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Un certo vescovo d’Ungheria e Alcuni sbagli nel testo sono dovuti e dell’amicizia invece di sangue o di i suoi amici alle fonti del Vasari. La vita del Man- funzione pubblica. tegna è presentata con discordanze Il trattato sull’amicizia sta tra gli Nancy Ridel Kaplan considerevole in ambedue edizione ultimi testi di Cicerone, scritto nel 43 Post-dottorato, IFCH, Unicamp delle vite. Nel 1550, nella Torrentina, a.C., pochi mesi prima della sua morte. Vasari incorre in errore quando parla Ha la forma di heracleideion, un dialogo del soggiorno padovano del Mantegna. tra personaggi del passato, genere ere- Nella seconda edizione delle Vite, Già, nella Giuntina, nel 1568, le prime Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574) descrive gli ditato dei greci e abbastanza comune opere del pittore sono da lui descritte all’epoca. Tra gli obiettivi di Cicerone, affreschi di Andrea Mantegna (1430/1- in tutti i suoi dettagli e anche i rapporti c’era la trasmissione del pensiero greco 1506) nella cappela Ovetari [Fig.1] 1: così difficili fra Mantegna e Squarcione ai romani. L’amicizia era uno degli argo- [Mantegna] vi ritrasse anco (...)un certo ve- (1397-1468). Tra le due redazioni delle menti più frequenti. Il trattato ha avuto scovo d’Ungheria, uomo sciocco affatto, il quale Vite Vasari è stato nell’Italia Settentrio- influenza considerevole nei secoli. Sono andava tutto giorno per Roma vagabondo e poi nale e rimase qualche giorni a Padova. state fatte molte copie manoscritte e la notte si riduceva a dormire come le bestie In questa occasione, Vasari ha po- sucessive edizioni. I ragionamenti di per le stalle.2 tuto leggere la lettera di Campagnola Cicerone sono stati all’origine del pen- Il vescovo d’Ungheria citato dal Va- (c.1433/5-1522) scritta in latino sugli siero cristiano sull’amicizia. Cicerone sari è di solito identificato come Janus antichi pittori padovani. Il notaio Gi- è diventato il modello degli oratori cri- Pannonius 3(1434-1472), poeta, futuro rolamo Campagnola, contemporaneo stiani, soprattutto nel Rinascimento. Il ed amico del Mantegna, è ricordato ciceronismo nasce come una tendenza vescovo di Pécs ed amico del pittore. 6 come letterato e poeta per Scardeone letteraria ed il suo stile fu considerato La descrizione fatta dal Vasari non 7 e Michiel , che frequentava gli ambienti l’ideale per la prosa, che da questo ha corrispondenza in quella del libraio umanisti padovani. Secondo Vasari, punto diventa opera d’arte. fiorentino Vespasiano da Bistici, da lui Campagnola fu proprio un artista e Il De amicitia, indirizzato a Catone conosciuto di persona: “Era giovane di studiò con Squarcione. Il figlio Giulio Uticense (95-46 a.C.), testimonia la fi- bellissima presenza e di maravigliosi (c.1482-1514) si distaccò come incisore ducia incondizionata nella virtù e nel- costume, perchè, in fra l’altre sue inau- e lavorò col Mantegna. La lettera di l’amicizia. Cicerone racconta il discorso dite virtù, istette in Ferrara in quelo Campagnola8, perduta, fu molto famosa dell’augure Quinto Mucio Scevola (m. studio, in tanta amirazione della sua all’epoca del Vasari e pure Marcantonio 87 a.C.), da lui conosciuto quando vita e costumi, che non v’era ignuno Michiel l’ha utilizzò. ancora era molto giovane tramite suo che non se maravigliassi, perchè era Mantegna ha ritratto Janus Panno- padre. Scevola ricordava suo suocero, aliena da ogni vizio, e ripieno d’ogni nius e Galeotto Marzio (c.1424-c.1497), Gaio Lelio, detto Sapiens. Il colloquio virtù; e non solo venne mai in Italia ambedue in una stessa tavoletta. L’opera, si svolge tra Lelio ed i suoi due generi, ignuno oltramontano, ma Italiano non perduta, fu dipinta nel 1455 circa, forse Fannio e lo stesso Scevola, circa 129 se ne vide nella sua età, il simile di lui”4. a Padova, dove vivevano i tre amici, a.C. L’argomento sull’amicizia si pre- Ed aggiunge che nel suo soggiorno ancora giovani. Pannonius aveva circa sentò perchè era morto da poco tempo fiorentino tutti sono affascinati da lui. 24 anni, Marzio, 31 e Mantegna, 27. Cornelio Scipione Emiliano, l’Africano L’uomo sciocco affatto, citato dal Va- L’origine del doppio ritratto che ce- Minore (185-129 a.C.), l’amico del cuore sari, sarebbe forse l’unico personag- lebra l’amicizia tra Pannonius e Marzio di Lelio. Lelio e Scipione, che presero gio sicuramente identificato, Marsilio fu il De Amicitia di Cicerone (106-43 parte alla distruzione di Cartagine e Pazzo, quello del carnefice che taglia la a.C.), la più grande influenza del primo alla guerra di Spagna, sono una delle testa a S. Iacopo [Fig. 2] 5. Di lui, non Umanesimo. D’accordo con Burckhardt coppie di amici più conosciute della sappiamo niente, però il suo nome è 9, il ritratto dei due umanisti forse fu il Storia. Nel dialogo, Lelio spiega ai suoi suggestivo. primo esempio d’unione dello studio generi con quale animo lui riusciva a

RHAA 8 105 Traduções/Translations sopportare con rassegnazione la morte (1304-74), che descrive il ritratto di considerato come lavoro del Masaccio dell’amico. Laura dipinto da Simone Martini (1401-c.1428). Burckhardt16 ricorda una Ora se è vero che la morte segna soltanto la (c.1284-1344), anche quest’opera spa- pittura più antica, di origine veneziana, fine della vita terrena, non possiamo lamentarci rita. Nel suo poema, Janus riconosce un ritratto di due condottieri. per la morte di un amico. Faccio bene a non nel ritratto fatto del Mantegna la fa- Tra le opere attribuite al Mantegna, dollermi della sua morte (...) perché a lui la coltà di rendere presente l’assenza e di c’è un altro doppio ritratto, anch’esso morte non ha tolto niente. Soltanto a noi, qual- superare la morte nella celebrazione perduto: il ritratto di Leonello d’Este, cosa lei ha tolto. Per lui la morte ha apperto dell’amicizia. Lui riporta, oltre al trat- marchese di Ferrara, e del camerlengo la strada fino alla vita eterna. Per questo io tato di Cicerone, il De Pictura di Leon e favorito Folco da Villafora. L’an- temerei che dolersi della sua morte sia di uno Battista Alberti (1404-72): “[Il ritratto notazione nel documento della corte che lo invidi. possiede la facoltà] non soltanto di ren- estense di 24 Maggio 1449 dichiara: dere presenti gli assenti, come è detto (...) L’amicizia ha in sé tanti e grandi van- “un piccolo quadro con le effigie di dell’amicizia, ma anche di fare vedere taggi. (...) perché chi guarda un vero amico, Leonello d’Este da un verso e Folco dopo molti secoli i morti ai vivi, rico- 17 contempla, in un certo modo, l’immagine di da Villafora d’altro di mano di Andrea nosciuti da chi gli guarda con grande se stesso. Ecco perché gli assenti sono presenti, di Padova”. Nel Maggio di quell’anno, gioia e meraviglia.12 i diseredati ricchi, i deboli forti e, cosa più Mantegna era stato a Ferrara e la critica ardua ad affermarsi, i morti rivivono: tanto L’influsso di Alberti sul circolo è d’accordo nell’identificare il suo nome è grande il tributo di stima, tanto sono vivi il umanista padovano è stato grande. come autore dell’opera18. Prima di partire per Bologna nel 1415, ricordo e il rimpianto degli amici. Per questo Nei ritratti dei condottieri e di Za- lui aveva studiato con il ciceroniano noi giudichiamo felice la morte di uno, degna nobi Strozzi la composizione delle 10 Gasparino Barsizza (m.1431), profes- di lode la vita di un altro. (...) opere è sconociutta. Nel ritratto di Fer- sore di retorica dell’Università di Pa- Il De Amicitia ha affascinato gli rara, la descrizione, Leonello d’Este da un dova, il più importante latinista dell’ umanisti. Nel Quattrocento, il culto verso e Folco da Villafora d’altro, sembra epoca. Il De Pictura, scritto nel 1435, è dell’amicizia si manifestò tra il cambio un pannello dipinto da entrambi i lati, stato pubblicato nel 1440 nella versione di ritratti e del doppio ritratto. Non fronte e verso. Il ritratto di Pannonius in latino ed nel 1447 nell’italiana. Nel soltanto l’iconografia, ma la forma e Marzio è descritto nel poema: talis 1441, Alberti ha creato in Firenze il stessa dell’opera, quadro di piccole di- cum Iano tabula Galeottus in una. Non è Certame coronario sul tema dell’amicizia. mensioni, e l’impiego fatto da lui, sono sicuro che i due ritratti furono pitturati Più tardi, al principio del Quattrocento, derivati dalla cultura classica. insieme nello stesso lato o in entrambi anche Erasmo (1467-1536) ha svilup- i lati del pannello. Il doppio ritratto possedeva anche pato un culto dell’amicizia suscitato da un aspetto di equivalenza. C’era la Cicerone, realizzato nel doppio ritratto Tra i ritratti attribuiti al Mantegna, tradizione romana delle doppie erme, che Quentin Matsys (1465/6-1530) ha c’è un profilo di uomo [Fig.3]19 che nel bifrontale, ritratti di poeti e filosofi. fatto di Erasmo insieme con Petrus 1906 apparteneva ad una collezione pri- Nell’Antichità, era pratica comune della Aegidius13 in 1517. Thomas Morus vata in Gaál, in Ungheria. Fu venduto retorica e dello stile il paragone tra qua- (c.1478-1535), amico di ambedue, era nel 1929 a Budapest. Dagli anni trenta, lità e caratteristiche di due persone. Ad il destinatario dell’opera. l’opera è stata presentata nelle mostre. esempio nelle Vite parallele di Plutarco 20 Prima dell’opera del Mantegna, Va- Frankfurter (1939 e 1952) ha pro- (ca.46-ca.125), ci sono ventitré paia di sari cita nella vita de Fra’ Giovanni da posto di identificarlo come il ritratto vite. In ciascuna, c’è un paragone tra Fiesole (ca.1387-1455) un doppio ritratto di Janus con base nel luogo di prove- una personalità greca ed una latina. della colezione del duca Cosimo. L’au- nienza. La critica non è d’accordo, salvo 21 tore, Zanobi Strozzi (1412-1468), era Agosti (2005) . Il doppio ritratto di Janus e Marzio è allievo di Fra Angelico (ca.1387-1455). Christiansen22 giudica questo ritratto conosciuto soltanto tra la lode indiriz- Era il ritratto di Giovanni di Bicci di Mantegna il più problematico per- zata dal Pannonius al Mantegna. Nella de’Medici, padre di Cosimo, il Vecchio, e ché il suo stato di conservazione è pes- Laus Andreae Mantegnae, Pictoris Patavini, di Bartolomeo Valori, in uno stesso quadro. simo avendo sofferto due trasferimenti il poeta esalta la somiglianza dei ritratti I curatori dell’edizione del Vasari con- di supporto. Fu dipinto nel 1458 circa e l’eccelenza del pittore. La descrizione sultata dal Burckhardt14 hanno identifi- d’accordo con lo stile del Mantegna. dell’opera, il ritratto letterario, ritratto del cato una parte di quest’opera nel ritratto Malgrado il fascino dell’ipotesi di un quadro, nella definizione di Pommier11, a mezzo busto di Giovanni di Bicci ritratto di Janus Pannonius, questo non accompagna la tradizione di Petrarca de’Medici, negli Uffizi, che Bellosi15 ha è totalmente improbabile.

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Nato nel 29 Agosto 1434 23, lui sa- non impedì che lui si abbia mantenuto tore della confraternita di Santa Maria rebbe ventiquattro anni e l’uomo di pro- anticlericale, ateo ed incredulo nella dei Servi, che sosteneva un albergo, in filo dimostra essere più vecchio. Inol- vita dopo la morte. La sua principale onore di questi santi, per pellegrini che tre, in quel tempo Janus, chi sempre ha preoccupazione era già l’immortalità viaggiavano a Roma. Quando fu morto avuto la salute debole, possibilmente era del nome e non dell’anima. non è sicuro, però nel 16 maggio 1448, già tubercoloso, cosa che non concorda Janus fu compagno di studi o a la vedova Madonna Imperatrice firmava con l’aspetto robusto del ritratto. avuto contato con gli più importanti il contratto del lavoro che doveva essere Il Getty Museum possiede un Ritratto personaggi del suo tempo. Per esem- diviso tra Giovanni d’Alemagna (ativo di giovane [Fig. 4]24 di autore sconosciuto pio, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, futuro 1441-1450) ed Antonio Vivarini (1440- di origine ferrarese della seconda metà Pio II, un amico del zio arcivescovo, e 76) e gli allievi di Squarcione, Nicolò del Quattrocento. La parte posteriore l’umanista e condottiero Jacopo Anto- Pizzolo (1421-53) e Andrea Mantegna. del pannello è dipinta come simulacro nio Marcello, a chi lui ha dedicato un Giovanni d’Alemagna ed il cognato An- di porfiro in segno di essere un dit- elogio tra altre opere. tonio Vivarini rappresentavano la tradi- tico. Il catalogo del museo suggerisce Galeoto Marzio da Narni29, l’amico zione del Trecento mentre Mantegna e Janus come modello. È un profilo di più vicino di Janus in Ferrara, e per tutta Pizzolo erano la modernità. Pizzolo fu giovane dai linee regolare, dalla pelle la vita, fu arirvato alla scuola di Guarino assistente ai lavoro di Donatello, citato chiara, dagli occhi azzurri e dai capelli nell’anno di 1447. Lui era sette anni più in 1446 nell’opera dell’altare del Santo. biondi, che è d’accordo con le descri- vecchio che Janus e fu una sorta di suo In 1448, lui era valutato l’artista locale zione del suo aspetto. Forse il ritratto protettore. Quando Janus è diventato ve- più importante, con grande dominio fu dipinto durante il suo soggiorno fer- scovo della ricca diocesi di Pécs, questo della prospettiva. rarese. Janus fu giunto a Ferrara con è cambiato e lui ha potuto prestare aiuto Il convivere dei due pittore, Piz- tredici anni nel fine della primavera di e protezione a Galeotto, chi aveva sem- zolo e Mantegna, ambedue dal carat- 1477 per studiare per alcuni anni con pre problemi di soldo. In 1449, Galeotto tere forte e difficoltoso, fu disastroso. Guarino da Verona. Apparteneva a una si è diventato docente della Facoltà di Hanno avuto bisogno d’intervento giu- famiglia nobile e ha perso il padre du- Lettere e Filosofia nell’ Universitá di Pa- diziale per lavorare nello stesso spazio: rante l’infanzia. Lo zio materno Vitéz25, dova mentre faceva il corso di medicina. uno non poteva ostruire il lavoro d’al- il poderoso arcivescovo di Strigonia, ha La distanza non allontanò gli amici e tro e Pizzolo era costreto a togliere il sostenuto l’educazione umanista che lui quando Janus si è trasferito in Padova lenzuolo che impediva l’illuminazione stesso non aveva potuto ricevere. Nella diventarono più prossimi. della parete che Mantegna affrescava. scuola di Guarino, che Vergerio26, amico Nel 1456, Janus cominciò la tra- Gli affrescchi dovrebbero essere di Vitéz, aveva raccomandato, Janus ha duzione di Plutarco nella casa di Ga- finiti nel dicembre 1450, però con la ricevuto gli insegnamenti necessari per leotto in Montagnana30. Non ci sono successione di infortunio sul lavoro praticare i lavori di amministrazione a conosciute le circostanze in cui Janus e continuarono per lungo tempo. Gio- cui era destinato in Ungheria. Fu il di- Galeotto hanno trovato Andrea Man- vanni d’Alemagna è morto in 1450 e scepolo prediletto del maestro, onorato tegna. Loro condivisero interesse vivo Vivarini lasciò la cappella nell’anno con un panegirico. Nello stesso tempo, per la cultura classica. successivo. Nel fine di quest’anno man- scherzava e criticava cose che altri non Negli anni 50, quando i due amici carono mezzi. Pizzolo fu stato morto in oserebbero27. Janus diventò un caro abitavano insieme in Padova, Mantegna 1453, quando tornava a casa dal lavoro. amico di Battista, il figlio di Guarino, lavorava nella decorazione della cap- Come disse Vasari: “si fusse dilettato che l’ho ha descritto a imparare il latino pella Ovetari. È la seconda cappella a della pittura quanto fece dell’arme, sa- in soltanto un’anno e poi a dedicarsi destra dell’altare maggiore della chiesa rebbe stato eccellente e forse molto più a imparare il greco. Nello Studium di dominicana degli Eremitani, accanto vivuto che non fece”. Guarino in Ferrara, Janus è diventato all’Arena di Padova. Ci sono intorno Anche Ansuino da Forlì (ca.1438- poeta e si ha distaccato con le sue satire a 11 m di profondità per quasi 9 m di 1494) Bono da Ferrara (attivo 1450- alla maniera di Marcial (38-41-ca.103). larghezza. È dedicata ai santi martiri e 52) e Giovanni da Camerino (attivo L’opera giovanile, versi erotici e por- pellegrini S. Giacomo e S. Cristoforo. 1449–73) lavorarono negli affrescchi, nografici e combattimenti con i com- Nel testamento di 5 Gennaio 1433, An- però Mantegna fu colui che fu stato alla pagni, fu posta in dubbio perchè non tonio degli Ovetari ha legato 700 ducati testa del programma di decorazione. La era adatta alla dignità di vescovo28. La d’oro per la decorazione della cappella pittura fu ricominciata in novembre carriera clericale fu la scelta chi ha reso dopo la sua morte con storie della vita 1453 e è probabile che sia stata finita possibile a Janus l’ascesa sociale. Questa dei suoi santi patroni. Lui era il protet- in gennaio 1457.

