RMS AMI Days 6-10 (March 30Th- April 3Rd) Information
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Istoria Rom Anilor
N. IORGA uan ISTORIA ROM ANILOR VOL. II OAMENII PAMANTULUI (PANA LA ANUL 1000) + BUCUR E T1 1936 CARTEA I-iu AMINTIREA IMPERIULLII CAPITOLUL I. Barb arii §i Imperiul In Apus, numai prin ultimul sfert al secolului al III-lea conditiile contactului cu barbarii au fost deosebit de sAlba- tece. In sfdram'a'trurile de marmuri linse de fldcdri, In obiectele mdrunte fdcute bucdti, In grAmezile de monede ascunse Jul- lian vedea grozdvia 1°1.1. O oarecare ruralisare pare a se pronunta si In Galia In- sdsi2. Se lucreazd pamantul ca la camp Induntrul zidurilor In secolul al IV-lea s. Un fenomen asAmAngtor se petrece Lot alunci In Belgia, uncle in cala Francilor germani se Ingrd- mddesc ruinele 4. Tabloul pe care ni-1 presintd istoricul modern al Galiei al unei provincii fundamental ruinate In care s'au fdcut in grabd sfortgoidesperate pentru a se Inldri mdcar cateva celdti capabile de a resista s. E aceiasi operd care se face tot atunci pe malul drept dundrean, care n'a fost pArdsit, al Scitiei Minore, la Ulmelum si la odatd strillucitoarea cetate a Is trienilor. Jullian observd ialtceva: Imperiul trece, de pe urma greseldor sale, prinfro lngrozitoare crisci care märzancei ora- .ele. Le vedem pustiindu-se, fdrä nicio amenintare strdind, In Nordul Italiei si pe Adriaticd 6 1 Jullian, Ilistoire de la Ganle, IV, p. 601. 2 Ibid., pp. 603-4. 3 Libanius,Orationes, XVIII. p.35. Semnalat de Jullian,o.c., VII, p. 26, nota 6. 4 Sclmermans, In Buitetin des commissions royales d'art et d'archéo- logie, XXIV (1890), p.189 si urm. -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
Nominalia of the Bulgarian Rulers an Essay by Ilia Curto Pelle
Nominalia of the Bulgarian rulers An essay by Ilia Curto Pelle Bulgaria is a country with a rich history, spanning over a millennium and a half. However, most Bulgarians are unaware of their origins. To be honest, the quantity of information involved can be overwhelming, but once someone becomes invested in it, he or she can witness a tale of the rise and fall, steppe khans and Christian emperors, saints and murderers of the three Bulgarian Empires. As delving deep in the history of Bulgaria would take volumes upon volumes of work, in this essay I have tried simply to create a list of all Bulgarian rulers we know about by using different sources. So, let’s get to it. Despite there being many theories for the origin of the Bulgars, the only one that can show a historical document supporting it is the Hunnic one. This document is the Nominalia of the Bulgarian khans, dating back to the 8th or 9th century, which mentions Avitohol/Attila the Hun as the first Bulgarian khan. However, it is not clear when the Bulgars first joined the Hunnic Empire. It is for this reason that all the Hunnic rulers we know about will also be included in this list as khans of the Bulgars. The rulers of the Bulgars and Bulgaria carry the titles of khan, knyaz, emir, elteber, president, and tsar. This list recognizes as rulers those people, who were either crowned as any of the above, were declared as such by the people, despite not having an official coronation, or had any possession of historical Bulgarian lands (in modern day Bulgaria, southern Romania, Serbia, Albania, Macedonia, and northern Greece), while being of royal descent or a part of the royal family. -
Votive Altar of Lucius Petronius Timachus
SOFIJA PETKOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade BOJANA ILIJI], Museum of Knja`evac, Knja`evac VOTIVE ALTAR OF LUCIUS PETRONIUS TIMACHUS UDC: 904:726.82"652"(497.11) ; 904:725.182.025.3"652"(497.11) e-mail: [email protected] DOI: 10.2298/STA1363053P Received: November 11, 2012 Original research article Accepted: April 23, 2013 Abstract. – During the systematic archaeological excavations in the fortress of Timacum Minus in Ravna near Knja`evac in 1991, a votive altar of Jupiter Paternus, dedicated by Lucius Petronius Timachus, a veteran of the legion VII Claudia, was discovered. The name (cognomen) Timachus was noted for the first time on this monument. It was developed from the ethnonime Timachi, or the hydronime Timachus, known from the historical resources of the Roman period. Timacum Maius and Timacum Minus, the fortifications and settlements in Upper Moesia, were named after the river Timachus (modern Timok), as was, probably, the whole region of the Basin of Timok. The votive altar of Jupiter Paternus was in secondary use as a construction material in the reconstruction of the horreum in the last phase of life in Timacim Minus, in the first half of 5th century A.D. The analysis of the archaeological context of the votive and funeral monuments from Ravna, used as spolia, have distinguished the three periods of their use from the last third of the 3rd century to the middle of the 5th century A.D. Key words. – Timacum Minus, Ravna, Eastern Serbia, votive altar, Iuppiter Paternus, Timachus, legio VII Claudia, Moesia Superior, Timok. -
