynep Koçak - Şimşek * This article aims to demonstrate that Marsilius of Padua' s Defensor Pacis (1324) encompasses the basics of the social contract theory. Marsilius arrives at the social contractarian theory drawing upon both his past and present political engagements, and the theoretical legal - political debates of his time. He reconciles his back ground in the city - state of Padua, which struggled with the Holy Roman Empire to keep its autonomous legal order of republican liberties, with his political tendency to and his engagement with the i mperial order. Yet, in constructing his political thought, he benefits immensely from the legal and political debates that had been going on since the beginning of the 10th century with the emergence of the Bologna law school, as well as the revival of both Aristotelian scholarship and Ulpian ' s contribution to th e Digest. All of this had a decisive impact on the scope of the debates. The legal debates sought the legitimate origin of the Holy Roman Emperor ' s sovereignty . H owever, by breaking sovereignty into parts as executive power and legislative power, Azo Portius introduced the possibility of the separation of powers into the debate. Armed with his engagement with the Aristotelian ' doctrine of the wisdom of the multitude ' and the renaissance of the Codex, Marsilius was able to further what Azo had dismantle d by shifting the power that underlay the sovereignty from a bundle of legislative and executive powers to merely legislative ones. Through a convention that he derived from l ex r egia, he constituted the first version of the social contract . -
Does Breaking Through the •Œfinal Glass Ceiling╊ Really Pave The
Does Breaking Through the “Final Glass Ceiling” Really Pave the Way for Subsequent Women to Become Heads of State? 1 Does Breaking Through the “Final Glass Ceiling” Really Pave the Way for Subsequent Women to Become Heads of State? By Katherine Rocha, Joseph Palazzo, Rebecca Teczar and Roger Clark Rhode Island College Abstract Women’s ascension to the role of national president or prime minister of any country is a relatively new phenomenon in world history. The first woman to break the “final glass ceiling,” Sirinavo Bandaranaike of Ceylon (Sri Lanka today), did it in 1960, just 58 years ago. Since then, the ceiling has been broken in about 83 nations worldwide, but we still know little about what it takes for women to achieve such national leadership roles. Previous research (e.g., Jalalzai, 2013; Skard, 2015) has pointed to the importance of family connections, political turmoil, and the nature of a country’s political system. But only one study (Jalalzai, 2013) provided quantitative, cross-national support for any of these observations. Our paper replicates Jalalzai’s analysis, done using data from the first decade of the twenty-first century, with data from the second decade. We find that there have been dramatic changes over time. We find that family connections are now no more useful for explaining women’s rise to presidencies and prime ministerial positions than men’s; that, in fact, women are now more likely to rise in politically stable nation states than in fragile ones. And, perhaps most importantly, women are much more likely to ascend to the highest positions in countries where they have already broken the “final glass ceiling.” Keywords: final glass ceiling, women presidents, women prime ministers Introduction In a course on the Sociology of Gender we had learned that, while such a ceiling might exist in Following Hillary Clinton’s loss in the 2016 U.S. -
The Parliament
The Parliament is composed of 3 distinct elements,the Queen1 the Senate and the House of Representatives.2 These 3 elements together characterise the nation as being a constitutional monarchy, a parliamentary democracy and a federation. The Constitution vests in the Parliament the legislative power of the Common- wealth. The legislature is bicameral, which is the term commoniy used to indicate a Par- liament of 2 Houses. Although the Queen is nominally a constituent part of the Parliament the Consti- tution immediately provides that she appoint a Governor-General to be her representa- tive in the Commonwealth.3 The Queen's role is little more than titular as the legislative and executive powers and functions of the Head of State are vested in the Governor- General by virtue of the Constitution4, and by Letters Patent constituting the Office of Governor-General.5 However, while in Australia, the Sovereign has performed duties of the Governor-General in person6, and in the event of the Queen being present to open Parliament, references to the Governor-General in the relevant standing orders7 are to the extent necessary read as references to the Queen.s The Royal Style and Titles Act provides that the Queen shall be known in Australia and its Territories as: Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God Queen of Australia and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth.* There have been 19 Governors-General of Australia10 since the establishment of the Commonwealth, 6 of whom (including the last 4) have been Australian born. The Letters Patent, of 29 October 1900, constituting the office of Governor- General, 'constitute, order, and declare that there shall be a Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief in and over' the Commonwealth. -
Role and Powers of the Prime Minister