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Gli affrescchi della cappella Ovetari e lealtà. Janus Vitéz, il Giovane, era il deva: “Meglio un porco grasso che una sono stati quasi interamente distrutti cugino di Janus Pannonius e protet- capra mingherlina”. l’11 marzo 1944 durante un bombar- tore di Galeotto. Quando perse lo zio damento americano. Questo complica e cadde in rovina presso il re, fu Ga- L’argomento del rittrato era impor- 37 di più la questione dell’atribuizione del- leotto chi riuscì a farlo tornare a Buda . tante per Janus, che fu uno dei primi l’autore e della cronologie delle opere E quando Marzio fu accusato di eresia, poeta a descriversi nei propri testi. Il perchè ci sono soltanto fotografie prima fu Vitéz chi lo aiutò a ricuperare i beni poema in omaggio a Mantegna fu com- 38 della seconda guerra mondiale. Restano e l’assoluzione del papa . posto dopo il ritorno in Ungheria nel soltanto due scene della “Storia di S. Galeotto Marzio fu anche ritratto 145842. Probabilmente il doppio ritratto Cristoforo” [Fig.1], staccate per restau- in due medaglie ungarese[Figs. 9 e è stato dipinto in Padova, prima la sua razione in 1865, e l’Assunzione della 10]39, fatte circa 1494. È rappresentato partenza. Non si sa con chi la tavola è Virgine nella nicchia dell’abside. di profilo tornato alla sinistra, con una restata. Forse Janus perchè lui fu quello Nel “Trasporto del corpo di san Cri- corona d’alloro nel rovescio d’una delle che era andato via, oltre a essere l’autore 31 stoforo”, Fiocco identificò il vescovo medaglie [Fig.10]. Nel recto di ambe- della lode. Anche la ragione della scom- d’Ungheria di chi parla il Vasari come due, c’è una scansia con libri, allusiva parsa del pannello è sconosciuta. La il giovane che porta la gamba del santo alla sua attività di bibliotecario della perdita di opere di piccole dimensione 32 33 [Fig.5] . D’accordo con Birnbaum , Ja- Biblioteca Corviniana40. D’accordo come un ritratto avviene spesso. Oltre nus sarebbe tra coloro chi guardavano con Huszár41, le medaglie possano es- a che, i gravi problemi politici affrontati 34 la scena dalla finestra [Fig.6] . Però, lei sere l’opera d’ogni artefice ungarese del fra poco tanto per Pannonius come per è in dubbio si il “vescovo d’Ungheria” fine del Quattrocento. La qualità diffe- Marzio giustificherebbero nascondere il è Janus stesso. Birnbaum dice che al risce, però non l’origine perchè l’iscri- doppio ritratto. Dopo 1465, anno della tempo che abitava in Padova, Janus zione è la stessa. La maggiore [Fig.9] è ambasciata a Roma, i rapporti tra il re e non era ancora vescovo e che quando molto superiore, tanto il ritratto quanto Vitéz sono degenerati, cosa che ha pre- fu andato a Roma in 1465, comandava la caratterizzazione della biblioteca. È giudicato Janus. Subito le ostilità sono un’ elegante delegazione alla corte di 43 probabile che sia il modello dell’altra cominciate . Paolo II. Secondo Birnbaum35, si Janus [Fig.10], nonostante l’addizione della Janus è morto nel Venerdì Santo, 27 sarebbe stato rappresentato nell’affre- corona d’alloro. Marzo 1472, in Medvedgrad. Fuggiva sco, certamente scriverebbe sul questo D’accordo con la tradizione locale, per Venezia, dove aspettava ottenerere o almeno nel poema che celebra i ri- rinforzi per affrontare Matia Corvino. tratti di Mantegna. nel fine del secolo XIX, era ancora pos- sibile vedere il ritratto di Galeotto in Il suo corpo fu sepolto in un monastero Vasari dice che i ritratti della cap- prossimo a Zagreb e dopo portato al un affresco molto guasto nella stanza pella Ovetari erano tutti di “suoi ami- duomo di Pécs. Non ci sono indizii conciliare della comuna di Narni, che cissimi”. Forse Janus sia tra loro, però del sepolcro probabilmente rovinato non esiste più. no Galeotto, perchè il suo viso è co- nel terremoto di 1880. Marzio è morto nosciuto. Può darsi che non era così Sopra il suo aspetto fisico, le me- cerca 1497, forse in Bohemia Mantova prossimo di Mantegna come Janus. Di daglie ungarese e la miniatura lo pre- o Lione e fu sepolto a Padova44. sentano molto grasso, la fronte ampia Marzio, c’è il ritratto in un codice un- Malgrado i versi di Janus dicono: “ con pappagorgia. Nel 1477, quando fu garese dipinto circa il 1489 [Figs. 7 e grazie a te, per molti secoli, i nostri visi 36 portato per l’nquisizione alla berlina 8] . Lui è presso il vescovo ed umani- rimarranno vivi, nonostante la terra che in piazza San Marco in Venezia per la sta Janus Vitéz, di Zedrna, durante la coprirà i nostri due corpi”, fu il suo te- consacrazione del futuro arcivescovo ritrattazione pubblica delle eresie della sto che ha mantenuto viva la memoria di Strigonia. Marzio è visto di fronte, sua opera “De incognita Vulgo”, il pub- della pittura45. guardando la sinistra. La mano destra blico gridava: “Che bel porco grasso!” che tocca il cuore significa devozione E lui, con l’umore caratteristico, rispon- Traduzione: Nancy Ridel Kaplan

1 Andrea Mantegna, Il Martirio e il Trasporto del di Andrea Mantegna. Firenze: Sansoni, 1966- 4 DA BISTICI, Vespasiano & FRATI, Ludo- corpo di san Cristoforo, ca. 1454-55, affresco, 1969, p. 550. vico. Vite di uomini ilustri del secolo XV. Bologna: base: 330 cm, cappella Ovetari, chiesa degli 3 Giovanni, Gian o Giano Pannonio, Johann Romagnoli-Dall’Acqua, 1893, vol. secondo, Eremitani, Padova. von Cisinge, vescovo d’Ungheria, vescovo di p. 244. Vespasiano da Bistici narra che prima 2 VASARI, Giorgio & BAROCCHI, Paola. Le Cinque chiese o vescovo di Pécs sono tutti di tornare in Ungheria, Pannonius stette in vite dei più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architetti, vita nomi dello stesso Janus Pannonius. Firenze e andò per lui per andare a trovare

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gli eruditi della città. L’incontro fu caloroso e 23 Il posto di nascita di Janus non è sicuro: 35 BIRNBAUM, Marianna. Op. cit., p. 77. Vespasiano lo introdusse a Giovanni Argiro- prossimo alla confluenza dei fiumi Danubio 36 Fig. 7. Giovanni Pietro da Birago, pagina del poli Cosimo de’Medici Poggio Bracciolini e e Drava in Eslavonia. Adottò il nome Pan- codice di Janus Vitéz, il Giovane: la consacrazione Donato Acciaiuolli. Pannonius fece bella vista nonius, un’allusione all’Impero romano. La dell’ episcopato, ca. 1489. Fig. 8. Giovani Pietro in Cosimo. Durante il soggiorno fiorentino, “natio Hungaria” significava la classe a che da Birago, pagina del codice di Janus Vitéz, assistette alle lezione di Giovanni Argiropoli Janus apparteneva, ossia, la piccola nobiltà che il Giovane: la consacrazione dell’ episcopato, ca. e convisse con i suoi discepoli. assunse gli uffici pubblici. 1489. Particolare: ritratto di Galeotto Marzio. 5 24 Fig. 2. Andrea Mantegna, Il Martirio San Gia- Fig. 4. Autore sconosciuto, Ritratto di giovane, 37 Janus Vitéz, il Giovane, era nipote di Janus como, ca. 1453-57, affresco, base: 330 cm, cap- Ferrara, 1450-1500, oleo e tempera sopra le- Vitéz, l’arcivescovo di Strigonia. pella Ovetari, chiesa degli Eremitani, Padova. gno, 20,32 x 15, 24 cm, J. Paul Getty Museum, 38 Nel 1477, l’Inquisizione accusò Marzio d’ere- 6 Los Angeles. Il franciscano Bernardino Scardeone (1478- sia a causa della sua opera De Incognita Vulgo. 25 1574) è autore di una storia di Padova, De an- Janus Vitéz, arcivescovo di Strigonia, ha avuto Fu costretto a fare una ritrattazione pubblica tiquitate urbis Patavii et claris civibus patavinis, 1559. grande influsso su Matia Corvino, re di Un- in Venezia. Il tribunale dell’Inquisizione se- 7 Il patrizio veneziano Marcantonio Michiel de- gheria a causa di lui. In Buda, l’ arcivescovo gnalò dodici sbagli nel testo. Marzio rifiutava scrisse le prime collezione veneziane in una aveva uno studio che riuniva letterati profes- la necessità dell`Incarnazione di Cristo per la opera tra gli anni di 1525 e 1543. sori pittori e scultori italiani. Possedeva una savalzione dell’umanità. Dopo, lui si preoccu- grande biblioteca, con quasi tutti i libri scriti in 8 Il destinatario della lettera Niccolò Leonico perebbe con il problema della salvezza degli latino, volumi comprati o copiati in Firenze. Tomeo, veneziano di origine albanesa, antico uomini virtuosi dell’Antichità. Marzio difen- 26 discepolo di Domenico Calcondila in Firenze, L’umanista Pier Paolo Vergerio abitò nella deva concetti polemici, come l’equivalenza e fu traduttore di opere scientifice e docente di corte ungarese. verità dei miracoli romani e cristiani, la pos- letteratura greca nell’ Università di Padova. 27 Ad esempio, in uno dei suoi epigramme, Janus sibilità di raggiungere a Dio e alla salvezza tra ogni fede, inclusi pagani turchi ed ebrei, 9 BURCKHARDT, Jacob. Il ritratto nella pittura ita- censura Guarino che permetteva ai suoi figli prescindendo del battesimo per la salvezza. liana del Renascimento. Roma: Bulzoni, 1993, p. 108. mantenere rapporti sessuali con le serve della casa e avverte che lui doveva aspettare delle Matia Corvino, re dell’Ungheria, nutriva sim- 10 Tradotto dall’ italiano e dal francese: CI- figlie la stessa condotta. patia per alcune forme di religiosità eretice CERO. De Amiticia. PACCITI, Guerino e accolse i dominicani nelle scuole ungarese. 28 C`è una edizione di 1933 degli Epigrammi (trad.). Milano: Mondadori, 1965. CICERO. Marzio frequentò la corte di Matia Corvino Lascivi di Janus con introduzione di Péter De Amiticia. TOUIA, Christiane (trad.), Parigi: fra 1461 e 86, più tempo che altri umanisti Sárközy; traduzione di Gianni Toti, edizio- Arléa, 1995. italiani. Malgrado essere stato l’amico Janus nifahrenheit451. 11 POMMIER, Edouard. Théories du portrait. Pa- Pannonius chi lo introdusse al re, Marzio non 29 rigi: Gallimard, 1998, p. 38. Galeotto Marzio nacque in Narni. Il nome soffrì persecuzione quando Pannonius e lo della famiglia appare per la prima volta nel 12 Ibidem, pp. 40-1. zio, l’arcivescovo di Strigonia, caddero in ro- 1400 nel documento di matrimonio di France- vina. Quando fu accusato di eresia, gli unici 13 Il doppio ritratto fu diviso in due: Quentin sca Martius, figlia di Paolo, con un Rodolfini. che lo difesero pubblicamente furono Janus Matsys, Erasmo, 1517, osp trasferito in tela, La famiglia apparteneva alla nobiltà locale e Vitéz, il Giovane, Matia Corvino e Lorenzo 59x46,5, Galleria Borghese, Roma. Quentin gli uomini si dedicarono alle armi. de’Medici, a chi Marzio dedicò nel 1489 il De Matsys, Petrus Aegidius, 1517, osp trasferito in 30 Fra 1462 e 77, Galeotto Marzio insegnò retto- Doctrina Promiscua, un tentativo fallito di fare tela, Longford Castle rica e poesia nelle Università di Bologna e Pa- contatto con l’ambiente umanista fiorentino. 14 BURCKHARDT, Jacob, Op. cit., p. 77. dova e in Ungheria. Non ci sono trascrizione 39 Fig. 9. Autore sconosciuto, medaglia comme- 15 BELLOSI, Luciano. Gli Uffizi. Firenze: Cata- delle lezione di Marzio in Padova o Bologna. morativa di Galeotto Marzio, ca.1494, bronzo. logo Generale. Firenze: Centro Di, 1980, I, p. 373. Ci sono soltanto dieci lettere autografe. In Rovescio: profilo tornato alla sinistra. Reverso: Padova, Marzio abitò in Montagnana, dove 16 Ibidem, pp. 77-8. una scansia con libri. Fig. 10. Autore scono- abitavano i cittadini di Narni e vivera Gat- sciuto, medaglia commemorativa di Galeotto 17 Andrea Mantegna. Ritratto di Leonello d’Este, tamelata. Nel Duomo di Montagnara, in una Marzio, ca.1494, bronzo. Rovescio: profilo c.1449, tsp, opera scomparsa. cappela laterale, fino al secolo XIX, c’era un tornato alla sinistra. Recto: una scansia con 18 BELLONCI, Maria & GARAVAGLIA, Niny. affresco rappresentando una serpente ed ani- libri. Staatliche Museen, Berlin. L’opera completa del Mantegna, Classici dell’ arte. mali fantastici, attribuito a Marzio. 40 La biblioteca di Matia Corvino fu un sim- Milano: Rizzoli, 1967, p. 86. 31 FIOCCO, Giuseppe. Mantegna, la cappella Ove- bolo del Rinascimento ungarese e esprimeva 19 Fig. 3. Andrea Mantegna, Ritratto d’uomo di tari nella Chiesa degli Eremitani. Milano: Silvana lo spirito umanista della corte. Fu la seconda profilo, c. 1455-70(?), tempera sopra legno tra- Editoriale D’arte, 1947, p.32. maggiore raccolta di codici ed incunaboli del- sferito in tela e dopo in legno, 24,2 x 19,1 cm, 32 Fig. 5. Andrea Mantegna, Il Martirio ed il l’Europa nel secolo XV, minore soltanto della National Gallery of Art, Washington. Trasporto del corpo di san Cristoforo, ca.1454-55, Biblioteca Vaticana. 20 LUCCO, Mauro. “Ritratto d’uomo di pro- affresco, base: 330 cm, cappella Ovetari, 41 VAYER, Lajos. “Ritratto sconosciuto di filo”. In: LUCCO, Mauro (org.) Mantegna a Chiesa degli Eremitani, Padova. Particolare: aleotto Marzio. Contributo all’iconografia Mantova 1460-1506. Milano: Skira, 2006, p. Janus Pannonius? ritrattistica dell’umanesimo italo-ungherese”. 64: Frankfurter, 1939, p.114 e Frankfurter, 33 BIRNBAUM, Marianna. Janus Pannunius poet In: BIGOTTI, Mario (Org.). Galeotto Marzio e 1952, pp. 88, 91-2. and politician. Zagreb: Jugoslavenska Akademija l’umanesimo italiano ed europeo. Atti del III conve- 21 LUCCO, Mauro. Op. cit. Agosti 2005, pp. Znanosti i Umjetnosti, 1981, n. 43, p.16. gno di studio. Narni: Centro di Studi Storici, 15, 131. 34 Fig. 6. Andrea Mantegna. Il Martirio ed il Tra- 1975, pp.199-211. 22 CHRISTIANSEN, Keith. “Portrait of a sporto del corpo di san Cristoforo, ca.1454-55, af- 42 Tornato in Ungheria, Pannonius trovò difi- man”. In: MARTINEAU, Jane (org.). Mante- fresco, base: 330 cm, cappella Ovetari, chiesa coltà di adattarsi ai costumi del paese. Vitéz, gna. Milano: Electa, 1992, p. 331. degli Eremitani, Padova. Particolare: finestra. consegliere e confidente del re, condusse la

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carriera ecclesiastica del nipote, che ricevé [SCARDEONE, Bernardino. De antiquitate urbis Patavii che la veracità del tono fa brillare. l’importante e ricca diocese di Pécs e diventò et claris civibus patavinis. Basel: Nicolaum Episcopium, Fu Mercurio che ti creò di celeste natura? signore feudale. Presto Janus giunse il zio 1560. Supplemento: De sepulchri insignibus exterorum Patavii Fu Minerva che, malgrado vergine, a te fece il dono jacentium, p. 437.] nella corte in Buda. Tornò in Itália soltanto del suo latte? 45 Pel suo genio l’Antichità è nobile una volta, in 1464, come rappresentante del Tradotto del francese in MARGOLIN, Jean- Nobile lei è, pella su’ arte re all’incoronazione di Paolo II, capo di una Claude. “Le poète Janus Pannonius et le pein- tre Mantegna” . Acta Litteraria Academiae Però il tuo proprio genio e la tua arte trionfano su grande comitiva. In quest’occasione, acquistò gli antichi. Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapest: Magyar molti volumi greci e latini in Roma. Panno- Della bocca, tu potessi fare scaturire e spargere la nius passò per Firenze Ferrara e Venezia, dove Tudományos Akadémia, Tomo 14, 3-4, 1972. schiuma, comprò libri e incaricò molte copie. Costituì Della Venere di Cos la figura raffinare. una considerevole biblioteca nella sua diocese, Ode a Andrea Mantegna, pittore padovano La natura non ha il potere di produrre una sola che voleva trasformare in centro culturale. Anno 1458 creatura che i tuoi diti non possano imitare. 43 Elegia II Non ci sono evidente le ragione che condus- Finalmente, della pittura la tua gloria va davanti, sero Matia Corvino a allontanare e osteggiare Uguale presso il re di Macedonia come in una storia del tuo glorioso Tito Livio. l’antico elettore e supporto del suo regno. La la meravigliosa grazia della mano d’Apele In questo modo, dopo riempire con le tue opere nomina del arcivescovo come cardinale era dipinse il suo leale compagno tutte le regione della Terra, sicura, però un vescovo tedesco fu lo scelto. uguale, in una stessa tavola, tu puoi lasciare questo mondo, all’appello del Signore Da questo momento, Vitéz si mesi d’accordo Galeotto e Janus respirano insieme tu salirai in abitazione del cielo con il re di Polonia, che invase l’Ungheria legati ambedue d’una amicizia senza mancanza. dove, nel cammino punteggiato dagli astri, e esigé la corona per il suo nipote Casimir. Per un così grande regalo, Mantegna, con che comincia la Via Lattea; Quando l’esercito polacco uscì dell’Unghe- rendimenti di grazie Perché tu dipinga i palazzi del vasto cielo, affinché loro siano pitturati dai colori che fiammeg- ria, Matia Corvino, che aveva simulato una con che discorsi di lode nostra Talia ti celebrerà? giano delle stelle. riconciliazione, compì una vendetta. Prese Grazie a te, per molti secoli, vivi nostri volti rimarranno A decorare il cielo, l’arcivescovo in Buda e lo restituì alla libertà nonostante la terra che i nostre due corpi ricoprirà. nel cielo stesso il tuo premio troverai soltanto in cambio di un castello fortificato. Grazie a te, allorché l’immenso Universo ci separa e dei pittore, sotto il gran Giove, Vitéz sopravvisse poco tempo e, quando morì, uno di noi nel cuore dell’altro può riposare. il simbolo divino tu sarai. tutto il suo patrimonio, inclusa la biblioteca, A dir la verità, dei suoi veri tratti E tuttavia i poeti, i tuoi fratelli, fu confiscato per il re. quanto questi visi differiscono? In pietà non cederanno il passo, Però, poi dalle Muse, per te compiranno i primi 44 Galeotto visse in Ungheria fra 1477 e 80 e fra Che dire, se non altro, che a questi visi la parola lui ha donato? sacrifici. 1481 o 82 e 1485. La rovina di Janus e Vitéz Così la luce dello specchio rimanda i nostri tratti Noi due, più che chiunqu’altri; noi, che la tua mano non danneggiò il suo rapporto con Matia Cor- meno somiglianti destra vino. L’iscrizione sopra la tomba di Galeotto o il riflesso dell’acqua che con il puro cristallo farà nostri tratti conosciuti da tutta posterità. fu annotata per Sacardeone: rivaleggia. In aspetta che questi versi la nostra riconoscenza Hanc galeam, hinc posuit Galeottus Martius ensem Ammirabile corrispondenza delle parte uguale dei testimonino, Mar[s] tibi, et banc citharam docto cum pectine Musis, corpi di questi versi che le nuvole d’incenso arabo Militia functus, decantataque poesi. E per ciascuno dei tratti, non raggiungono la ricompensa.