„…Ut Strenui Viri…” a Gepidák Kárpát-Medencei Története
Szegedi Tudományegyetem Bölcsészettudományi Kar Történelemtudományi Doktori Iskola Medievisztika alprogram Kiss Attila „…ut strenui viri…” A gepidák Kárpát-medencei története Doktori értekezés Témavezet ı: Dr. Prof. Olajos Terézia professor emerita Szeged, 2014 Tartalom KÖSZÖNETNYILVÁNÍTÁS ............................................................................................................... 2 I. BEVEZETÉS ...................................................................................................................................... 3 I. 1. A GERMÁN KÉP VÁLTOZÁSAI A TÖRTÉNETI FORRÁSOKBAN ÉS A KUTATÁSBAN ........................ 3 I. 2. A NEMZET NÉLKÜLI „SZEGÉNY ” GERMÁNOK , A GEPIDÁK MEGÍTÉLÉSE A KUTATÁSBAN ....... 15 II. A GEPIDA CSOPORTOK KÁRPÁT-MEDENCEI BEKÖLTÖZÉSE .................................... 20 II. 1. KIS GEPIDA İSTÖRTÉNET ........................................................................................................... 20 II. 2. A GEPIDÁK MEGJELENÉSE A KÁRPÁT -MEDENCÉBEN – ISMERKEDÉS A RÓMAI HATÁROKKAL ? ............................................................................................................................................................... 28 II. 3. GEPIDÁK A 3–4. SZÁZADI KÁRPÁT -MEDENCÉBEN ? ETNIKAI INTERPRETÁCIÓK A RÉGÉSZETI KUTATÁSBAN ........................................................................................................................................ 36 III. GEPIDÁK A HUN KORSZAKBAN.......................................................................................... -
Hacettepe University Graduate School of Social Sciences Department Of
Hacettepe University Graduate School of Social Sciences Department of History TOWARDS THE END OF AN EMPIRE: ROME IN THE WEST AND ATTILA (425-455 AD) Tunç Türel Master’s Thesis Ankara, 2016 TOWARDS THE END OF AN EMPIRE: ROME IN THE WEST AND ATTILA (425-455 AD) Tunç Türel Hacettepe University Graduate School of Social Sciences Department of History Master’s Thesis Ankara, 2016 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study would have been impossible to finish without the support of my family. Therefore, I give my deepest thanks and love to my mother, without whose warnings my eyesight would have no doubt deteriorated irrevocably due to extensive periods of reading and writing; to my sister, who always knew how to cheer me up when I felt most distressed; to my father, who did not refrain his support even though there are thousands of km between us and to Rita, whose memory still continues to live in my heart. As this thesis was written in Ankara (Ancyra) between August-November 2016, I also must offer my gratitudes to this once Roman city, for its idyllic park “Seğmenler” and its trees and birds offered their much needed comfort when I struggled with making sense of fragmentary late antique chronicles and for it also houses the British Institute at Ankara, of which invaluable library helped me find some books that I was unable to find anywhere else in Ankara. I also thank all members of www.romanarmytalk.com, as I have learned much from their discussions and Gabe Moss from Ancient World Mapping Center for giving me permission to use two beautifully drawn maps in my work. -
Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 5-2013 Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E. Thomas Christopher Lawrence [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Lawrence, Thomas Christopher, "Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E.. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2013. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/1751 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Thomas Christopher Lawrence entitled "Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E.." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in History. Michael E. Kulikowski, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Christine Shepardson, Maura Lafferty, Thomas Burman Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E. -