House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Role and powers of the Prime Minister First Report of Session 2014–15 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 19 June 2014 HC 351 Published on 24 June 2014 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to consider political and constitutional reform. Current membership Mr Graham Allen MP (Labour, Nottingham North) (Chair) Mr Jeremy Browne MP (Liberal Democrat, Taunton Deane) Mr Christopher Chope MP (Conservative, Christchurch) Tracey Crouch MP (Conservative, Chatham and Aylesford) Mark Durkan MP (Social Democratic & Labour Party, Foyle) Paul Flynn MP (Labour, Newport West) Fabian Hamilton MP (Labour, Leeds North East) David Morris MP (Conservative, Morecambe and Lunesdale) Robert Neill MP (Conservative, Bromley and Chislehurst) Chris Ruane MP (Labour, Vale of Clwyd) Mr Andrew Turner MP (Conservative, Isle of Wight) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the Parliament: Sheila Gilmore MP (Labour, Edinburgh East) Andrew Griffiths MP (Conservative, Burton) Simon Hart MP (Conservative, Camarthen West and South Pembrokeshire) Tristram Hunt MP (Labour, Stoke on Trent Central) Mrs Eleanor Laing MP (Conservative, Epping Forest) Stephen Williams MP (Liberal Democrat, Bristol West) Yasmin Qureshi MP (Labour, Bolton South East) Powers The Committee’s powers are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in Temporary Standing Order (Political and Constitutional Reform Committee). These are available on the Internet via http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmstords.htm Publication Committee reports are published on the Committee’s website at http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons- select/political-and-constitutional-reform-committee/publications/ and by The Stationary Office by Order of the House. -
Theory of Separation of Powers
THEORY OF SEPARATION OF POWERS Introduction The three organs of the government—Legislature, Executive and Judiciary— perform the three essential functions of law-making, law-application and law- adjudication. This threefold division of governmental functions is universally accepted as the best way of organizing the government. These three functions are inter-related and inter-dependent. But these are performed by three different organs. The separation of powers is a model for the governance of a state. Under this model, the state is divided into three branches of legislature, executive, and judiciary, each with separate and independent powers and areas of responsibility so that the powers of one branch are not in conflict with other branches. It can be contrasted with the fusion of powers in parliamentary systems where the executive and legislature are unified. Separation of powers, therefore, refers to the division of responsibilities into distinct branches to limit any one branch from exercising the core functions of another. The intent is to prevent the concentration of power and provide for checks and balances. History Aristotle first mentioned the idea of a "mixed government" or hybrid government in his work Politics where he drew upon many of the constitutional forms in the city-states of Ancient Greece. In the Roman Republic, the Roman Senate, Consuls and the Assemblies showed an example of a mixed government according to Polybius. John Calvin (1509–1564) favoured a system of government that divided political power between democracy and aristocracy (mixed government). In order to reduce the danger of misuse of political power, Calvin suggested setting up of several political institutions which should complement and control each other in a system of checks and balances. -
Terms of Service for Members of the House of Representatives in the 117Th Congress
Terms of Service for Members of the House of Representatives in the 117th Congress October 1, 2021 The table below includes Members of the House of Representatives sorted by number of terms of service (in descending order by beginning of service) and then alphabetically by last name. Bold text denotes individuals elected in special elections. Italic text indicates non-consecutive service. Terms of Service for Representatives Last name First name Terms of State Party Congresses (inclusive) Beginning of service present service Young Don 25 AK Republican 93rd to 117th March 6, 1973 Rogers Harold 21 KY Republican 97th to 117th January 3, 1981 Smith Christopher H. 21 NJ Republican 97th to 117th January 3, 1981 Hoyer Steny H. 21 MD Democrat 97th to 117th May 19, 1981 Kaptur Marcy 20 OH Democrat 98th to 117th January 3, 1983 DeFazio Peter A. 18 OR Democrat 100th to 117th January 3, 1987 Upton Fred 18 MI Republican 100th to 117th January 3, 1987 Pelosi Nancy 18 CA Democrat 100th to 117th June 2, 1987 Pallone Frank, Jr. 18 NJ Democrat 100th to 117th November 8, 1988 Neal Richard E. 17 MA Democrat 101st to 117th January 3, 1989 100th to 103rd; 105th Price David E. 17 NC Democrat to 117th January 3, 1997 DeLauro Rosa L. 16 CT Democrat 102nd to 117th January 3, 1991 Waters Maxine 16 CA Democrat 102nd to 117th January 3, 1991 Nadler Jerrold 16 NY Democrat 102nd to 117th November 3, 1992 98th to 103rd; 108th Cooper Jim 16 TN Democrat to 117th January 3, 2003 Bishop Sanford D., Jr. -
Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-Party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others)
Sustainable Governance Indicators SGI 2015 Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others) SGI 2015 | 2 Parties and Interest Associations Indicator Intra-party Democracy Question How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes? 41 OECD and EU countries are sorted according to their performance on a scale from 10 (best) to 1 (lowest). This scale is tied to four qualitative evaluation levels. 10-9 = The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open. 8-6 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are rather open. 5-3 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are largely controlled by the party leadership. 2-1 = A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership. Denmark Score 8 Four of the political parties represented in the Danish parliament, the Liberal Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Social Liberal Party and the Conservative Party have existed for more than 100 years and have all regularly taken part in governments. -