Propria Belgarum laus: Domenicus the widow of the Flemish editor Hiero- after the cardinal’s death, Lampsonius Lampsonius and the Pictorum nymus Cock, contains 23 engravings returned home, entering directly into Aliquot Celebrium Germaniae representing portraits of Flemish and the service of the recently nominated Dutch painters from the fifteenth and Bishop of Liege, Robert of Berghes Inferioris Effigies* sixteenth centuries. These bear Latin (and, afterwards, of his successors, Maria Berbara verses praising their personal and/or Gerard van Groesbeeck and Ernst of artistic qualities. The author of the po- PhD in Art History, University of Hamburg, Bavaria). During this period, the hu- Germany ems is the humanist, collector, diplomat, manist established intense relationships Post-Doctoral Researches, State University of painter, and poet Domenicus Lampson- with outstanding intellectuals all over São Paulo (FAU/USP) and University of Leiden ius (Bruges, 1532 – Liege, 1599), whom Europe – among whom are the Portu- (Holland) Vasari mentions as being a uomo di bellis- guese Pedro Ximenes, Justus Lipsius Professor of Art History, State University of Rio sime lettere e molto giudizio in tutte le cose3. and Abraham Ortelius. At the same de Janeiro (UERJ) Lampsonius studied in the Arts time, he visited the academy recently Faculty of Louvain, and, in 1554, he founded by Lambert Lombard after his According to a contemporary read- went to England as Reginald Pole’s return from Italy, where he got in touch ing, the Pictorum aliquot celebrium Germa- private secretary. Pole was on his way with several of the artists represented in niae inferioris Effigies1 established the first back to England, as he had been sum- the Effigies. In 1569, he married Beelken Nordic historical-artistic canon2. The moned by Mary I Tudor after an Ital- Schelen, from whom he would have book, published in 1572 in Antwerp by ian exile of twenty-two years. In 1558, two children, Marie and Gerard4.

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Lampsonius’ biography and his texts Just as Van Mander, Lampsonius personal or circumstantial reasons, even irradiate the meridional clarity that is gets closer to Vasari by constructing they seem somehow linked to the cur- regularly associated to humanism. Al- a national history of art intimately rents evinced by Lampsonius; through though he had lived, from a political linked to genealogy and determined the landscapes painted by his dear mas- and religious point of view, during a by a historical progression. However, ter Gassel, for instance, the humanist tense, unstable, and growingly intoler- at the same time that he emulates declares to have been awakened his own ant period, the Flemish intellectual mas- Vasari’s historical and historical-artis- love for art. The organization of the Ef- tered, with elegance and firmness, the tic schemes, the humanist seeks to re- figies, likewise Vasari’s Vite, is primordi- main attributes of Renaissance’s homo value the Flemish artistic tradition by ally chronological, which stresses the eruditus: philology and rhetoric, theol- exalting the national languages of por- organic character of the development of ogy and classical languages, diplomacy, traiture and landscape and by creating Flemish art according to Lampsonius; literature, philosophy, art criticism and autonomous and self-referent artistic analogously to Vasari, contemporary art music – they all were fields in which, lineages. Albeit he makes explicit his is seen by the humanist as the acme of strongly supported by the soundness of intense admiration for Italian contem- an evolutive path which origin, in the his own intelligence, Lampsonius ex- porary art and its paradigms – in his Low Countries, is Van Eyck. plored with secureness, independence verses to Scorel, he affirms that only The Lampsonian anthology, deter- and lively curiosity. those who had consumed a thousand minant at one time of an identity and a His writings include, besides the Effi- brushes in Rome can call themselves canon, has exerted profound influence gies, a Lamberti Lombardi vita (1565), sev- true painters –, Lampsonius insists on as much in the Low Countries as in It- eral poems – in their majority dedicated the importance of the observation and aly10. Karel van Mander – who translates to artists5 - and a vast and erudite epis- imitation of nature, which he considers the majority of the verses of the Effigies tolary, which included letters delivered fundamental to the artist’s upbringing in the second edition of his Schilderboeck to Titian, Clovio and Vasari. The latter process. His excellence, according to – assimilates not only the Lampsonian had written him, in his turn, requesting the writer, is connected to the right choice, but also some general principles information on Flemish painters, which equilibrium between ars and natura9. of the book, especially its division be- would serve as sources for the chapter of What are the criteria used by Lamp- tween native and “Italianizing” currents the Giuntine edition of the Vite titled - a sonius when he selected the artists that and its high esteem for portraiture and posteriori - De diversi artefici fiamminghi6. were sung in the Effigies? Portraiture, landscape painting11. The architecture of the Effigies goes and, especially, landscape painting, are, Cornelis Cort (Hoorn, circa 1533 – back to the classical tradition of the il- as said before, highly praised by the hu- Rome, 1578) and Jan Wierix (Antwerp, lustrious exempla7, recovered during the manist, who deals with them as being 1549 – Brussels, circa 1618) engraved the Renaissance and solidly linked to por- native Dutch idioms; of the 23 artists majority of the plates included in the traiture and to history by Giovio8. By listed, six are landscape painters, and Effigies; some of them were done from the other side, the collection of images others – like Bouts – keep a clear Wahl- Dürer’s drawings or from the artists’ of renowned men (whose common de- verwandtschaft with the representation self-portraits. It is possible that Cock nominator is, generally, a similar pro- of landscapes. Lampsonius favors yet himself could have produced the re- fession or workmanship) experiments intimate dialogues, like those of Bosch maining engravings. The second edi- a huge fortune in the middle of the and Brueghel - which could indicate the tion of the Effigies was also published in fifteenth century, both to the north as creation of an independent artistic line- 1572, and the two successive ones, with to the south of the Alps. Though the age - as well as the invention of shapes the types of Theodoor Galle (Philip’s poetic genre of the Encomium of the arts and techniques in Flemish lands – for son), were issued during the next eight and artists – also of classical derivation instance, oil painting, legendarily dis- years. In 1694, the first English edition – had already flourished notably in the covered by Van Eyck. A smaller ammo- of the work was published. There are fourteenth century, Lampsonius is the unt of painters – among whom Pieter only two complete modern transla- first to create, in northern Europe, an Cock, Scorel and Frans Floris – belong tions of the Effigies: to the French, in illustrated poetic collection of famous to the group that the twentieth-century the critical edition of Puraye, and, more painters in the framework of the uomini criticism would call, pejoratively, Rom- recently, to the Italian, by Maria Teresa illustri tradition. This elevates them, anists, and which evidently establishes a Sciolla12. Miedema translates some of consequently, to the same intellectual strong connection with contemporary the poems in the notes of his edition category as prelates, jurists, theologians Italian production. Though some artists of Van Mander’s Lives – subsequently or philosophers. were certainly included in the book for translated, by its turn, to English13.

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The present translation was made internal rhymes) painted on the frame ity of the inscription – and therefore of from an exemplar of the second edition of the lower external panels (left side) Hubert’s existence – was reinstated by of the work (Antuerpiae: sub intersignio of the Ghent Poliptych: art historians like Elisabeth Dhanens17, Quatuor Ventorum), nowadays preserved in a volume exclusively dedicated to in the Library of the Leiden Univer- [Pictor?] Hubertus… Eyck. Maior quo nemo the poliptych. The scholar argues that sity, Netherlands. In this copy, both repertus the calligraphic style of the inscription the dedication, as well as the twentieth- incepit. pondus. Q Johannes arte secundus corresponds to the period in which the third portrait – with its corresponding [Frater perf] ecit. Judoci Vijd prece fretus work was produced; also, that the last poem – was suppressed, eliminating VersV SeXta MaI Vos CoLLocat aCta verse is directed to the clergy of the therefore any mention to Cock. Due tUerI [1432] Saint John parish, which should guaran- to limitations of space, we omitted here tee the appropriate conservation of the the dedication to Hieronymus, but we painting; and that the words arte secundus included the final poem, an integral Approximately (several letters have associated to Jan make reference to the part of the editio princeps14. effaced), the quatrain can be translated fact that he is younger, and not artisti- in the following way: “The painter Hubert cally inferior, to Hubert. According to van Eyck, considered superior to all, started 18 *** Brand Philip , the initial word in the [this altarpiece]. Jan, second in art, has finished quatrain should read fictor, not pictor, and it under the commission of Josse Vydt. In the Hubert would be therefore the sculptor 1. HUBERT VAN EYCK sixth of May he (Vydt) plead to thee through who would have created the tabernacle (? - d. Ghent (?), 1426) this verse to take care of what was brought painted later (“secondly”) by Jan. Panof- ” (the date is suggested by to existence sky, in his famous book about Flemish the chronogram of the last verse). At primitive painting19, has sought in his Hubert van Eyck, Johannes’ brother; a particular moment and by unknown turn to associate the text of the quatrain painter reasons, the quatrain was painted over, to what he considered a markedly sty- Hubert, thy brother and thou received which came to be discovered at the listic and iconographic heterogeneity of recently deserved praises from our occasion of a cleansing done by the the poliptych: according to the German, Thalia (1). Being those praises not enough, Kaiser Friedrich Museum (Berlin) in Jan had inherited several panels initiated add this: thanks to thee, thy brother and 1822/23. Its authenticity, however, was pupil was greater than thou was. This is by Hubert made for different purposes, later disputed, especially after a micro what this work from Ghent (2) shows, using them for the new poliptych com- chemical exam (1951) had confirmed that to such a point had enamored the missioned by Jodocus Vijd. that the inscription was done over a King Philip, that he commissioned a re- silver leaf that replaced the golden leaf The debate around Hubert’s exist- production to Coxcie (3), in order to send ence, his supposed kinship with Jan, it to Spain, his homeland. found on the other parts of the frame of the altarpiece. Particularly contentious and the attribution of some works to (1) Reference to the ode written in honor to the are the initial words of the third verse, both – above all the Ghent poliptych van Eyck brothers by Luke of Heere in his work – would become lively throughout the 15 erased and known only from transcrip- Den Hof en Boomgaert der Poësien . Van Mander in twentieth century; see recently the com- the Schilderboeck transcribed the poem. tions done before the 1823 cleansing. A prehensive book by V. Herzner20, which (2) The Ghent Poliptych, also known as the Mystical second controversial point is the hyper- Lamb, is still kept in the Ghent Cathedral. bolic eulogy made to Hubert, consid- considers the quatrain a sixteenth cen- tury forgery and denies entirely the (3) The Flemish painter Michiel Coxcie (or ered by many to be unlikely. In 1933, E. Coxie; Mechlin (?), 1499-1592). The poem by Renders came to affirm that the quat- participation of Hubert in the Belgian Luke of Heere ends up with a mention to this rain is entirely false, and that Hubert has altarpiece. version. never existed16. In the records from the Particularly noteworthy, in these ini- city of Ghent and from some churches, tial verses of the Effigies, is the central- There is no consensus about the pos- however, the name of a painter called ity of the topos of the artistic overcoming, sible kinship between Hubert and Jan, Hubert (the orthography of the name one of the most widely used in Vasari’s and, to the limit, even about the exist- may vary: Luberecht, Ubrechts, Hubre- architecture. Jan Van Eyck, whose pio- ence of the former. This last question chte, Lubrecht) van Eyck may be found neering role, in the book, is analogous to arouse in the first half of the nineteenth several times. The date of his death Giotto in the Vite, has, like the Italian, century, at the occasion of the discov- (1426) was indicated in an epitaph that, a precursor that is overcome by him: ery of the famous quatrain in leonine although destroyed in 1578, came to be his brother, paralleled in his turn to verses (that is, dactyl hexameters with copied twice. Afterwards, the authentic- Cimabue. Throughout the Vite, Vasari

112 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations had build other celebrated founda- linen oil, whose main characteristic is to contradicting Buonarroti, he argues tional binomials - historical structures dry quickly; not one of them, however, that fresco painting is not appropriate in which a brilliant artist emerges from refers to the Flemish as the inventor to Holland’s humid, windy, and cold the confrontation with his master and of the technique. The legend accord- whether, where moreover they do not propels towards a new maniera the art ing to which Van Eyck “discovered” have the adequate lime for the execu- of his whole generation: the Bellinis, the technique of oil painting had its tion of frescoes25. Verrocchio/Leonardo, and, naturally, origin, with all probability, in Vasari’s Oil painting, more than just a tech- 21 Ghirlandaio/Michelangelo , among Vite (Antonello da Messina, Domenico nique, is to Lampsonius a sign of iden- other less famous examples. Hubert’s Veneziano/Andrea del Castagno, and, tity, bestowing to the dawn of Flemish figure, by the other side, enables Lamp- in the 1568 edition, De diversi artifici painting a dignity of its own. sonius to mention the Ghent altarpiece, fiamminghi), according to which Van The idea that Van Eyck might have a work that, in the coetaneous imagi- Eyck’s nuovo segreto had been brought invented the technique of oil painting nary, was the cornerstone of modern to Italy by Antonello da Messina (cf. persists until today; it invariably ap- Flemish art. the strophe of Lucas de Heere’s above- pears in Brugge’s touristic guides and mentioned poem: Een Schilder uut Italien in manuals about the painter. [i.e., Vasari] selfs confesseert / Dat Heycus Van Eyck’s portrait is a direct quote daer d’Olverwe broght em heeft vonden: / Em 2. JAN VAN EYCK from one of the “righteous judges”, in van dry sine waercken hi mentioneert / Die te the Ghent poliptych (the panel, stolen Napels, Florencen em Turbino (sic) stonden). in 1934, is presently known through a Jan Van Eyck, painter Guicciardini, in 1567, would date the twentieth century copy). I, that for the first time showed, with my invention precisely in 1410. brother Hubert, how the brilliant colors During the very fifteenth century, are blended to the linen oil, marveled several Italian sources associate to the the rich and flourishing Bruges with the oil painting technique24 what seemed to 3. HIERONYMUS BOSCH (circa discovery that was ignored, perhaps, by them to be the most notable qualities of 1450-1516) Apelles (1) himself, and which our brav- Flemish art – that is to say, the richness ery did not lingered to diffuse to the and brightness of the colors and its ex- whole world. Hieronymus Bosch, painter traordinary capacity for retrarre del natu- For what reason, Hieronymus Bosch, hast (1) Van Eyck is directly compared to Apelles rale. By pointing out precisely the sup- thou shocked eyes? (1) Why such paleness in a Latin quatrain composed at the end of the posed invention of the technique in his sixteenth or at the beginning of the seventeenth in the face? It is as if thou hast seen flicker century by Maximilian of Vriendt that exhorts, verses about Jan, Lampsonius proudly before thee the Lemurs, specters from precisely, the Mystical Lamb from Ghent22. In a situates the Flemish master at the origin the Erebus (2). For thee were opened, 1589 letter to the French humanist Ludovicus of what was considered an artistic revo- doubtless, the alcoves of the miserly Dis Demontiosus (Louis de Montjosieu; cf. Puraye, lution of Pan-European dimensions. Si- (3) and his dwelling at Tartarus, since thy op.cit., p. 101 and subseq.), Lampsonius debates at length the famous Plinian anecdote oppos- multaneously, the humanist emphasizes hand could have painted so well all the ing Apelles to Protogenes (Hist. Nat., XXXV, the importance of the individual con- arcanes of the Avernus (4). 81-82), which was very diffused in the sixteenth tribution of the great artists, to whom (1) As pointed out by Rogier van Son (op. cit., and seventeenth centuries. The comparison be- are associated punctual discoveries of tween the Athenian and Van Eyck, under that p.189), Lomazzo clearly reveals his knowledge light, specifically emphasizes the thinness and an inaugural quality. By the other side, of Lampsonius in his writing about Bosch: delicacy of the Eyckian line. The importance Lampsonius equally suggests a clear “l’Attonito, Girolamo Boschi fiamengo, che nel of the linear control as an indispensable pre- counterpoint to Italian art generally - rappresentare strane apparenze e spaventevoli et orridi sogni fu singolare e veramente divino”. requisite for the accomplishment of great works and Florentine in particular -, which (2) Erebus is the darkness of the underworld. of art can be found in an anecdote written by are traditionally associated with fresco Camerarius that directly paraphrases the Plinian According to Hesiod’s Theogony, Erebus and passage, in the preface to his Latin translation painting. In a famous episode from the his sister Nyx (Night) were born from Chaos. of Dürer’s Vier Büchen23; at the above-mentioned Vita of Sebastiano del Piombo, a vo- Frequently, his name is used as a synonym for letter to Demontiosus, Lampsonius parallels ciferous Michelangelo would have said Hades, or underworld, as Lampsonius does both the anecdotes. here. The lemurs are the specters of the death, that “il colorire a olio era arte da donna which dwell at the Hades. e da persone agiate et infingarde”. Van (3) Dis, one of the names for Hades, is the con- Several fifteenth century writers, like Mander would recall the episode in the traction of dives, rich. Filarete, highlight Van Eyck’s ability in chapter 12 (11-13) of the Grondt der edel (4) According to the Theogony, the Tartarus is the use of oil painting – especially the vry schilder-const, where, without directly as below the earth as the sky is above it. It was