Integrating Magna Dacia. a N Arrative Reappraisal Of
INTEGRATING MAGNA DACIA. A NARRATIVE REAPPRAISAL OF JORDANES OTÁVIO LUIZ VIEIRA PINTO SUBMITTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS SCHOOL OF HISTORY SEPTEMBER 2016 ii iii The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. The right of Otávio Luiz Vieira Pinto to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. © 2016 The University of Leeds and Otávio Luiz Vieira Pinto iv Al contrario, rispondo, chi siamo noi, chi è ciascuno di noi se non una combinatoria d'esperienze, d'informazioni, di letture, d'immaginazioni? Ogni vita è un'enciclopedia, una biblioteca, un inventario d'oggetti, un campionario di stili, dove tutto può essere continuamente rimescolato e riordinato in tutti i modi possibili. Italo Calvino, Lezioni Americane. […] his own proper person was a riddle to unfold; a wondrous work in one volume; but whose mysteries not even himself could read, though his own live heart beat against them; and these mysteries were therefore destined in the end to moulder away with the living parchment whereon they were inscribed, and so be unsolved to the last. Herman Melville, Moby Dick. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS When I crossed the Atlantic to start my doctoral research, I had no real dimension of how much certain people in my life would be fundamental to the completion of this thesis – and to go through, with head held high, the 4-year long process that it entailed. -
Byzantine Diplomacy and the Huns
У Ж 327(495.02:369.1) ” Byzantine Diplomacy and the Huns G ab riela SIMONOVA Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Philosophy Skopje, Macedonia The term “Byzantine diplomacy” basically defines the principles, methods, mechanisms and techniques that were used by~the Byzantine Em pire in negotiations with other countries, i.e. tribes, and in the promotion of the interests of its foreign policy. Understanding diplomacy as a war driven by other principally peace ful means is a notion characteristic to the Byzantines. For them, “peace bought with tributes” in each case was cheaper than any war. Therefore, the security of the Empire largely depended not only on its military capabilities, but also on its diplomatic activities. Because of the increased dangers imposed by the barbarian world1, and generated by the Great Migration of Peoples, weapons alone were not 1 1 The term “barbarian” and the word itself comes from the Greek language. In the classical era, the ancient Greeks using this word indicated a person who spo ke a language unknown or incomprehensible to them, who neither thought Greek nor behaved Greek. Byzantium also used this term in that cultural context. In the eyes of the Byzantines, the barbarians were those tribes and peoples who lived in an educational darkness, beyond the borders of the empire and who, by their culture, religion and lifestyle, did not belong to the Universe (oecumene). In the narrow sense the Barbarian was a pagan who was not directly a subject to Emperor’s laws or, indirectly through member ship of the Byzantine commonwealth, to the Emperor’s power. -
THE NATURE of NOMADIC POWER Contacts Between the Huns and the Romans During the Fourth and Fifth Centuries
TURUN YLIOPISTON JULKAISUJA ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS TURKUENSIS SARJA - SER. B OSA - TOM. 373 HUMANIORA THE NATURE OF NOMADIC POWER Contacts between the Huns and the Romans during the Fourth and Fifth Centuries by Päivi Kuosmanen TURUN YLIOPISTO UNIVERSITY OF TURKU Turku 2013 From the Faculty of Humanities Department of General History University of Turku Finland Supervised by: Professor Auvo Kostiainen Department of General History University of Turku Finland Reviewed by: Professor Auvo Kostiainen Department of General History University of Turku Finland Dr. Docent Katariina Mustakallio Department of History University of Tampere Finland Dr. Thomas Brüggemann Martin-Luther Universität Halle-Wittenberg Germany Opponent: Dr. Thomas Brüggemann Martin-Luther Universität