Chapter One: the Background and Roles of Shadow Cabinet
Chapter one: the background and roles of Shadow Cabinet As with most other components of the Australian political system, Shadow Cabinet evolved from an informal process in the British Parliament. From the mid-nineteenth century in Britain, a distinct and organised opposition began to emerge; a leadership group to coordinate its strategy soon followed.1 In the latter half of that century, the Shadow Cabinet became a recognised entity within British politics, though British academic D.R. Turner notes that ‘its use was still limited and its full potential unrecognised’.2 Over time, the Shadow Cabinet slowly solidified its position in the British system, marked most notably in 1937, when the position of Leader of the Opposition began to carry a salary.3 This same development, however, had already taken place in Australia, 17 years earlier, following an initiative of Prime Minister Billy Hughes.4 As academic, Ian Ward notes, this remains the only formal recognition of Shadow Cabinet in Australia; shadow ministers’ salaries are set at the same rate as backbenchers, but they are usually given an allowance—around one-fifth of that allocated to ministers—for researchers and other staff.5 In this chapter, I briefly examine the evolution of the British Shadow Cabinet and how that has impacted the Australian equivalent. I then examine the three roles most commonly ascribed to the British Shadow Cabinet and discuss the extent to which they are evident in the modern Australian Shadow Cabinet. These roles are: organising the Opposition, providing an alternative government and serving as a training ground for future ministers. -
The Brookings Institution
1 SCOTLAND-2013/04/09 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION SCOTLAND AS A GOOD GLOBAL CITIZEN: A DISCUSSION WITH FIRST MINISTER ALEX SALMOND Washington, D.C. Tuesday, April 9, 2013 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction: MARTIN INDYK Vice President and Director Foreign Policy The Brookings Institution Moderator: FIONA HILL Senior Fellow and Director Center on the United States and Europe The Brookings Institution Featured Speaker: ALEX SALMOND First Minister of Scotland * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 2 SCOTLAND-2013/04/09 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. INDYK: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. Welcome to Brookings. I'm Martin Indyk, the Director of the Foreign Policy Program at Brookings, and we're delighted to have you here for a special event hosted by Center on the U.S. and Europe at Brookings. In an historic referendum set for autumn of next year, the people of Scotland will vote to determine if Scotland should become an independent country. And that decision will carry with it potentially far-reaching economic, legal, political, and security consequences for the United Kingdom. Needless to say, the debate about Scottish independence will be watched closely in Washington as well. And so we are delighted to have the opportunity to host the Right Honorable Alex Salmond, the first Minister of Scotland, to speak about the Scottish independence. He has been First Minister since 2007. Before that, he has had a distinguished parliamentary career. He was elected member of the UK parliament in 1987, served there until 2010. -
Presentation to the Senate Modernization Committee
Presentation to the Senate Modernization Committee The Senate and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms JAMES B. KELLY Professor Department of Political Science Concordia University May 10, 2017 1 There are 4 broad reforms that should be considered to ensure a more transparent approach to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms by the Minister of Justice, as well as to modernize the role of the Senate in respect to rights-based scrutiny and the legislative process. 1. Change the Minister of Justice’s reporting duty in regard to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms from simply allowing a statement of incompatibility (SOI) to also require a statement of compatibility (SOC) for all government bills modelled after the approach in the Commonwealth of Australia. For private members’ bills (PMBs), the Minister of Justice should be required to review all PMBs that progress past second reading. Because PMBs have a higher probability of being found incompatible with the Charter of Rights, as the Department of Justice does not assist in the preparation of PMBS, a revised section 4.1.1. of the Department of Justice Act should retain the ability of the Minister of Justice to issue a statement of incompatibility in this context. 2. Establish a dedicated parliamentary committee with the sole mandate to receive and review statements of compatibility, and to issue an independent assessment of Charter compatibility of all government bills, and all PMBS that progress past second reading. This committee should be a joint committee of the Parliament of Canada modelled after the Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR) in the United Kingdom and the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights (PJCHR) in Australia.