RHAA 8 113 Traduções/Translations underworld’s most horrible region. Avernus is to Brueghel – equally creates an art of of Justice taken from the history of Trajan a lake near Naples, which, according to the an- markedly Flemish personality. Simi- and Herkenbald (or Archambault, one of the cient legend, was one of the entrances to Hades earls of Bourbon; the histories comes from the – by extension the name is equally used as a larly, the painter acquires a striking in- Dialogus Miraculorum by Caesarius van Heister- synonym for Hades. Possibly, Lampsonius had ternational success – which is particu- bach), in one of each there is a self-portrait of in mind the famous passage of the Aeneid in larly interesting to the patriotic pride Van der Weyden (the work is known through a which the sibyl warns Aeneas (VI.126-9): “Sate of Lampsonius – already in the first copy, in tapestry, presently at Berne’s Historical sanguine diuom, Tros Anchisiade, facilis descensus half of the sixteenth century, when Museum). The panels represent, side-by-side, Auerno: noctes atque dies patet atri ianua Ditis; sed episodes from the life of the Emperor and of reuocare gradum superasque euadere ad auras, hoc opus, the famous collection that Philip II the Duke, in which both demonstrate to be be- hic labor est”. would place at the El Escorial in 1574 nevolent and fair rulers26. The goddess Themis began to take shape. In this period, is associated to Justice. yet, paintings by Bosch were acquired (2) This last passage was wrongly translated by In a clear contrast to the placid hu- by Isabela of Portugal; Margaret of Sciolla and Hymans, who probably relied on the manism irradiating from the effigies of translation made by Van Mander, who changed the Van Eyck brothers, Bosch’s face is Austria; Philip the Good, and, in It- it slightly in his version: “Ghy liet u goeders doch hier shown tense and crispy, in consonance aly, Domenico and Marino Grimani, d’aerde voor haer deel / Die blijven metter tijd verdorven al gheheel / Maer die schoon stucken claer, waer by with Lampsonius verses. Famous for among other famous collectors. At the seventeenth century – with the excep- wy u ghedencken / Die sullen onghescheynt in Hemel his disturbing canvases of fantastic eeuwigh blincken” (207 r20). As was observed by tion of Spain – Bosch’s fame decreases themes, mainly diabolic and with an Miedema, what Lampsonius seeks to empha- obscure iconography, Bosch is shown considerably, receiving renewed atten- size is that the paintings - material objects - are indeed as an archaizing counterpoint tion only in the twentieth century. perishable, while the artist’s fame – particularly when sung by a poet – is immortal27. to the luminous novelties of the Van Bosch’s effigy keeps remarkable Eyck brothers. His homeland Her- similarities with his portrait published togenbosch, distant from great cosmo- in the Arras Codex (fol. 275). Both of With Van der Weyden, Lampsonius politan centers like Bruges, Ghent and them go back, securely, to the same returns to the lineage of Van Eyck, Louvain, has surely contributed to the original. whose death, in 1441, raises Rogier to formation of the highly idiosyncratic the position of main painter at Flan- art that immediately identifies and ders. Although the historiography of characterizes Bosch, whom prominent art, at least since the first half of the twentieth-century scholars considered 4. ROGIER VAN DER WEYDEN twentieth century, has the tendency to circa to be “a solitary and inaccessible is- (Tournai, 1399, Brussels, 1464) perceive more differences than simi- land” rising up unshakeable in the larities between Van Eyck and Van middle of the fifteenth century Flem- Roger, painter from Brussels der Weyden28, several sources from ish mainstream (Panofsky, op. cit., p. That be not enough to thee, Oh Roger, the sixteenth and seventeenth centu- 357, but also Friedländer, among oth- the praise of having painted many and ries saw them frequently as part of a ers). If, at one side, Bosch’s canvases beautiful works, characteristic of thy continuum. Like Van Eyck, Van der are evidently related to the tradition times; thy works are worthy of being Weyden knew, in his lifetime, inter- of bestiaries, illuminated manuscripts, always before all painter’s eyes – if they national fame, and both are surely grotesques, and gargoyles sculpted in are wise. This is shown by the paintings the first Nordic artists to become the Gothic churches, at the other side, that restrain the court of Brussels of de- celebrities comparable to their Italian they subvert the rules of these forms of viation from the pathway of Themis (1). counterparts. Not by chance, then, representation in giving them an abso- Eternal is thy last will of legating the Lampsonius mentions precisely the lute leading role. In his works, hybrid product of thy art, offering cure to the panels of Justice, which glorify, in a creatures, fantastic architectures, de- poor and to the hungry. Those [paint- patriotic key, Nordic good govern- monic flowers and animals dominate ings] thou leaved on earth, and they ment; likewise several of their Latin the hell, the paradise, biblical episodes, shall perish quickly; however this [i.e., colleagues, Van der Weyden seems to thy attitude, thy deeds] is a memorial and the scenes from the Passion and claim equally here the right of Flemish that shall shine forever in the firma- from the life of saints. heredity to the Roman civic virtus. ment (2). Although taking part in a current Van der Weyden’s effigy, similarly to that is distinct from that of the Van (1) The work which Lampsonius mentions that of Bosch, seems to have a com- was, unfortunately, destroyed during the bom- Eyck brothers, Bosch – whose founda- bardment of Brussels by the marshal of Vil- mon prototype in relation to the draw- tional role becomes completely clear in leroy, during the siege of Louis XIV, in 1695: ing in the Arras Codex representing the the poem that Lampsonius dedicates they were four panels representing examples painter.

114 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations

5. DIERIC (or Dirk) BOUTS 6. BERNARD VAN ORLEY tradition. Especially since the 1980’s (Haarlem, circa 1415 – 1475) (Brussels, circa 1488 – 1541) and 90’s, it has been decreasingly used by the critics in connection both to the revaluation of the artistic accomplish- Theodore from Haarlem, painter Bernard of Brussels, painter ments of the Romanists and to a bigger Also thou, Oh Theodore, thou deserves That Brussels, Royal city, so skilled in appreciation of the diversity of their to be here; also thy hand Belgium (1) will painting tapestries (1), be honored by individual response to Italian art31. always rise to the stars with deserved adopting Bernard, this is not due, I lauds. Nature herself, mother of the believe, to his ability in painting – al- Bernard was both a painter and things that thou reproduce, fears to find though to that much is due – but to the drawer of tapestries, whose industry, in thee whom, by art, could equal her. fact that he is dear to thee, Oh Margaret, as is signaled by Lampsonius, was ruler of Belgium (2), for whom nothing flourishing in Brussels, where were ar- (1) In this passage and in others, Lampsonius uses the terms Belgian and Belgium in the original is more pleasant than the art of Apelles riving several Italian commissions. In Latin, which here are translated literally despite (3). Thou gave him golden handlebars prioritizing the disegno to the detriment the fact that, evidently, what is nowadays Bel- to his brushes, and he received many of the material execution of the work gium has nothing to do with the region referred times golden philips, a recently minted of art, Orley could be equaled to the by the humanist As a matter of fact, no transla- coin (4). tion could be totally appropriate: as Claire Billen great Italian masters – above all Rap- observed in her introductory article to the cata- (1) In the original Latin text Attalicas vestes, in hael, whose cartoni of the papal tapes- log Fiamminghi a Roma, Flanders is a region that allusion to the proverbial sophistication of the tries the Flemish securely might have does not exist, and even in the sixteenth century royal dynasty from Pergamum. studied in Brussels32. He fully assumes, writers like Guicciardini had pains at giving a (2) Margaret of Austria (1480-1530), duchess precise name to the territory that today compre- thus, the typically Renaissance’s intel- of Savoy, ruler of Holland between 1507 and hends the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg lectual dignity of the artist. 1518, could be considered a kind of Nordic and part of the north of France29. In spite of its Isabella d’Este30. During her reign, Margaret political, linguistic, and cultural heterogeneity, congregated in her court at Hof van Kamerrijk however, during the Renaissance this territory 7. JEAN GOSSAERT (or Gossart), musicians, literates, and artists; there she kept was usually referred to as being a country and her extraordinary collection of works of art, called MABUSE its name – Flanders, Belgium – was given by which included masterpieces like the Arnolfini (Wijk-bij-Deurstede/Maubeuge, the recourse of a metonymy. Marriage, by Van Eyck, and the Très Riches Heu- circa 1472 – Middelbourg, 1536) res of the Duke of Berry (Limbourg brothers). Bouts has frequently been considered Orley was an official painter of the court of Margaret between 1518 and 1530, and by stress- Johannes Mabuse, painter by the critics as a kind of link between ing precisely this link Lampsonius emphasizes Also about thee, Oh Mabuse, my verses the first generation of Van Eyck and the figure, common in the Italian soil, of the Van der Weyden and that of the second court painter at the service of an enlightened will tell that thou have taught thy century Quattrocento. With him Lampsonius gives monarch. to paint. What other, indeed, could have applied with greater suavity rich pigments therefore a perfect continuity to his his- (3) That is, painting. in paintings worth of Apelles? For the tory, introducing at the same time the (4) The philips were golden florins; the term, rest, let thy successors surpass thee; an fundamental issue of landscape paint- naturally, makes reference to Philip IV of France. ability as thy in the use of the brush, ing: although not a landscape painter in however, will be rare. the strict sense, Bouts was frequently considered, since the sixteenth century, Orley is the first completely sixteenth a precursor of the genre that would century artist treated by Lampsonius, Friedländer puts Mabuse and Orley become one of the most salient marks and also the first member of the so side by side in his monumental Altnieder- of Flemish art (Molanus, for instance, called Romanism, that is to say, a stream ländische Malerei with the intention, as is refers to him as inventor in describendo of Flemish painting – and also Spanish informed directly by the great scholar, rure). On many of his works, indeed, – clearly oriented towards Italian and to confront and to differentiate them. a delicate and complex landscape, full classical art. The term, above all from Mabuse and Orley had been confused, of highly refined colors, seems to at- the middle of the nineteenth to the third indeed, several times, and, during their tract more immediately the attention fourth of the twentieth century, could lifetime, they were rivals. As Orley, Ma- of the observer than the figures at the assume a clear pejorative connotation buse can also be considered a Roman- first level. Lampsonius duly emphasizes when used by some Nordic historians ist; in contrast to the former, however, the mimetic quality of Bouts’ canvases, (for instance, Van den Branden), who Gossaert, having traveled to Rome in evoking the ancient topos of the ri- considered the Romanists little less than 1508/9, was perhaps the first Flemish valry between the painter and nature. betrayers of the authentically Flemish painter to study the classical sculptures

RHAA 8 115 Traduções/Translations and the deeds of the great contempo- mended him to make engravings after the works poet, shall transform the hammer-smith rary Italian masters in loco (from the of the Italians. into a painter. pilgrimage travel that van der Weyden (2) Dürer, at the occasion of his trip to the Low (1) The original word is faber, smith, or, ge- did to Rome in the jubilee year of 1450 Countries in 1520/1521, did a portrait, now lost, of Patinir. In his Diary, the German artist refers nerically, worker, artisan. According to some no traces remain). to him as a Landschaftsmaler – a professional des- mythological versions, the Cyclops were assist- Lampsonius, however, inserts here ignation that, as Friedländer observed, is prob- ants to Hephaestus, a god linked to the metallic 34 foundry and, therefore, to the smiths. for the first time a discreet element ably employed for the first time here . of negative judgment: Though being (3) In the original, exaravit in palimpsesto tuos vultus ahena cuspide. The support in which the image skillful in handling the brush – he was made is ambiguous, for if the palimpsest Lampsonius dedicates the verses to says – Mabuse is inferior, in all other suggests a drawing (it is a parchment from Metsys entirely to a legend about the aspects, to his successors. Years later, where the original writing is erased, in order to artist’s biography, according to which Van Mander would censure in Mabuse be reused), exaro is a verb used in connection he was originally a smith who started with wax tablets, where one could write with – as in Van Scorel, Van Heemskerck and the stiletto or the burin. to dedicate himself to painting in or- Frans Floris – the passive imitation of der to separate his sweetheart from a the Italian models. Dealing specifically painter to whom she was meant for as with Mabuse, the writer, in a similar Lampsonius starts, here, the lineage a wife by her father, also a painter. We way as Lampsonius, praises the paint- of the landscape painters properly said. do not know if Lampsonius is himself er’s “hand”, but not his gheest, that is to First Flemish artist to treat landscape the author of the anecdote, which Van say, his capacity to conceive and create in a completely independent fashion, Mander resumes, mentioning however images – the same that should appropri- Patinir is considered, still, the inventor a second explanation – according to ately mediate his assimilation of the Ital- of the Weltlandschaft, a panoramic rep- him more plausible – for Quentin’s ian art33. Symptomatically, Lampsonius resentation of landscape. Lampsonius, transformation from a smith into a does not point out the pioneering role curiously, do not praise particularly his painter: Metsys would have been an ill of Mabuse in relation to the Italian grand activity as a landscape painter, but the men that, incapable to provide a living tour neither does any references to his portrait that the great Dürer did of for his mother through physically ex- relationship with Italy, highlighting, in- him, introducing therefore simultane- tenuating works, started to paint for a stead, qualities that could be considered ously the subject of portraiture - the living. On both versions, if the legend characteristically Flemish – the ability to second great attribute of Nordic art. has some kind of “moral”, that would handle the brush, the bright of colors, Another fundamental concept that be related to the social and intellectual the meticulousness – in his art. arises in the verses to Patinir is that uprising of the artisan – faber Cyclopeus of the paragone, the comparison, in this – and his transformation onto an artist. case, between two contemporary art- 8. JOACHIM PATINIR Besides this, the anecdote still evokes ists – Dürer and Cort – who created (or Patinier, or Patenier; the myth, so diffused during the Ren- works with the same subject through Dinant or Bouvignes, circa 1480 aissance and after, of the artistic voca- different means – the engraving and – Antwerp, before 1524) tion’s spontaneity and of the great mas- the drawing. ters’ self-didactic qualities (Van Mander would sustain that Metsys has never had Joachim of Dinant, painter 9. QUENTIN METSYS (or Massys; a teacher or a tutor. His initial phrases If among all these images, Oh Joachim, Louvain, 1466 – Antwerp, 1530) in Quentin’s life, moreover, bring to no one shines more vividly than thy, this memory unequivocally the overture of is not only for the reason that the hand Vasari’s life of Michelangelo: both the of Cort (1), who is not afraid of rivals, Quentin Messius, Antwerpian painter Flemish and the Aretine insist on the engraved it on the copper, but also be- Previously, I worked as artisan for the innate predetermination of the artist, cause Dürer (2), admiring thy hand when Cyclops (1). However, a painter started thou was painting fields and houses, hast injected in him during his gestation or to flatter my beauty at the same time that birth, which no contrarieties imposed drawn yore with the burin, over parch- I did. She, cunningly, told me that she by destiny can make a stand). ment, thy image (3). Cort, rivaling with preferred the silent brush than the ham- this drawing, surpassed himself – and, mers’ clash: love turned me a painter. To Throughout the Effigies, Lampsonius therefore, all the others. this story gives faith the little hammer frequently associates artists to specific cities (Van Eyck / Bruges, Orley / (1) Cornelis Cort, as was said above, did several that is as the authentic signature of my of the engravings in the Effigies. In his letters to paintings. As Venus asked Volcano for Brussels, etc), creating a national tis- Vasari, Titian and Clovio, Lampsonius recom- weapons to her son, thou, Love, supreme sue at the same time dense and detailed,

116 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations sustained by a sentiment of local iden- We know little about the biography mouth a lengthy discourse in which the tity; the artist’s eulogy, in this sense, of Jan van Amstel; Bénézit mentions antagonism between the Flemish and is confused by many times with the him briefly as a Flemish painter of the the Italian painting appears in clear and eulogy of the city in question. Metsys fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and lapidary form: “They paint in Flanders is linked to Antwerp, which during there is no work that can be attributed, specifically to mislead the exterior view the Quattrocento had supplanted Bruges with certainty, to him – despite the ef- (...) Their painting is rags, freemanson- commercially, economically and cultur- fort of some critics that have tried to ries, vegetables from the fields, shadows ally in order to become, in the Cinque- identify him with the so-called Mono- from the trees, and rivers and bridges, 35 cento, a kind of capital de facto of the Low gramist of Brunswick . The verses that they call landscapes, and many fig- Countries. dedicated to him by Lampsonius, how- ures here and there. And all this, even ever, are among the most cited of the if it looks well to certain eyes, in reality Effigies, above all when, since the years is done without reason and art, without 10. LUCAS VAN LEYDEN 1980 and 1990, a renewed debate about symmetry or proportion, without a no- (Leiden, circa 1494 – 1533) an ancient question is deflagrated: the tice to the choice or the decanted, and controversy on the manual and cer- finally without no substance or nerve Lucas van Leiden, painter ebral painting associated, respectively, (...) Only the works that are done in Italy to Flanders and Italy. The be- we can call almost true painting, and for If thou are not equal to Dürer, Oh Lu- paragone cas, thou come close to him, either by tween the binomial landscape/Flanders that reason the good one we call Italian painting canvases or by engraving upon and history/Italy was an authentic topos (...) no nation nor people (I let in one or metal admirable figures that thou print in the sixteenth-century: in Francesco two Spaniards) can be perfectly plenty, on thin paper. If there is in this some Lancillotti’s Trattato di pittura (Roma, nor imitate the Italian way of painting, glory, accept, with thy Leiden of birth, a 1509), for instance, the author says that which is the ancient Greek, that soon non-small part of my chants. “A paesi dappresso e a’lontani / bisogna un does not become recognized by others, certo ingiegno a descretione / che me’ l’hanno e however much in that he strives and fiandreschi che italiani”, that is to say, “in work”38. Francisco synthesizes in this Once more, Lampsonius blends the order to [paint] near and distant land- way an extreme antagonism between ode to the artist to that of the city; once scapes, some skill and descriptive ability the two “ways of painting”, which more, he cites Dürer and highlights the are necessary, which are more natural seems to become more and more dif- fundamental question of the paragone. to the Flemish than to the Italians”36. fused in the field of the Italian artistic Above all, until the mid-1520’s, the Especially since the years 1520 and theory: the Flemish painting is manual, painter, drawer, and engraver Lucas 1530, this duality – that until then had and the Italian, cerebral; the first one is van Leiden did search to rival the Ger- acquired a predominantly conciliatory distracted by the description of the nat- man; afterwards, however, he seems to character, being founded on the mu- ural world, while the second one con- have turned his attention to the Italian tual admiration and on the conscience centrates itself in the representation of works transmitted by the engravings of of the specificity of the abilities that the essential; the first one is directed to Marcantonio Raimondi. are characteristic of the Flemish and the eyes, the second, to the intellect; the to the Italians – is transformed more first one is mundane, the second, divine. and more into an open strife, with the In his verses, Lampsonius participates 11. JAN VAN AMSTEL (or Jan landscape being linked to the “manual” in the debate seeking to reestablish a circa Hollander; Amsterdam (?), arts and the figure to the “mental” arts. sense of equality between the Flemish 1500 – Antwerp, circa 1542) While commenting the frescoes from painting of landscapes and the Italian the Paoline Chapel, Vasari says that painting of figures: both have their laus, Jan of Holland, painter “Michelangelo sought nothing but per- which are comparable and natural, and The proper glory of the Belgians is to fection, for neither landscapes, neither it is a prove of the wise discernment of paint well the fields; that of the Italians, trees, neither houses, nor the several Jan to have clearly perceived his par- men and gods; it is for this that one says, seductions of art are admitted in this ticular vocation and talent, in spite of with reason, that the Italian has the brain painting, because he never gave much having tried to emulate without suc- in his head, and the Belgian, in his skill- attention to them, perhaps because he cess an art that is strange to him. In ful hands. Jan, thou hast preferred there- was conscious that he did not needed the Schilderboeck, Van Mander would fore that thy hand should paint well the to lower his skill to similar things”.37 return several times to the defense of landscapes, than thy head should paint In the Dialogues in Rome, Francisco de landscape painting in relation to histori- poorly men and gods. Hollanda would put in Buonarroti’s cal painting, establishing comparisons