Halle-Wittenberg Germany The originality of this thesis has been checked in accordance with the University of Turku quality assurance system using the Turnitin OriginalityCheck service. ISBN 978-951-29-5586-2 (PRINT) ISBN 978-951-29-5587-9 (PDF) ISSN 0082-6987 Painosalama Oy – Turku, Finland 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. Overview to the Research 1 1.2. Previous Research 3 1.3. The Aim of the Research 5 1.4. The Methodology 7 1.5. Central Concepts of the Research 11 1.6. Primary Sources 18 1.7. Structure of the Work 21 2. ROMAN AUTHORS’ WAYS OF WRITING ABOUT THE HUNS 23 2.1. Characteristics of the Huns Defined by Environment 24 2.2. Images of Nomads and Nomadic Way of Life 31 2.3. Educated Storytelling and the Accounts of the Huns 37 3. NEW NOMADIC ARRIVALS? THE FIRST DESCRIPTIONS OF THE HUNS 55 3.1. -
Evidence for the Hun Invasion of Thrace in A.D. 422 Croke, Brian Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1977; 18, 4; Periodicals Archive Online Pg
Evidence for the Hun Invasion of Thrace in A.D. 422 Croke, Brian Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1977; 18, 4; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 347 Evidence for the Hun Invasion of Thrace in A.D. 422 Brian Croke HE HISTORY of the Hun invasions of the Danubian and Balkan Tprovinces of the Roman empire is still not as clear as one would like. We are better informed about the major and most destructive raids of 441, 442 and 447, but even here universal agree ment has never been achieved. Still, it was the severe impact of these large-scale and effective incursions in the 440's that overshadowed and blotted out the memory of previous, less destructive ones. It is known, for example, that the Huns broke into Thrace and caused havoc in 422, but little has ever been said about it. The latest discussion of the invasion concludes thus: "Nowhere in the history of the Huns is the one-sidedness of our sources more manifest. Hun bands skirmished with Roman soldiers almost at the gates of Constantinople. Yet no word about it appears in the detailed ecclesiastical histories, no allusion in the vast theological literature of the time."l This statement is not entirely correct. There is far more evidence for the Hun in vasion of Thrace than has been realised, and it is time these pieces of evidence were fitted together to elucidate the course and con sequence of the invasion. I. Theodoret and Priscus The only dated record of this Hun incursion into Thrace is found in the chronicle of an Illyrian, Marcellinus comes, written in Constanti nople shortly after the death of Anastasius (518). -
Contos De Uma Insurreição. a Batalha Do Rio Nedao E a Revolta Fictícia Dos Povos Germanos
Brathair 15 (2), 2015 ISSN 1519-9053 Contos de uma insurreição. A Batalha do Rio Nedao e a Revolta Fictícia dos Povos Germanos Otávio Luiz Viera Pinto Doutorando - University of Leeds [email protected] Enviado em: 20/01/2016 Aceito em: 22/03/2016 Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é o de explorar e questionar o relato acerca da insurreição dos povos germanos contra os hunos, na chamada Batalha do Rio Nedao (segunda metade do século V). O testemunho desta batalha, presente em Jordanes, representa o fim da submissão de vários grupos germanos e nômades e da opressão desmedida dos filhos de Átila, Elaco, Hernaco e Dengizico. De acordo com Jordanes, após a morte do famoso rei huno, seus filhos passaram a tratar os povos vassalos como escravos, o que levou o rei gépida, Ardarico, a fomentar uma revolta que levou à morte de Elaco e ao fim da hegemonia huna nos Balcãs. Acreditamos que esta batalha é uma invenção retórica de Jordanes: único autor a mencionar este fato, Jordanes desejava criar uma explicação historiográfica para demarcar o fim da real autoridade dos hunos e, ao mesmo tempo, elucidar o caos político e social dos Balcãs durante o final do século V e boa parte do século VI. Palavras-chave: Hunos; Jordanes; Nedao. Abstract The aim of this paper is to explore and call into question the account of the insurrection of a number of Germanic tribes against the Huns, in the so called Battle of Nedao River (second half of the fifth century). The testimony of this battle, recorded by Jordanes, represents the end of the submission of many Germanic and nomadic groups and the end of the excessive oppression of Attila’s sons, Elac, Hernac and Dengzic.