RHAA 8 117 Traduções/Translations between them and suggesting analo- The biography of Joos was consid- that honor Belgium with immortal fame gies that anatomize the landscape39; as ered during many years as being con- is not due only to fraternal love, but also Lampsonius, the writer seeks to bal- troversial, as well as the attribution of to thy art, praised righteously. ance landscape and history, giving to his works; in the present, we tend to the first the dignity of a specific and identify him with the so-called Master Lampsonius shows immediately the autonomous pictorial genre. of the Death of the Virgin. main reason to include Matthijs in the The verses of Lampsonius are fre- Lampsonius does not offer any spe- Effigies: the painter is the brother of Hi- quently cited by contemporary critics as cific commentaries about Cleves’s artis- eronymus, first publisher and addressee being a kind of pendant to the famous tic production; also, Van Mander seems of the book. Matthijs was, notwith- Buonarrotian phrase: “One paints with to be poorly informed in relation to the standing, a great painter and drawer of the brain and not with the hands”40. life and the works of the master. Cleves, landscapes, above all in relation to the Some authors even came to falsely notwithstanding, was praised by Vasari acquisition of a complex and sophisti- affirm that Michelangelo would have and Guicciardini as a “gran coloritore cated perspective. Like his brother, he formulated it in reference to Flemish e raro in far ritratti di naturale”43. The traveled to Italy, from where he brings, 41 art . Although the phrase is evidently painter absorbs both the Italian influ- according to Van Mander, the Italian related to the question of intellectual ences – above all the Leonardians, but nuova maniera to landscape painting (the versus manual art, the context in which also Raphaelites – as well as the Flem- similarity with the landscapes of Titian it was written has nothing to do with ish heritage of Van Eyck and Van der engraved by Campagnola is particularly the opposition between Italy/Low Weyden, which he incorporates in an noteworthy). Countries or history/landscape. It is almost archaizing fashion; since 1515, The humanist emphasizes one more still highly unlikely that Lampsonius he adopts the pictorial language of Pat- time the link of the artists with the city would have read the letter in which inir - without abandoning, however, the of Antwerp, a biographical element Michelangelo inserted it, since the construction of Italianizing architec- similarly highlighted by Van Mander, master’s letters – likewise the Dialogues tonic and decorative forms. who, in his biography (together with of Hollanda – were not published un- Sciolla and Puraye translate the last the one of Hieronymus) compares the til the nineteenth-century. By the other verse of the poem erroneously, assum- Flemish city directly to “what was once side, this image seems to have become ing that the cerebrum in question is the Florence” (232r). very common since the middle of the one of Joos, introducing a personal pro- Cinquecento; we could recall for instance noun that is nonexistent in the original the passage of Doni’s Disegno: “Perche in and concluding, therefore, that the hu- 14. HERRI MET DE BLES queste cose di leggier disegno gl’oltramontani manist had been mistaken in attribut- (Il Civetta; Bouvines (?), circa 1510 - ?) ci aplicano piu l’ingegno & la pratica, che ing to the father the mental illness of gl’Italiani non fanno; onde si dice in proverbio, 44 the son ; we believe that this mistake, Henry Bles, painter of Bouvines che gl’hanno il cervello nelle mani”42. as well as others in their translation (cf. Dinant, near Liege, saw the birth of an above the poem dedicated to Van der artist (1) that the poet-painter (2) sung 12. JOOS VAN CLEVE (Cleves Weyden, note 2), are due to their de- in his verses. The excellent placement (?), circa 1480 - Antwerp, 1540-41) pendence of Van Mander, who in his of his homeland made him an artist; no translation of the Lampsonian verses master taught him. The small Bouvines had linked explicitly to Joos the ill envied the glory of its neighbor and cre- Iustus of Cleves, Antwerpian painter brain: “Hadt ghy ellendigh Man ghesondt ated Henry, skillful in landscape paint- Among the Belgian artists, our muse will van herssens bleven”. ings. Nevertheless, as small Bouvines is not forget thee, Oh Iustus, great jewel surpassed by Dinant, Oh Joaquin, thou of the art of painting. Both in thy own surpassed Henry. art as in thy son’s thou would have been 13. MATTHIJS COCK fortunate, if only the brain of the unlucky (Antwerp, circa 1510 – before 1548) (1) Patinir. had not become ill (1). (2) Lampsonius himself.

(1) The son of Joos, Cornelis van Cleve (1520 Mathias Cock, Antwerpian painter, – circa1567), was also a painter; reportedly, he brother of Hieronymus Little is known about the landscape suffered from a serious mental disease during painter’s biography. Lampsonius, as his stay in England, around 1558. In several Thou also, Mathias, knew how to paint sources, he is referred to as “sotte Cleve”, that is landscapes that had no equivalent in our Van Mander, indicates Bouvines as to say, the mad Cleve. times. That thou be among the artists his native city; Guicciardini, perhaps

118 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations confusing him with Patinir, suggests 15. JAN CORNELISZ both the palm and the fight scene to Dinant (he and Vasari refer to Joaquin VERMEYEN (or Juan de Mayo; the work at issue. Patinir, however, as being from Bou- Beverwijk, circa 1500 – Brussels, vines). He enjoyed extreme popularity circa 1559) 16. PIETER COECKE (or Coeck; in Italy, where he was known by the Aalst, 1502 – Brussels, 1550) name Civetta because of the owl that Ian Maius, painter almost invariably is represented in his Which men, places, and cities, what in works, and which is equally present in Petrus Coeck of Aelst, painter the whole world that is worth to be seen, the engraving of the Effigies. Lampson- Thou was painter; but thou was not only, Maius has not painted? While I followed ius, predictably, confronts Bles to Pat- Oh Petrus, painter. Thou made Aelst fa- thee by lands and seas, Oh Emperor mous in the whole world with thy art; but inir, linking the dispute between cities Charles (1), he painted the great deeds much art, fruit of a great strain, is needed to the paragone and granting to the latter by thy hand accomplished, which soon to the construction of beautiful dwell- an unquestionable supremacy. shined in the gold of athalic tapestries (2). ings. Serlio has taught it to the Italians, The negative opinion of Lampson- The hand of the artist, however, surpasses and thou, bilingual translator of Serlio, ius – despite Bles’ evident popularity the preciousness of the material (3). Not to the Belgians and the French. throughout the Cinquecento as much in least than through his art, he offered thee Italy as in the Low Countries – has a pleasant spectacle when, on an elevated prevailed until recently, being the artist place, he exhibited openly, wherever he Besides painter and architect, Co- almost always mentioned in relation to was called upon, the undulating volutes ecke was an erudite linguist, having Patinir - invariably considered superior of his beard, tall to his feet (4). translated not only Serlio’s treatise to him (cf. for instance Friedländer). (1) Charles V. mentioned by Lampsonius, but also, Since the 1990’s, new studies (above all (2) Cf. the life of Orley. Vermeyen has drawn Vitruvius’s De architetura (Dutch). Like- Serck’s PhD Thesis), a great exhibition the cartoni to the arazzi celebrating the imperial wise his predecessor in the Effigies, he (Namur) and a conference (Princeton), victory in Tunisia (presently in Vienna’s Kun- belonged to the second generation of sought to separate Bles from Patinir, sthistorisches Museum). Flemish Romanists, having probably highlighting the quality of the former’s (3) As pointed out by Miedema, the argument done a long trip to Italy between 1524 goes back, at least, to Rome: “Materiam superabat and 1525. According to Van Mander, artistic production and recording his opus” (Ovid, Metamorphoses II, 5). 45 it was Coecke who introduced the contribution to landscape painting . (4) This capillary characteristic seems to have Lampsonius returns here to the topos granted to the artist at least as much fame as “correct way of construction” (de rechte of the spontaneity of the artistic gen- his works; in Spain, Vermeyen was referred to wijse van bouwen) in the Low Countries 46 ius (cf. the verses dedicated to Metsys), as Juan de la Barbalunga . (218v). later equally emphasized by Van Man- Once more, Lampsonius projects der, and the lack of teachers; here the We might consider that Vermeyden the artist’s glory upon his native city. humanist adds however the idea that it belongs to the second generation – pos- is nature itself that teaches him his art, terior to Mabuse and Orley – of the 17. JAN VAN SCOREL linking, intrinsically, one’s homeland to Romanists, or Flemish painters of mark- (or Schoorel; Schoorl, 1495 one’s artistic production. The place of edly Italianizing ascendancy. Lampson- – Utrecht, 1562) birth of a determined painter, thus, be- ius emphasizes the international career comes something essential, above all of the artist and his relationship with when it is about a landscape painter – Charles V, of whose court he was able Jan Scorel Batavian, painter from what one can derive the support- to become an official painter and to About me it will be said, through the cen- ing role, or at least co-protagonist, of whom he followed in his trip to Tu- turies, that I was the first to teach the the Italian paradigms. Even though, in nisia in 153547. Among all the twenty- good Belgian artists – by means of my the Life of Scorel, Lampsonius has pro- three portraits of artists in the Effigies, own example – to travel to Rome. Who claimed the importance of the Roman that of Vermeyen, signed by Wierix, in that school did not consume, actually, school, here the humanist records the is the only one that has a background a thousand pencils and colors painting almost self-sufficiency of nature in the view. In order to do it Wierix seems canvases cannot consider himself to be worthy of the artist’s name. artist’s formation; in the Lampsonian to have been inspired directly by the architecture, the nobility of landscape self-portrait that Vermeyen includes in painting is associated both to an artistic the cartone corresponding to the tenth Lampsonius’ Latin poem opens principle and to patriotic pride. scene of the Conquering of Tunis, alluding with the Latin words primus ego, which

RHAA 8 119 Traduções/Translations gives it a marked inaugural character. 18. LAMBERT LOMBARD letters. Painting, says the humanist, is a In addition, Van Mander affirms that (Liege, 1505/1506 – 1566) liberal art, not a mechanical one – mean- it was thanks to Scorel that Flemish ing that those who practice it must be in possession of a vast culture. artists definitively surpassed medi- Lambert Lombard of Liege, painter aeval art, and until the present days, and architect critics frequently consider his Italian I do not want to spin here, in few verses, 19. PIETER BRUEGHEL soggiorno as a landmark in the history the deserved eulogium to thy merits, Oh (Breda?, circa 1525/30 – Brussels, of Flemish painting. Lombard; this is shown in the text – if it 1569) Scorel was in life internationally deserves to be read – that Lampsonius’ pen (1) has written about thee (2). famous, having reached positions as Petrus Brueghel, painter outstanding as that of official curator (1) In Greek, in the original (Λαμψονίοτε Who is this Hieronymus Bosch, reborn of the Vatican collections during the γραφίς). in the world? Who, so skillful in the art short pontificate of Adrian VI. Great (2) Refers naturally to Lamberti Lombardi vita, of imitating the master’s fantastic dreams traveler, he went shortly before 1520 to published in 1565 (Bruges, Hubert Goltzius). with the brush and the pencil, is capable the Holy Land, having passed through even to overcome him? Be praised, Oh Nuremberg (where he knew Dürer), Among all the artists shown in the Petrus, praised by thy art. In thy genre of painting (and in thy master’s one), plain Carinthia, Venice, Malta, Rhodes, Cy- Effigies, Lombard is the only one to prus and Jerusalem before establishing of humor and skill, thou deserve from whom Lampsonius dedicated an inde- everyone, in everyplace, the laudatory himself in Rome at the service of the pendent literary work. Critics usually award, inferior to that of no other artist. Pope. According to Van Mander, in refer to this as the first historical-artis- this period Scorel studies vigorously tic commentary published in the Low ancient statuary, as well as the works Countries. The initial number of copies As in the verses dedicated to Bosch, of Raphael and Michelangelo. Van of the text was small, which suggests Lampsonius initiates his poem to Pieter Mander says that Scorel, like Coecke, that it has been destined to a selected with a rhetorical question, accentuating was highly talented in the learning public; years later, Van Mander would the mysterious and enigmatic aspect of of idioms, and that he had dedicated start his biography of Lombard lament- the work of both Nordic artists. In 1568, Vasari refers to Brueghel as being himself to the writing of epigrams and ing not having found a single copy of a “second Bosch”; the link of continu- chants. the text. ity between the two artists is repeated As observed by Friedländer, there In the historical-artistic architecture by Lampsonius, Guicciardini and Van is a strong element of optimism in ideated by Lampsonius, Lombard oc- Mander, surviving for centuries. If Hi- the life and works of Jan van Scorel. cupies, mutatis mutandis, a position simi- eronymus, however, has been nourished Deeply embedded by the humanist lar to that of Michelangelo in Vasari’s vigorously by the medieval demoniac- culture, immune to the turbulences Vite: both can be found in the climax mystical universe, the works of Pieter, of religion that marked his epoch, of an evolutive trajectory whose roots although frequently fantastic and with a diplomatic and erudite, intelligent are vigorously breed in the homeland thematic that is allusive to the popular and serene, cosmopolitan, polyglot soil (Lampsonius opens his biography, Flemish tradition, breathed the rational- in fact, saying that Lombard was born and highly sophisticated, Scorel was in ity of Renaissance humanism: contrarily in Liege, and that he supplanted all the fact a perfect conductor in the transit to Bosch, in fact, the effigy of Brueghel Flemish artists that have preceded him). of artistic languages between Italy and represents the artist in classical profile, In the text of the humanist, Lombard the Low Countries. with restful hands, the serene look and stands elegantly between the imitation the long beard of the wises. Alongside Lampsonius’ hyperbolic praise of the ancients and the Italians, on one the solution of continuity created, these – before Scorel, Mabuse had already side, and the plain appreciation of the differences do not escape Lampsonius, traveled to Italy, and contemporary Flemish heritage, on the other. In addi- in whose verses the infernal phantas- artists, such as Vermeyen, were equally tion, likewise his Italian colleagues, the magoria of Bosch is reborn in Brueghel diffusing through the Low Countries painter bases his artistic production on as inventions full of humor and skill. Italianizing elements – emphasizes the the disegno. Throughout his biography, Besides Bosch, Brueghel participates importance both of the Italian exem- Lampsonius insists recurrently on the equally in the landscape current of plum and of the persevering artistic vast erudition of Lombard, which en- Patinir, Messys and, especially, Jan van practice. compassed the sciences and the classical Amstel. In spite of the clarity of the

120 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations link with his predecessors, however, my own father. In thee, I have found the Characteristically, in his portrait Flo- Pieter infuses, as was well observed by principle of my love for painting, when ris is represented drawing a human fig- Lampsonius, a new vigour to traditional thou painted, with skillful hands, fields ure. Vasari and Guicciardini place him subjects and forms. and dwellings. As thy art, also are thy at the head of the living Flemish artists; The humanist returns here to the probity, thy righteousness, and all that the latter highlights his excellence in topoi – akin to the Effigies and to Vasari which can conduct the minds to the love the inventione and the disegno. of what is good. That thou shall live for- – of the imitation and overcoming of a One of the great exponents of the ever, therefore, the fame of thy virtue and master by his successor, reinforcing the Romanism, Floris introduced in the Low drawing of a lineage of purely autoch- thy art, thou venerable old man that I love for these two reasons (1). Countries the atelier in Italian fashion, thonal roots. By electing his models not which had a huge number of highly among the Latin classics, but among the (1) That is to say, both for his artistic and his specialized assistants (one hundred and Flemish themselves, Lampsonius gener- moral greatness. The artists, elevated to the twenty, according to Van Mander) and category of uomini illustri, become universal ates a self-referring tradition and creates produced at an industrial scale. Lamp- 48 paradigms. a transalpine memory of his own . sonius alludes pejoratively to that con- ception of massive production; for him 20. WILLEM KEY (Breda, circa The poem that Lampsonius dedi- the Apellea manus, without doubt, is a 1515/16 – Antwerp, circa 1568/69) cates to his esteemed teacher is, doubt- personal and inalienable characteristic less, the most personal of the Effigies; of the (great) artist. The rapidity in the the landscape painter, successor of Pat- Gilherme Caius, painter of Breda execution attributed to Floris is equally inir and Henri met de Bles, is praised highlighted by Van Mander, according The faces of man portrayed by Caius’s both for his artistic qualities and for the to whom the Flemish painted, to the skillful hand as thou might see them are superiority of his character. not afraid to be overcome by the art of Arch of the Genovese in Antwerp, other Belgians (excepting a single one, in Gassel is not mentioned neither by seven figures in real size by day, during my opinion: Mor). Vasari nor by Guicciardini, and Van five weeks. The writer reprehends, how- Mander’s biography is succinct and ever, the dissolute life of the painter, little informative. Until the present, saying that, according to his contem- With Key, Lampsonius exalts the few are the works attributed to the poraries, he was considered as much a second of the great Flemish genres Brabantine master, and scanty are the great artist as he was a great drinker. considered native: portraiture. The historical-artistic studies dedicated to Floris was, in life, very famous, and his humanist call upon the ancient topos of him. His known landscapes, however, intense artistic activity has granted him the confusion between the real and the reveal a great inventive and prospect- represented, so perfect being the imita- a vast fortune. ing capacity. tion – which goes back, at least, to the It was surely in Liege that the painter famous Plinian anecdote of the fruits established contact with Lampsonius, painted by Zeuxis; simultaneously, he 22. FRANS FLORIS (Antwerp, since he was a pupil of Lambert Lom- returns to the paragone between the circa 1519/20 – 1570) bard. artists, attributing to Key’s contempo- rary, the portrayer Antonis Mor, more 23. HIERONYMUS COCK ability in the expression of the human Franciscus Floris, Antwerpian painter (Antwerp, circa 1510 – 1570) face. Lampsonius was a friend of Mor, If as a painter, Oh Floris, thou hath added whom he knew during his stay in Eng- so much ability to thy art as much as na- land and to whom he dedicated several ture has granted thee – since thou prefer Hieronymus Cock of Antwerp, dithyrambic epigrams49. paint much instead of paint well (1), and painter thou does not find delight to linger on Am I mistaken? The painter, Oh Hiero- the appropriate final touch and on the 21. LUCAS GASSEL (Helmond, nymus, had not portrayed thee here after endeavor – I would claim: retreat, paint- thy death? In thy effigy, it is seen, to the circa 1595/1500 – Brussels, circa 1570) ers of the whole world, whether thou had unwarned eyes, some kind of torpor and lived in the times of our fathers or our debility. Oh, it is said more clearly by the Lucas Gassel, painter of Helmond grandfathers. skull that thy left hand points: the artists Alas, Oh Lucas, to me more dear than (1) Lampsonius probably had in mind the Latin here indicated preceded Cock; he, closing any one, and whom I honor not least than precept non multa, sed multum. the march, calls them to himself.

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Lampsonius opens and closes the vulged in Italy through them. Cock’s about death than a victory of art over Effigies with Cock. Besides directing success raised criticisms from some of death; less a recollection of the tran- the famous publishing house Quat- his contemporaries and, later, from Van sitoriness of human life than the ac- uor Ventorum (In de vier winden, To the Mander, for whom the editor had em- knowledgement and homage to the im- Four Winds), Hieronymus was one of braced the commercial activity to the mortality of the works that it can create. the most distinguished characters of disadvantage of culture and art. Lampsonius’ verses, going along with the engraving market; he himself was the effigies of the painters that the edi- dedicated to the graphical activity. The Lampsonius concluded the Effigies tion of Cock crystallizes, eternalize the engravings were, naturally, the main with a kind of subtle transformation fame that was granted to them by their means of diffusion of the Italian pro- in the traditional sense of the memento own dignity and greatness. On that tra- duction at the north of the Alps, and mori: the skull pointed by Cock – the dition, the humanist seeks to trace the not by chance, Lampsonius dedicate to editor and, probably, initial architect of history of the Flemish art. them so much attention. Conversely, the book – seems to represent less an Flemish and German artists were di- admonition for the living to meditate Translation: Marcelo Hilsdorf Marotta

* I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Luiz Marques 10 In a recent paper, Rogier van Son (“Lomazzo, trait of Cock is also supressed. For the several (UNICAMP) for having pointed out to me the Lampsonius en de noordelijke kunst”. Neder- editions of the Effigies cf. VAN SOMEREN, J. capital importance of Lampsonius’ writings, lands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, vol. 44, 1993, p. F., Beschrijvende Catalogus van gegraveerde Portretten unpublished until now both in Portuguese 185-196) argues that Lomazzo’s knowledge van Nederlanders. Amsterdam: Frederik Muller, editions as well as in Spanish ones, and Prof. about Flemish artists derived not from his 1888-1891, vol. I, no. 210 and 211, p. 196-199, Dr. Karl Enenkel (Leiden University, Hol- personal contact with Nordic art, but from who mentions a second complete edition of land), for the valuable explanations regarding Vasari, Guicciardini and, above all, Lampso- the book – i.e. with twenty three portraits. It my precise understanding of some passages nius: all the painters mentioned in the Effigies is possible that the Leiden volume may have of the Latin text. are mentioned in Lomazzo’s writings, and, gathered the front page of the second edition converselly, the only Nordic artists men- to the engravings published in 1600 with the 1 Hereafter, Effigies. tioned by Lomazzo and not by Lampsonius types of Galle. 2 MELION, W.S., Shaping the Nether- are those that have established themselves in 15 Ghent: G. Manilius, 1565; cf. the edition of W. landish Canon. Karel van Mander’s Schilder- northern Italy (Giambologna, Stradano), or Waterschoot, Zwolle: W.E.J. Tjeenk Willink, Boeck. Chicago/London: The Uni- whose work was known in Italy through en- 1969, p. 29-32 versity of Chicago Press, 1991, p.143. gravings (Dürer, Aldegrever, Schongauer, etc). 16 Hubert van Eyck, personnage de légende. Paris/ 3 The scholar concludes that the were The G. Milanesi edition (Florence: Sansoni, Effigies Brussels: Van Oest, 1933 1878-1882, 9 vols.), VII, p. 590. fundamental to Italians’ knowledge of Nordic 17 Van Eyck: The Ghent Altarpiece. London: Pen- 4 art – or, at least, to the selection of Nordic For more informations on Lampsonius’ bi- guin Books (Allen Lane), 1973. ography, cf. PURAYE, J., Dominique Lampson, artists to whom Italy has dedicated some atten- 18 The Ghent Altarpiece and the Art of Jan van Eyck Humaniste. Liège: Desclée de Brouwer, 1950. tion (Lomazzo is probably the exception that confirms the rule according to which Italian (particularly chapter 2: “The Quatrain”). Prin- 5 Regarding Lampsonius’ poetical activity, cf. Cinquecento writers assumed the intrinsic supe- ceton University Press, 1971 PURAYE, J., op.cit., chapter III. riority of Italian over Nordic art). 19 Early Netherlandish Painting (2 vols.). Harvard 6 This title was originally created by Milanesi 11 Cf. MELION, op.cit., chapter 11. University Press, 1953. in his famous edtion of the Vite (op.cit., VII, 12 In SCIOLLA, G. C., and VOLPI, C., Da 20 Jan Van Eyck und der Genter Altar; Worms: p. 579 and ff.). van Eyck a Brueghel. Scritti sulle arti di Domenico Wernersche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1995. Cf. 7 For the tradition of literary representations of Lampsonio. Turin: UTET, 2001. For the French still DHANENS, E., and DUVERGER, J., the uomini famosi cf. JOOST-GAUGIER, C. edition cf. PURAYE, J., Les Effigies des Peintres “Het Grafschrift van Hubert van Eyck en L., “The early beginnings of the notion of célèbres des Pays-Bas. Liège: Desclée de Brouwer, het Quatrain van het Gentsche LamGods- “uomini famosi” and the “de viris illustribus” 1956. The majority of the poems in the latter Retabel”, in Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke in Graeco-Roman literary tradition”. Artibus comes from Henri Heymans’ edition of the Vlaamsche Akademie van Wettenschappen, Letteren et Historiae: III, 6, 1982, p. 97-115. Schilderboeck (Le Livre des Peintres de Carel van en Schoone Kunsten van België. Antwerp-Utrecht: 8 For the Musaeum Jovianum cf. MÜNTZ, M. E., Mander (2 vols.). Paris: Rouen, 1884-1885), Standaart/De Haan: 1945. “Le Musée de portraits de Paul Jove”. Mémoires translated after Van Mander’s edition; the 21 Cf. VASARI, G., La Vita di Michelangelo nelle de L’Institut National de France. Paris, XXXVI, 2, remaining ones were translated by Marie redazioni del 1550 e del 1568, ed. of BAROCCHI, 1901, p. 249-343; RAVE, P. O., “Paolo Giovio Delcourt. P., Milan: Ricciardi, 1962, II, p.76 (note 63). und die Bildnisvitenbücher des Humanismus”. 13 Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994 (6 volumes). 22 Cf. TOURNEUR, V., “Un second quatrain Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen. Berlin, I, 1959, p. 119- 14 Translated from Sciolla and Puraye’s repro- sur l’Agneau Mystique”, in Academie Royale de 154; and the R. Meregazzi edition of the Elogia duction. In Leiden’s volume, the engravings Belgique, Bulletin de la Classe des Lettres et des Sci- (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1972). bring the name of Galle, and biographical ences Morales et Politiques, ser. 5, XXIX, 1943, 9 In this respect, cf. BECKER, J., “Zur nied- notes are added to each effigy (according to p.57 and ff. erländischen Kunstliteratur des 16. Jahrhun- Miedema (op.cit., vol. II, p. 176), Van Mander 23 Cf. SMITH, A., “Dürer and Bellini, Apelles derts: Domenicus Lampsonius”. Nederlands may have used some of these notes). In the and Protogenes”; Burlington Magazine, CXIV, Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 24, 1973, p. 147 and ff. 1600 edition, with the types of Galle, the por- 830, 1972, p. 326-329

122 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations

24 To the references, cf. BORCHERT, T.H., Brussels/Rome: Institut historique belge de 41 Cf. for instance Elena Parma and Margaret and HUVENNE, P., “Die Erfindung der Rome: 1980, p. 127-142. Koster, both in BORCHERT, op. cit., respec- Ölmalerei – Van Eyck im Spiegel italienischer 31 Cf. DACOS, N., “Les peintres romanistes. tively p. 96 and p. 79. Kunstliteratur”, in BORCHERT, T.-H. (org), Histoire du terme, perspectives de recherche 42 Cf. facsimile of the 1549 edition with in- Jan van Eyck und seine Zeit. Flämische Meister und et exemple de Lambert van Noort”, in Bulle- troduction and notes by Mario Pepe; Milan: . Stutgart: Belser, 2002. der Süden – 1430 – 1530 tin de L’Institut historique Belge de Rome, L, 1980, Electa, 1970, p. 16 v. Cf. still BRINKMAN, P., and CUYPERS, p.161-186, which suggests the term Italianizing 43 D., Jan van Eyck en de uitvinding van de olieverf. To the references cf. MIEDEMA, op. cit., III, as an alternative, according to her more precise Hague: Openbaar Kunstbezit, number 3, 1996 p. 158, note 1. and free of misjudgements than Romanist. and DHANENS, E., Hubert en Jan Van Eyck 44 The last verses, in the original, are “Quam (multilingual edition). Antwerp: Mercator- 32 Cf. still DACOS, N., “Cartons et dessins rap- propria, nati tam felix arte fuisses / Mansisset sanum fonds, 1998 (particularly p. 68 and ff. of the haélesques à Bruxelles: L’action de Rome aux si misero cerebrum” – where misero, in the dactive, Dutch version). Pays-Bas”, in Fiamminghi a Roma 1508-1608, op.cit., naturally refers to the son (nati) of Joos, and 25 Cf. the edition of MIEDEMA, H., Utrecht, supplement to the number 100 , 1997, p. 1-22. not to himself. Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1973, vol. I, 33 Cf. MELION, op. cit., p. 118 and ff. 45 MARROW, H., MULLER, N. E., and RO- p. 254-257. 34 In RUPPRICH, H. (ed.), Dürer Schriftlicher SASCO, B. J. (org), Herri met de Bles. Studies and 26 Cf. MAQUET-TOMBU, J., “Les tableaux de Nachlass, Berlin, 1956-69, I, p. 169. Explorations of the World Landscape Tradition. Sym- posium: Princeton University, 1995. Princeton justice de Roger van der Weyden à l’Hotel de 35 Cf. FAGGIN, G. T., “Jan van Amstel”. University Press, 1995; SERCK, L., Henri Bles Ville de Bruxelles”. Phoebus, vol. II, 1948/49, Paragone (arte), XV, n. 175, 1964, p. 43- et la peinture de paysage dans les Pays-Bas méridion- p. 178-181. 51, GENAILLE, R., “Jan van Amstel, le aux avant Bruegel. PhD Dissertation, Université 27 Op cit., II, p. 283. monogrammiste de Brunswick”. Revue belge Catholique de Louvain, 1990; TOUSSANT, 28 d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art, XIX, 1950, p. Cf. for instance Friedländer, Altniederländische J. (org.), Autour de Henri Bles (catalog of the 147-153, and WESCHER, P., “Jan van Hem- Malerei (we used here the English edition Early exhibition). Namur, 2000. Netherlandish Painting. Leiden: A. W. Sijthoff, II, esen und Jan van Amstel”. Jahrbuch der Berliner 46 To references, cf. MIEDEMA, , III, 1967, p. 28 and ff.). Museen, XII, 1970, p. 34-60 op. cit. p. 132 and ff. 29 “Vlaanderen. Geschiedenis en geografie van 36 Edition of RAFFAELLI, R., Recanati, 1885, p.4. 47 Cf. HORN, H.J., Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen. Painter een land dat niet bestaat”. In Fiamminghi a 37 Original translation by Luiz Marques. Roma, 1508 – 1608, catalog of the exhibition of Charles V and his conquest of Tunis (vols). Da- 38 Cf. the edition of MENDES, M., Diálogos de held in the Paleis voor Schone Kunsten of vaco: Doornspijk, 1989. Roma de Francisco de Holanda; Lisbon: Sá da 48 Brussels and in the Palazzo delle Esposizioni Cf. MEADOW, M., Pieter Bruegel the Elder’s of Rome in 1995 (Snoeck-Ducaju & Zoon), Costa, 1955, p. 19-21. Netherlandish Proverbs and the practice of Rhetoric. p. 48 – 52. 39 Cf. MELION, op. cit., p. 97 and ff. Zwolle: Waande, 2002, p. 104 and ff. 30 Cf. DUVERGER, J., “Margareta van Oosten- 40 Il CARTEGGIO di Michelangelo Buonarroti, ed. 49 Cf. PURAYE, J., “Antonio Moro et Domin- rijk (1480-1530) en de italiaanse Renaissance”, of P. Barocchi and R. Ristori, from the post- ique Lampson”. Oud Holland: 64, 1949, p. 175- in Relations artistiques entre les Pays-Bas et l’Italie à humous edition of G. Poggi; Florence: SPES, 183. Mor included a poem by Lampsonius in la Renaissance: Etudes dédiées à Suzanne Sulzberger. 1979 (vol. IV), p. 150. his self-portrait kept at the Uffizi (1558).

Un episodio nella storia dei fatte di creta oppure di cera, avevano Proponiamo quindi una presentazione modelli plastici ausiliari – la funzione di ausiliare il pittore nei del Parere, il quale sarà riprodotto in il Parere sopra la pittura di momenti intermediari fra gli schizzi e seguito. Bernardino Campi l’esecuzione dell’opera. Perciò questo apparato, più comodo al pittore, sosti- L’utilizzazione di piccoli modelli di Alexandre Ragazzi tuiva i modelli naturali. Accade che nel- creta oppure di cera come apparato Dottorando di ricerca in Storia dell’Arte presso l’ultimo quarto del Cinquecento questa accessorio per la pittura era un’usanza l’Unicamp – Borsista Fapesp pratica fu colpita da un processo di sva- ([email protected]) abbastanza comune fra gli artisti italiani lutazione che arrivò al disprezzo per gli del Quattrocento e del Cinquecento.1 Si artisti che se ne servivano. Nel 1584 tratta di una pratica non molto divulgata, Riassunto il pittore Bernardino Campi fece pub- ma che ciò nonostante, oppure proprio Con fondamento sui tratti trovati blicare il suo ‘Parere sopra la pittura’, per questo, può rivelare nuovi aspetti su nella letteratura artistica è possibile af- un piccolo testo che tratta la fattura e quel mondo. Da una parte non è pos- fermare che i modelli plastici ausiliari l’utilizzazione di tali modelli e che, gra- sibile dire che l’utilizzazione di questi furono abbondantemente utilizzati dai zie a un ritardo in relazione all’ambito modelli plastici ausiliari sia stata troppo pittori italiani del Quattrocento e del dell’Italia centrale, può aiutare a com- descritta nella letteratura artistica del- Cinquecento. Queste piccole sculture, prendere meglio questa pratica artistica. l’epoca. D’altra parte si può affermare

RHAA 8 123 Traduções/Translations che si tratta di un metodo di lavoro che del Lamo, questi era in Spagna, servendo condo pare, fra le prime in cui si cercò è documentato almeno il sufficiente2 per come segretario Lodovico Taverna – ve- di esaltare le caratteristiche artistiche di far comprendere sia una semplice pra- scovo di Lodi e nunzio apostolico di una regione specifica, discosta dall’asse tica artistica sia le corrispondenze fra Gregorio XIII (1502[1572]-1585). Roma-Firenze. Dopo il Lamo, questa questa pratica e le mutazioni del pen- Il Lamo aveva un interesse partico- sorta d’opera sarà consolidata nel Sei- siero avvenute in quel periodo. lare quando scrisse il suo ‘Discorso’: cento e raggiungerà un’ampia fortuna È in un piccolo e non molto esplo- affermare la qualità della pittura lom- fino al XX secolo. rato3 testo del 1584 che si trova una barda e l’autonomia di questa rispetto Secondo il Lomazzo, Bernardino delle più notevoli descrizioni intorno alla pittura fiorentina. Si tratta, in ef- avrebbe ancora scritto altri due testi all’impiego dei modelli plastici ausiliari. fetto, di una dichiarata reazione alle – una possibile biografia di Camillo Il ‘Parere sopra la pittura’, scritto dal pit- ‘Vite’, di Vasari. Egli sostiene che Vasari Boccaccino (1501-1546) e, più pro- tore Bernardino Campi (1522-1591), è ‘non celebra de cremonesi se non puo- babilmente, un trattato sul colorito.19 un’esposizione pratica che insegna come chi’. Dice ancora che ha l’intenzione Contuttoché siano perdute – resta il debbono procedere i pittori per formare, di correggere le storie dell’Aretino.14 Il dubbio –, queste opere meritano di in cera, i suoi modellini. Nonostante le Vasari è persino considerato ‘nemico essere ricordate affinché si comprenda allusioni trovate in Paolo Pino,4 Giorgio dei pittori lombardi’.15 Quindi, per ri- che Bernardino progettava diffondere Vasari5 (1550 e 1568), Christoforo Sorte6 parare lo ‘sbaglio’ del Vasari, il Lamo le sue idee sulla pittura oltre al circolo e Giovanni Paolo Lomazzo7 (1584 e decise di scrivere la ‘vita’ di Bernardino dei suoi allievi, i quali non sono stati 1590) – per citare soltanto i contempo- Campi come modo di rappresentare e pochi. Perciò Bernardino, fra il 1584 ed ranei di Bernardino –, mai le descrizioni celebrare la qualità della pittura lom- il 1590 – allora con più di sessant’anni di questi autori raggiunsero un carat- barda. Questa scelta, sebbene paia –, cercò di svolgere le sue attività senza tere così esplicito come quello che si inusitata, si giustifica perché, al Lamo, limitarsi soltanto alla pratica della pit- verifica nel testo del pittore cremonese. Bernardino è un’artista che lavora con tura, ma dedicandosi anche alla teoria In questo senso, l’opera di Bernardino competenza tanto in quel che si riferi- di quest’arte. può essere pareggiata soltanto al capi- sce al disegno quanto al colorito.16 Egli Già all’inizio del suo ‘Parere sopra tolo che Giovanni Battista Armenini riunisce, perciò, il disegno fiorentino la pittura’ Bernardino afferma che si (1530-1609) dedicò ai modelli nel suo ed il colore veneziano.17 Inoltre, Ber- mise a scrivere dovuto all’insistenza 8 trattato del 1586. Vediamo dunque le nardino aveva conquistato la fama e la di alcuni amici suoi – i pittori Antonio condizioni in cui si è potuto pubblicare reputazione fra i più illustri cittadini da Udine, Vincenzio da Caravaggio e questo raro libretto. di Cremona, Milano, Lodi e Piacenza Brandimarte dalla Torre.20 Questo è Le considerazioni di Bernardino ac- – dove aveva svolto una vittoriosa stato il modo trovato da lui per rile- compagnavano la sua biografia, la quale carriera, soprattutto come ritrattista e vare, come fece qualche anno più tardi era stata scritta da Alessandro Lamo pittore di soggetti religiosi. Allo scopo l’Armenini, la volontà collettiva che (1555-1616), probabilmente fra il 15779 di esplicitare il suo giudizio, il Lamo c’era in quel momento di conoscere il ed il 1584.10 Si tratta del ‘Discorso in- ricorre a una sorta di aneddoto, il quale metodo esposto nel ‘Parere’. Il testo in- torno alla scoltura et pittura dove ragiona sembra, tuttavia, di esser veridico. Hip- tendeva riempire, pertanto, una lacuna della vita e opere... fatte da Bernardino polita Gonzaga aveva chiesto a Bernar- della letteratura artistica. Tuttavia, al Campo’, opera che ebbe due edizioni dino ed al pittore fiorentino Cristofano contrario dell’Armenini – che espone nel 1584 – entrambi a carico dell’edi- dell’Altissimo (15?-1605) – allievo del le ragioni per cui è raccomandato l’uso tore Christoforo Draconi.11 Nonostante Bronzino (1503-1572) – la riproduzione dei modelli plastici ausiliari –, Bernar- le somiglianze, in solo una di esse fu di qualche ritratto del museo di Paolo dino va diritto all’applicazioni pratica pubblicato il ‘Parere’ di Bernardino.12 Giovio. In seguito, ella sollecitò che gli della tecnica. Così come normalmente Il Lamo, dalla sua parte, non lavorò stessi artisti la ritrassero. Naturalmente si accennava nei trattati d’arte,21 egli direttamente all’edizione dell’opera; in- che il ritratto fatto da Bernardino fu suggerisce che prima il pittore copi caricò invece il pittore Giovan Battista giudicato dalla stessa ritrattata come da disegni – e qui si debbono includere Trotti, il Malosso, della pubblicazione ‘molti giudiziosi cavaglieri’ come il mi- anche le pitture –, dopo rilievi – fa- del ‘Discorso’, poiché egli – come in- gliore.18 In questo modo, affermando la cendo allusione tanto ai rilievi classici forma il Malosso nella prefazione al- qualità della pittura lombarda, il Lamo quanto a quelli fatti dai grandi artisti l’opera – era partito per la Spagna. offriva la sua modesta risposta alla teo- moderni – e, finalmente, che studi a Secondo Antonio Campi,13 fratello dei ria della supremazia fiorentina predi- partire dai modelli vivi. Compiuta que- pittori Giulio e Vincenzo e pure amico cata dal Vasari. La sua opera si trova, se- sta fase, il pittore, per realizzare l’opera,

124 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations dovrebbe allora utilizzare i modellini. menini se ne andò da Roma e iniziò un sto dall’Armenini è lo stesso utilizzato Bernardino raccomanda che le figure periodo di viaggi per l’Italia27 – ed il da Bernardino. Quest’artista allea lo stu- siano fatte di cera, poiché, oltre a po- 1564 – anno nel quale divenne prete e dio dei grandi maestri – e bisogna ricor- ter assumere nuove attitudini quando lasciò definitivamente la vita artistica.28 dare che Bernardino realizzò viaggi a riscaldate, esse potrebbero anche es- Di fatto l’Armenini, nato a Faenza e as- Piacenza, Parma, Modena e Genova per sere modellate facilmente secondo sai influenzato dalla scuola bolognese, vedere le opere di Pordenone (1483c.- una forma di gesso. In questo modo, è come un intermediario fra il pensiero 1539), Raffaello (1483-1520), Correggio il pittore avrebbe tante figure quante ne vigente a Roma – città dove egli visse (1489-1534), Perin del Vaga (1501-1547) avesse bisogno. Bernardino suggerisce dai 15 ai 22 anni – e l’ambiente setten- e Parmigianino (1503-1540)35 – alle tra- allora che il pittore fisse le figure sopra trionale. In diverse situazioni egli lascia dizionali tecniche d’atelier – le quali, un’asse, componendo così una sorta di trasparire interferenze neoplatoniche, fra il Quattrocento ed il Cinquecento, teatro in miniatura e, acciocché possa certamente provenute dai circoli fioren- hanno come caratteristica dei suoi mo- trasferire quel che viene rappresentato tini e romani.29 Nondimeno allo stesso menti di maggiore intensità l’utilizza- nella messinscena ai cartoni, egli rac- tempo egli non si abbandona esclusi- zione dei modelli plastici ausiliari. Per comanda l’uso della graticola.22 Infine, vamente a quel che è stato “concetto entrambi, Bernardino e l’Armenini, il ‘Parere’ orienta ancora sulle sorte di nell’animo e nella mente”,30 come molti queste piccole sculture sostituivano il tessuti che il pittore deve utilizzare per fecero dopo Michelangelo. L’Armenini modello naturale – che non ha pazienza abbigliare i modelli e sul modo di lavo- aveva una totale consapevolezza di che con l’artista, nei termini dell’Alberti e rare col gesso e con la cera. gran parte dei pittori sconosceva le re- del Vasari36 – e dovrebbero essere uti- Come si è detto sopra, l’Armenini gole e le tecniche tradizionali e ubbidiva lizzate in una fase intermediaria fra gli offre nei suoi ‘precetti’ una notevole soltanto a quel che aveva prescritto il schizzi iniziali e l’esecuzione dell’opera. descrizione quanto all’uso dei modelli ‘divino’ Michelangelo, cioè “che biso- Il metodo diviene esplicito nelle parole plastici ausiliari.23 Egli afferma che que- gnava aver li sesti ne gli occhi e non in dell’Armenini: “percioché il far di molti sti possono essere fatti di creta o cera mano, perché la mano opera e l’occhio schizzi è utilissimo, perché più l’inge- 31 ed insegna, senza trattenersi ai detta- giudica”. Pertanto nei suoi ‘Veri pre- gno si sveglia tuttavia e s’abbelliscono gli, il modo di fabbricarli. Così come cetti della pittura’ egli non lascia d’ac- le cose, di modo che poi con più fermi Bernardino, egli considera che ne siano centuare l’importanza della pratica, e termini si proviene a i dissegni finiti, sufficienti alcuni pochi modellini per afferma: da i quali si formano i modelli e con realizzare qualsiasi opera,24 poiché essi (...) nissuno di voi mai si presumi possedere maggior certezza si fanno i dissegni di potrebbero assumere le più diverse a bastanza le cose dette con l’ingegno solo, ma quelli e indi i cartoni, sopra i quali è forme; a tal fine, basterebbe che l’artista è ben che si vegga sempre o col proprio natural costume veder gli effetti delle cose del 37 li ammorbidisse in acqua fredda o calda, di quello, o il suo rilievo, ne mai si confidi in naturale (...)”. secondo si trattasse di modelli di creta se stesso, se ben quelle cose dissegnate e studiate Avendo ciò in mente, occorre anche o cera. Secondo l’Armenini, Michelan- da lui mille volte state fossero, perché state pur considerare un’altra questione. Come gelo avrebbe lavorato in questo modo certi che con la sola maniera non si può supplire ha potuto un autore – e qui si fa an- quando eseguì il ‘Giudizio Universale’ al tutto (...).32 ‘E ancora’: Poiché dunque è cora allusione a Alessandro Lamo –, nella Cappella Sistina; egli avrebbe fatto bene a contendere a i principii con le fatiche, per reclamare la qualità della pittura poche figurine di cera e le avrebbe non si facciano dissegni over pitture senza porsi della sua regione, includere nel suo torte, con l’ausilio di un po’ d’acqua innanzi alcuno essempio vero, o almeno tolto ‘Discorso’ un testo – e un testo del- calda, secondo la necessità.25 Tuttavia, le dal vero, over formato nel miglior modo che sia l’artista scelto da lui per rappresentare somiglianze fra questi due teorici non possibile (...).33 l’eccellenza dell’arte di quella regione si limitano a queste constatazioni. L’ap- Inquietudini in questo senso sono – di natura così meccanica come il proccio fra Bernardino e l’Armenini ancora sentite quando l’Armenini dice ‘Parere’ di Bernardino? A Roma, in deve esser accentuato non solo dovuto che “infiniti si veggono i giovani a que- quel momento, un tale procedimento alle affinità rispetto al contenuto degli sti tempi, i quali si avvezzano in questi avrebbe causato stupore e sarebbe stato scritti d’entrambi, ma anche perché si sa errori per confidarsi troppo nell’idea e appunto incompreso. Romano Alberti, che l’Armenini, dopo essere partito da pratica loro, poiché senza porsi innanzi pure prima della società con Federico Roma, rimase per qualche mese a casa alcuno essempio da imitare, o almeno Zuccaro (1543-1609),38 dimostrava nel di Bernardino a Milano.26 L’incontro da chiarirsi e esserne certi, si pongono suo ‘Trattato della nobiltà della pittura’ fra i due sarebbe accaduto, con gran a far figure e tall’hora istorie abbonde- (1585) che, in quell’ambiente, il ‘perfetto probabilità, fra il 1557 – quando l’Ar- voli”.34 Orbene, questo metodo propo- pittore’39 dovrebbe esser ‘theoricamente

RHAA 8 125 Traduções/Translations dotto senza l’operare’40 – sebbene egli il Comanini sia a favore di una delle si pose a l’orizzonte abasso,50 in quel medesimo ancora nutrisse la convinzione di che parti, due vie sono ammesse: l’imita- modo che si è osservato nella prospettiva del la pratica, nel momento adeguato, non zione dopo il reale e l’imitazione dopo piano sopra dimostrato,51 così in quella parte svalutava la nobiltà della pittura. Ro- la fantasia, la natura e l’idea, la tecnica che ascende in su, come in quella che è a basso a mano raccomanda che il pittore abbia “i ed l’ingegno.46 In Lombardia la lealtà l’orizzonte. L’altro modo fu con un specchio, so- sensi acuti e molto buona imaginativa, alla pratica è grande oltre misura per pra il quale si tira con un telarolo una graticula con la quale apprenda le cose poste di- poter posporre addirittura il primo ter- alla misura di esso specchio, e si graticula con nanzi alli occhi e acciò quelle astratte mine. A Roma, d’altra parte, il secondo refe o seta nera, e si divide in quanti quadretti si dipoi dalla presentia e transformate in termine ha un campo d’attività assai vuole, e poi mettesi detta graticula sopra ad esso fantasmati perfettamente riduca all’in- avanzato nella pittura e l’ambiente è già specchio benissimo affermata; e volendo fingere telletto”.41 Inoltre è assai sintomatico preparato per accogliere lo Zuccaro e dette colonne, figure o altro in scurzo in esso che Romano consideri che la tecnica gli svolgimenti che il suo concetto di vólto, si fa prima la cosa che si vuole dipingere della prospettiva possa sostituire l’espe- ‘disegno interno’ raggiungerà. di rilevo, cioè in modello, e si pone alta alla rienza.42 In effetto, era già stabilita e Quanto alla tecnica, questa potrà misura come nella distanzia ci pare di fingere, abbastanza consolidata una distinzione esser raggiunta secondo due metodi: o però ai suoi lumi, acciò che si possano vedere i fra due partiti fondamentali: da una secondo una via teorica e scientifica, sbattimenti delle ombre et i rilevi a suo luogo, e parte l’idea esistente nella mente del- o secondo una via pratica e empirica. ponesi detto specchio a basso con detta graticula l’artista – costituita a priori o formata Il primo caso – che di certo modo era sopra, al mezzo di detta stanzia o luogo; e dalla diversità del mondo sensibile –, già presente dai primi umanisti che presupponendo che lo specchio sia l’orizzonte d’altra parte l’abilità conquistata – la aspiravano ad una sorta di alleanza fra delle due distanzie, cioè di quella che porta in tecnica, se si preferisce. scienza e pratica –, si vede rafforzato su e di quella da basso, che è l’orizzonte, ma Brevemente, per quel che riguarda in questo momento. In questo senso é che sia accommodato esso specchio talmente che l’idea, è possibile ammettere come significativo la crescita del numero di si possa vedere dentro tutto quello che si ha da punto di partenza un’opposizione fra pubblicazioni circa la prospettiva e la fingere, sia qual si voglia cosa. Et accommodato concetti platonici suscitata da Gregorio proiezione geometrica – Daniele Bar- esso specchio, bisogna accommodarsi sopra con Comanini (1548c.-1608), uno di questi baro (1569), Jean Cousin (1560, 1571), l’occhio fisso, et star sempre ad un segno con la tipici autori impregnati del pensiero set- Martino Bassi (1572), Vignola commen- sua tavoletta in mano con la carta sopra grati- tentrionale. Egli interpreta due forme tato da Egnazio Danti (1583), Lorenzo culata, fino che si averà contornato quello che si d’imitazione, l’icastica e la fantastica,43 Sirigatti (1596). L’intellettualismo del- vederà nello specchio, battendoli le sue ombre, le in un modo perfettamente d’accordo l’attività artistica raggiunse livelli mai mezze tinte et i lumi con i suoi reflessi a’ suoi con la cultura del Nord d’Italia. Se- immaginati, e artisti che ricorrevano a luoghi. E facendo le cose dette, si vederanno condo lui, l’arte imitativa “overo che conoscimenti empirici ed a modellini senza alcuna opposizione le cose molto riuscibili, 52 rappresenta cosa reale e fuori dell’in- di creta oppure di cera – la seconda via come nella seguente forma. telletto di quello artefice che lo forma, – venivano considerati come artisti mi- Tuttavia, l’equilibrio fra i due metodi overo che rassomiglia cosa imaginaria nori.47 Giulio Romano (1499-1546), per è tipico degli artisti attivi fino agli anni e che ha l’essere solamente nella fan- citare soltanto un esempio, conosceva di 1550. Alla generazione del Sorte fu tasia dell’huomo imitante”.44 Tuttavia, ambedue le possibilità. Almeno è que- necessario scegliere fra le due possi- nonostante questa consapevolezza, fra sto che si può concludere dalla descri- bilità, ed in questa scelta un giudizio la realtà e la fantasia egli non esita in zione di uno dei suoi seguaci. Nel 1580 di valore sulla capacità dell’artista era considerare quella più adatta al pittore: il veronese Christoforo Sorte pubblicò coinvolto. 48 “percioché più dilettevole è la sua imita- le ‘Osservazioni nella pittura’, opera Quindi, così esplicite che fossero le zione icastica di quello che la fantastica in cui si può leggere: intenzioni del Lamo, l’inclusione del sia, (...) percioché molto più d’arte et Et pratticando io all’hora con M. Giulio ‘Parere’ di Bernardino non avrebbe d’ingegno esso [il pittore] mostra nel- Romano, il quale fu ricco di molte bellissime prodotto senso alcuno ad un lettore l’imitazione icastica che non iscopre invenzioni così nelle cose della pittura come dell’Italia centrale. Anzi, ciò avrebbe nella fantastica, essendo più difficile dell’architettura et intorno alle prospettive de’ causato un effetto contrario e avrebbe l’imitare una cosa vera, come sarebbe piani e de’ scurzi, egli mi mostrò a condur la meramente confermato il giudizio del fare un ritratto d’un huom vivo, che [loggia con colonne torte, balaustre e soffitto49] Vasari riguardo gli artisti lombardi. dipingerne una falsa, come sarebbe con ragione in due modi: l’uno con due ponti, Quel che può aiutare a comprendere l’effigiare un huomo senza l’obbligo uno de’ quali ponessimo nel mezzo del sfondro, meglio il procedimento del Lamo è il del naturale”.45 Come si nota, sebbene il quale è la distanza che porta in su, et l’altro fatto d’egli essere un autore difatti in-

126 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations serito nella cultura settentrionale. I suoi nardino con tutte le minuzie possibili, cera, lunga un mezo palmo, o più o attacchi contro il Vasari non produssero il Lamo, come si è detto, intendeva di meno secondo il suo parere, in piedi, effetti a Roma neppure a Firenze, ma correggere la ‘dimenticanza’ del Vasari. con le gambe alquanto aperte e con forse l’accoglienza fosse diversa fra gli Includendo il ‘Parere’ di Bernardino le braccia distese, tal che facilmente si autori del Nord come il Lomazzo53 e, egli consolidava una tendenza tipica possa formare col gesso e61 gittarne di soprattutto, l’Armenini. dell’Italia settentrionale, la quale legit- cera tante quante ne sarà bisogno nel- Bernardino è laconico e lontano da timava l’uso di modelli plastici ausiliari l’istoria; e mentre che saranno tenere, le poter esser lodato per la chiarezza della mentre ancora non si mostrava prepa- potrà acconciare nei suoi atti, e se elle sua esposizione. Nonostante ciò, la sua rata a sottomettersi totalmente né al diventassero troppo dure le potrà tenere piccola opera può esser considerata la modello mentale né ad un partito pre- alquanto nell’acqua tepida, e si faranno più completa descrizione sull’uso dei valentemente scientifico. molle. Come il pittore avrà fatte tante modelli plastici ausiliari. In essa viene figure quante gli basteranno, le potrà accomodare secondo l’invenzion sua, sintetizzata una pratica di studio allo PARER SOPRA LA PITTURA poscia attaccarle sopra un’asse con un stesso tempo in cui si compie un capi- DI M. BERNARDINO CAMPI 54 tolo sull’applicazione di tale pratica. In 58 ferro caldo, e commodarvele secondo PITTORE CREMONESE 62 poco tempo, l’utilizzazione di modelli il suo disegno. Essendo io con instanza e lunga- plastici ausiliari perderà forza. All’inizio Dopo questo dee pigliare un telaro mente pregato da alcuni miei amici questo succederà a Roma ed a Firenze, che sia al squadro, cioè che abbia tutti pittori, e specialmente da Antonio da e soltanto con un considerevole ritardo quattro gli angoli retti, e signar sul Udine, Vincenzio da Caravaggio e rispetto a quest’ambiente tale pratica di telaro col compasso attorno attorno Brandimarte dalla Torre cremonese,59 studio sarà abbandonata nel nord. Ma una misura che sia lunga come la testa ch’io volessi far loro un discorso so- così come era successo ai seguaci di della figura di cera, e per ogni punto pra l’arte della pittura, e conoscendomi Michelangelo criticati dall’Armenini di compasso nel telaro piantar un chio- inesperto a tal cosa, più giorni ho fatto – che avevano come modello soltanto detto, e dall’un chiodetto all’altro per resistenza al loro disio; ma al fine, vinto quel che concepivano nelle loro menti tutto il telaro tirare fili sottili; e questo dai loro prieghi, et accioché non paia –, gli artisti della fine del secolo pro- s’ha da fare al longo et al traverso del che sotto fizzione di non essere sof- gressivamente cominciarono a disprez- telaro, talché si faccia una graticola di ficiente io voglia fuggire la fatica, mi zare i modelli plastici ausiliari. Giovan quadretti uguali fra loro;63 e medesi- son posto a scrivere queste poche e mal Battista Trotti, che, come si è detto, mamente disegnarà detta graticola su composte parole. presentò il libro del Lamo, fu uno dei la carta sopra la quale vuol disegnare. molti discepoli di Bernardino. Ancora Io dico adunque che, secondo il mio Piglierà poi la graticola del telaro e la più, il Malosso si sposò con una nipote parere, a qualunque elevato ingegno porrà dritta in piede appresso alle figure di Bernardino, e questi – secondo pare vuole imparare l’arte della pittura, prima di cera, e tirerà una linea al longo su con l’intenzione di assicurarsi che il suo fa bisogno imparare a contrafare ogni l’asse dove posano le dette figure, che si metodo sarebbe andato avanti – donò sorte di disegni, facendo però sempre riscontri con uno dei fili della graticola, al giovane apprendista, nel 1574, diversi scielta dei più eccellenti e più buoni; et un’altra al traverso, che si riscontri modelli di cera e gesso.55 Tuttavia il Ma- poscia dee imparare ritrare il rilievo, con un altro filo. E questo s’ha da fare, losso, tipico pittore della generazione togliendo il lume alto e che batti nel perché nel ritrare l’uomo non può star seguente, di natura ribelle e contrario mezo del rilievo, et avendo sempre la saldo da sé con la vista, se non è gui- alle regole,56 certamente si identificava mente a tutto ciò che ‘l fa; come se ‘l dato da queste due linee, e poi le ritrarà più ai metodi che cominciavano a es- fingesse una colonna, la quale, avendo sopra la carta signata, e tutto ciò che ‘l sere predicati dalle rigogliose accademie il lume nel mezo, fosse ombrata dalle vederà entro la graticola posta appresso d’arte che non agli avvertimenti del suo altre parti. Dopo questo gli bisogna alle figure di cera, disignarà su la me- maestro. D’allora in poi i modelli pla- imparare ritrare dal naturale, come sa- desima carta graticolata; avendo però stici furono raccomandati soltanto nei rebbe far un ritratto in ogni modo che considerazione che, se l’opera s’averà 60 momenti d’apprendimento e studio. Per intravenga nella pittura, e farlo bene. E da vedere da alto, il modello s’avrà da la realizzazione dell’opera, o si osser- venendogli occasione di pingere un’isto- poner il alto e il pittore stia al basso. vava quel che comandava la fantasia, ria, gli bisogna schizzare l’invenzione al E se il modello si porrà ad alto et il l’immaginazione oppure l’idea, come miglior modo che sa, avendo però sem- pittore stia al basso col vedere, ei per- si voglia, o si rispondeva alle esigenze pre la memoria ai disegni già ritratti. derà il piano dove posano le figure e della ragione.57 Scrivendo la vita di Ber- Poscia faccia una figura di rilievo di dove sono signate quelle due linee che

RHAA 8 127 Traduções/Translations li tenevano saldo il vedere; e però in che ciascuno dei quadretti sia grande fatto presa; poscia levale via la terra questo caso gli bisognerà mettere un come le teste delle figure che hanno che v’è d’attorno e di sotto, e volta il asse dietro alle figure, nel qual asse sian da essere nell’opera, che facilmente si gesso che è di sotto di sopra, e fagli col signate quelle due linee che si riscon- riporteranno dal picciolo al grande. Et coltello dietro alla riva un poco d’un trino con li fili della graticola, accioché intervenendo nell’opera figure nude, o taglio in due o in tre luochi, per poter il veder stia saldo.64 Ma se l’opera s’avrà teste o braccia o mani o piedi, biso- riscontrar l’una forma con l’altra, però da vedere al basso, egli porrà il modello gna ritrarle dal naturale; e volendo far con la figura entro. Dopo falle di novo al basso, stando lui alto a ritrare; e se le cose più perfette, risguarda alle cose un argine di terra attorno attorno, e l’opera s’avrà da vedere uguale alla vi- di rilievo antiche e buone, overo dai col sevo dileguato onge bene il gesso, sta, s’ha da mettere il modello uguale scultori moderni eccellenti, perché li si e con l’oglio di oliva unge la figura e alla vista; et in qualunque modo che vede una differenza che l’uomo da sé buttale addosso il gesso molle, come s’abbia da vedere la pittura, o uguale così facilmente non la conosse. è detto di sopra, e lascialo stare tanto alla vista, o alto, o basso, e che abbia Avendo io detto di sopra che biso- che abbia fatto presa: e la forma della da aver distanza, s’ha da ponere il mo- gna fare una figura di cera, e farle la figura sarà perfettamente fatta, e potrai dello distante a ritrarlo. E se l’opera s’ha forma di gesso per gittare le figure di tirarle fuora la figura, e dalla banda de da vedere d’appresso, s’ha da ponere il cera; e perché so che saranno molti che i piedi, overo della testa, le potrai fare modello appresso, accomodatamente non sapranno far questo; io dico che una via tra l’un pezzo e l’altro della però, tanto che si possa vedere; e con s’ha da fare a questo modo. Avendo forma per potervi infondere entro la queste fatiche, benigni lettori, vi trove- fatta la figura di cera e volendola for- cera liquida. rete avere le figure istoriate, et i lumi, e mare, piglia della terra creta e pistala Se tu vorrai gittare le figure di cera, i battimenti delle ombre, et il risminuire et impastala con l’acqua, talché ella piglia della cera nuova, e se ‘l sarà di 65 delle figure in prospettiva. sia pastosa, e della detta pasta fa un estate, per ogni libra di cera mettelle Intervenendovi figure vestite, biso- suolo sotto la figura, e calca la figura un’oncia di trementina, e se ‘l sarà d’in- gna far un’altra figura di cera che sia tanto, che ella si asconda meza nella verno, mettegliene due oncie per libra. ben svelta, grande un palmo e mezo, detta pasta, e fa’ che la terra le venga at- E ponela al fuoco in una cazza, e falla perché se tu non la facessi così, la figura torno attorno diritta, intendendo però scaldare pianamente, tanto che si le vestita restarebbe bozza; la qual figura il corpo overo la schiena; dapoi falle possa sofferire entro un dito, e come s’ha da gittare al modo detto di sopra. un argine della medesima terra attorno sarà dileguata, vuotala nella forma; ma Da poi s’ha d’acconciare nell’atto della e piglia dell’oglio d’oliva et ungela con prima fa’ star la forma nell’acqua tepida, figura vestita, e per vestirla pigliar due un pennello.67 Dopo questo avrai gesso tanto che ella sia ben bagnata, dapoi sorti di tela, cioè di sotile e di grossa, e scaiolo o marmorio, il quale sia prepa- cavala fuor dell’acqua et asciugala con bagnandola con l’acqua66 accommodar- rato a questo modo: piglia il sopradetto una sponga, e legala insieme, e se vi vela attorno secondo il tuo giudicio. E gesso e rompelo in pezzi della gros- fussero alcune fessure, stoppale con la volendo fare un panno grosso, piglierai sezza d’un uovo, e mettelo nel forno creta, dapoi gittale entro la cera, com’è la tela grossa, e volendolo far sottile, la sera, dapoi che è tolto fuori il pane, detto di sopra; poscia metti la forma piglierai tela sottile; se tu la vorai ve- et ivi lascialo stare fino alla mattina; con entro la cera nell’acqua fredda, et stire di seta, piglierai della medesima dapoi levalo fuora, ovvero accendi un ivi lasciala stare fin a tanto che la cera seta. Chi avesse un modello di legno buon fuoco di carbone e ponvi dentro si faccia ben dura: dapoi apri la forma picciolo, sarebbe buono, ma a me piace- il detto gesso, e lascialo stare fin a tanto e troverai la figura ben gittata. rebbe più se ‘l fosse grande come il na- che ‘l sia ben rosso; poscia levalo fuora, Io ho parlato sopra il disegno; or turale, perché s’attrovarebbono più cose ma puotendolo cuocere nel forno è mi resta ricordarvi che diligentemente che s’accommodarebbono a quello. E molto meglio. Essendo cotto il gesso, osserviate la misura nel far le figure. Et se tu lo volessi far star in piede, ch’egli tu dèi pestarlo e macinarlo tanto che il mio parere della misura è questa si- avesse un anello in testa per attaccarlo passi per il sedazzo; dapoi piglia acqua, gnata qua dietro,69 osservando però che al solaio, e ritrarla con la graticola detta la quale sii solamente tanto calda che le figure di Ercole et altri eroi voleno di sopra, ma bisognarebbe farla della si le possa sofferire entro la mano, et essere più piene, e le figure delle donne misura della testa del detto modello; e in quella distempera il gesso sedazzato, voleno aver le mani e i piedi alquanto da questo cavaresti ogni sorte di panni tal che non sia né liquido né duro, e più piccioli e le unghie lunghe. secondo il tuo parere. gittalo68 sopra la figura di cera, posta, Se tu vorrai fare il disegno grande come è detto, in quell’argine di terra, e Traduzione: Alexandre Ragazzi dell’opera, falli sopra la graticola, e fa’ lasciavilo star così fin a tanto che abbia Revisione: Maria de Lourdes T. Menon.

128 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations

1 Utilizzati, come si sa, almeno da Piero della 10 Cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. Op. cit., p. 117-8, in nella composizione di fregi con ‘scudi, grot- Francesca (1415-1492) (cfr. VASARI, Giorgio. cui il Lamo presenta una lettera di Vespasiano teschi, festoni e simili’. Le vite de’ più eccellenti architetti, pittori e scultori Gonzaga datata del 16 giugno 1584. Oltre ciò, 21 Cfr., ad esempio, VINCI, Leonardo da. Libro italiani, da Cimabue insino a’ tempi nostri. Firenze: la prefazione dell’opera, scritta da Giovan Bat- di pittura. Edizione in facsimile del Codice Urbinate Giuntina, 1568, III, p. 264) fino a Nicolas tista Trotti, il Malosso (1555-1619), porta la Lat. 1270 nella Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Fi- Poussin (1593/4-1665) (cfr. BELLORI, Giovan data 1 dicembre 1584. renze: Giunti, 1995, p. 175 e VASARI, Gior- Pietro. Le vite de’ pittori, scultori e architetti moderni. 11 Una terza edizione ne seguì nel 1774. Il ‘Dis- gio. Op. cit., 1568, I, p. 112. Torino: Giulio Einaudi, 1976 (1672), p. 452-3). corso’ del Lamo ed il ‘Parere’ di Bernardino 22 Per più dettagli sul metodo consigliato da Ber- Particolarmente sopra l’utilizzazione dei mo- sono stati incorporati alle ‘notizie’ di Giam- nardino, si vedono il testo del ‘Parere’ e le note delli plastici ausiliari nel Quattrocento, si veda battista Zaist (ZAIST, Giambattista. Notizie che l’accompagnano. FUSCO, Laurie. “The use of sculptural mo- istoriche de’ pittori, scultori ed architetti cremonesi. 23 dels by painters in the fifteenth-century Italy”. Cremona: Pietro Ricchini, 1774). Cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., 1587, p. 93-4, 96-9. In: The Art Bulletin. LXIV, 1982, p. 175-94. 12 Cfr. Catalogo ragionato dei libri d’arte e d’antichità 24 2 Cfr. RAGAZZI, Alexandre. A tradição da pin- posseduti dal conte Cicognara. Pisa: Niccolò Ca- Cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., p. 98. tura que tem como modelo a escultura. In: Daumier purro, 1821, I, p. 24. 25 Allo scopo di conferire credibilità a quel che escultor: correspondências com a pintura e a obra 13 Cfr. CAMPI, Antonio. Cremona, fedelissima aveva affermato, l’Armenini dice che tanto gráfica. Dissertação de Mestrado. Orientação città et nobilissima colonia de Romani rappresentata i giovani quanto i vecchi di Michelangelo de Luciano Migliaccio. Campinas, SP: [s.n.], in disegno col suo contato, et illustrata d’una breve paiono muscolosi giustamente in conseguenza 2004, p. 3-24; 35-7. historia delle cose più notabili appartenenti ad essa, dell’artista aver utilizzato pochi modelli. Quel 3 L’opera che qui proponiamo l’analisi ha pre- et dei ritratti naturali de duchi et duchesse di Milano, che compromette la verosimiglianza della des- cedentemente ricevuto l’attenzione di Schlos- e compendio delle lor vite. Milano: Gio. Battista crizione è che l’Armenini dice aver sentito a ser e di Barocchi. SCHLOSSER, Julius von. Bidelli, 1645 (1585), p. 215. Milano, da un discepolo di Leonardo (1452- 1519), che a questo gli dispiaceva soltanto un “Aus der bildnerwerkstatt der Renaissance”. 14 Cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. Op. cit., p. 25. In: Jahrbuch der Kunstsammlungen des Allerhöchsten fatto nell’opera di Michelangelo, cioè egli 15 Cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. Op. cit., p. 39. Cfr. Kaiserhauses, XXXI, 1912, p. 111 e ss. BAROC- aver fatto le figure molto simili l’una alle al- ancora VASARI, Giorgio. Op. cit., 1568, IV, CHI, Paola (Org.). Scritti d’arte del Cinquecento. tre (cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. p. 310-1 e, soprattutto, il giudizio dell’Aretino Milano, Napoli: Riccardo Ricciardi, 1971, I, cit., p. 99). Ora, come si sa, Michelangelo ha nell’edizione torrentiniana (VASARI, Giorgio. p. 931-5. realizzato gli affreschi del Giudizio fra il 1535 Op. cit., 1550, IV, p. 309-10), secondo il quale ed il 1541, ossia dopo la morte di Leonardo. 4 Cfr. PINO, Paolo. Dialogo di pittura. Nuova- il pittore cremonese Boccaccio Boccaccino Se Leonardo ha veramente detto qualcosa di . Vinegia: P. Gherardo, 1548, mente dato in luce (1468c.-1525) è biasimato dovuto alla superbia simile, probabilmente si riferiva agli affreschi p. 29b. che gli fu avvenuta di lodi precoci, il che, più del soffitto della cappella Sistina – conclusi 5 Cfr. VASARI, Giorgio. Le vite de’ più eccellenti ar- tardi, lo avrebbe fatto diventare ragione di risi nel 1512 –, i quali egli potrebbe aver visto fra chitetti, pittori e scultori italiani, da Cimabue insino a’ e non di meraviglia. il 1513 ed il 1516. Circa l’utilizzazione che il tempi nostri. Firenze: Torrentiniana, 1550. Cfr. Su questo argomento, Robert Klein nota – nel proprio Leonardo ha fatto dei modelli plas- anche VASARI, Giorgio. Op. cit., 1568, I, p. commento del capitolo XXXVIII de Idea del tici, cfr. GIOVIO, Paolo. Leonardo Vincii vita; 112, 114-5, 120, 122-3; III, p. 264, 543; IV, p. tempio della pittura – che Lomazzo faceva men- Michaelis Angeli vita; Raphaëlis Urbinatis vita; 17, 106, 299-300, 355; V, p. 189-92, 203, 333, zione dei suoi contemporanei in parte per una fragmentum trium diagororum. In: BAROCCHI, 412, 539, 545; VI, p. 177, 179. consapevolezza di storico ed in parte per evi- Paola. Op. cit., I, p. 7 e KWAKKELSTEIN, 6 Cfr. SORTE, Christoforo. Osservationi nella tare inimicizie – come era successo al proprio Michael W. “The use of sculptural models pittura. Con l’aggionata d’una cronichetta dell’origine Vasari (cfr. LOMAZZO, Gio. Paolo. Idea del by italian renaissance painters: Leonardo da della magnifica città di Verona. Venetia: Gio. Ant. tempio della pittura. Edizione commentata e tradu- Vinci’s ‘Madona of the rocks’ reconsidered in Rampazetto, 1594 (1580), p. 20b. zione di Robert Klein. Firenze: Istituto Palazzo light of his working procedures”. In: Gazette Strozzi, 1974 (1590), II, p. 639-40). des Beaux-Arts, n. 1563, avril 1999, p. 181-98. 7 Cfr. LOMAZZO, Gio. Paolo. Trattato dell’arte 16 della pittura, scoltura, et architettura... Milano: Pa- Cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. Op. cit., p. 90. 26 Cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., p. olo Gottardo Pontio..., a instantia di Pietro 17 Cfr. PINO, Paolo. Op. cit., p. 23b-24b, in cui 221. Tini, 1584, p. 251-3, 321. Cfr. anche LOMA- il ‘perfetto pittore’ sarebbe quello che riunisse 27 Circa le ragioni che hanno fatto l’Armenini ZZO, Gio. Paolo. Idea del tempio della pittura. Mi- il disegno di Michelangelo (1475-1564) ed il lasciare Roma, cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Bat- lano: Paolo Gottardo Pontio, 1590, p. 36, 53. colore di Tiziano (1485c-1576). tista. Op. cit., p. 220-1; ZAIST, Giambattista. 8 Cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. De’ veri pre- 18 Cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. Op. cit., p. 53. Op. cit., I, p. 194-5; OLSZEWSKI, Edward cetti della pittura. Ravena: Francesco Tebaldini, 19 Su Boccaccino, cfr. LOMAZZO, Gio. Paolo. John. Armenini’s treatise on painting. A thesis sub- 1587 (1586). Anche se l’edizione del 1587 è Op. cit., 1590, p. 158; intorno al trattato circa mitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the Uni- la più celebre, c’è stata un’edizione in Faenza il colorito, cfr. LOMAZZO, Gio. Paolo. Op. versity of Minnesota. Minnesota: [s.n.], 1974, p. 3. l’anno precedente. cit., 1584, p. 193. 28 Cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., p. 9 Cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. Discorso di Alessandro 20 Non molto si sa circa questi pittori. Antonio da 230. Quindi, l’incontro non potrebbe essere Lamo intorno alla scoltura et pittura: dove ragiona Udine, il Moretto, è citato dal Lamo (LAMO, stato posteriore al 1564 perché, quando è stato della vita e opere in molti luoghi e a diverse prencipi Alessandro. Op. cit., 1584, p. 56); avrebbe aiu- con Bernardino, l’Armenini nutriva ancora le e personaggi fatte dall’eccell. e nobile M. Bernardino tato Bernardino nella decorazione della casa di sue pretensioni artistiche, avendo aiutato il Campo, pittore cremonese. Cremona: Christoforo Alessandro Castiglione. Vincenzio da Carava- pittore cremonese in una pittura (cfr. AR- Draconi, 1584, p. 104, in cui l’autore men- ggio forse è Moietta Vincenzo da Caravaggio, MENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., p. 221). ziona che in quel momento Bernardino aveva il quale, secondo Lomazzo (LOMAZZO, Gio. 29 Cfr., ad esempio, ARMENINI, Giovan Bat- 55 anni. Paolo. Op. cit., 1584, p. 421-2), era specializzato tista. Op. cit., p. 23: “non deve seguirsi il giu-

RHAA 8 129 Traduções/Translations

dicio solamente dell’occhio esteriore (...), ma più perfetto, e che più diletti, il pittore, overo il poeta. liari (cfr. DU FRESNOY, Charles Alphonse. ricorrer bisogna all’occhio dell’intelletto, il Mantova: Francesco Osanna, 1591, p. 25. Cfr. L’art de peinture. Paris: Nicolas L’Anglois, 1668, quale illuminato dalle debite regole, conosce ancora FERRARI-BRAVO, Anna Pupillo. ‘Il p. 22-3, 109-11). Tuttavia, questa esortazione il vero in tutte le cose”. Specificamente sopra Figino’ del Comanini. Teoria della pittura di fine ‘500. alla pratica che qui si tratta deve esser consi- il concetto d’idea, si veda il capitolo XI del Roma: Bulzoni Editore, 1975 – opera che mi derata come un’eccezione, come un commento secondo libro, p. 137-8. è stata gentilmente segnalata dal professore provenuto da un uomo che partecipava, per 30 ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., p. 24. Luiz Marques. così dire, dell’opposizione all’Académie Royale 45 de Peinture et de Sculpture. A proposito del 31 Citato da ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. Cfr. COMANINI, Gregorio. Op. cit., p. 81-2. metodo predicato dalla Accademia, cfr. MÉ- cit., p. 94. 46 Termini compresi come l’opposizione fra MOIRES pour servir à l’histoire de l’Académie royale 32 ‘téchne’ e ‘phýsis’, il che, del resto, è una dis- ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., p. de peinture et de sculpture depuis 1648 jusqu’en 1664. tinzione di cui il Comanini è perfettamente 223. Publiés pour la première fois par M. Anatole de Mon- consapevole, poiché per quel che riguarda la 33 Idem, p. 224. taiglon. Nendeln/Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, creazione del poeta egli raccomanda giusta- 34 1972 (1853). Idem, p. 224. mente l’opposto, cioè che si preferisca la fanta- 55 35 Cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. Op. cit., p. 55, 84. sia alla realtà. Quindi in qualche modo il poeta Cfr. il registro di donazione ‘inter vivos’ tras- critto da SACCHI, Federico. Notizie pittoriche 36 Cfr. ALBERTI, Leon Battista. Da pintura. del Comanini si unisce al poeta ‘invasato’ di cremonesi. Cremona: Ronzi e Signori, 1872, p. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 1999 (1436), Platone (cfr. Ion, 533d-534b; Leggi IV, 719c; 246-7. Ringrazio questo riferimento al profes- p. 145 e VASARI, Giorgio. Op. cit., 1568, I, p. Fedro, 245a). sore Robert S. Miller, grande esperto per quel 112. Questo concetto vasariano è stato riu- 47 Ringrazio la professoressa Giuseppina Raggi che riguarda Bernardino. tilizzato dal BORGHINI, Raffaello. Il riposo. ed il professore Luciano Migliaccio delle sti- 56 Firenze: Giorgio Marescotti, 1584, p. 139. molanti conversazioni circa questo soggetto. Cfr. VENTURI, Adolfo. Storia dell’arte italiana. IX. La pittura del Cinquecento. VI. Milano: Ul- 37 ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. cit., p. 138-9. 48 SORTE, Christoforo. Op. cit., p. 20a-b. rico Hoepli, 1933. Rep. Millwood, New York: 38 49 Cfr. Origine, et progresso dell’Academia del Dissegno, Incarico che il Sorte aveva ricevuto da Fe- Krauss Reprint, 1983, p. 935. de’ Pittori, Scultori, e Architetti di Roma (1604) derico Gonzaga (1519-1540) per il Palazzo 57 Queste esigenze potrebbero esser sanate nella – opera redatta da Romano Alberti quando Ducale di Mantova. Quest’opera non si è forma di apparati più elaborati come quelli l’Accademia è stata condotta da Zuccaro preservata. di Cigoli e Scheiner (cft. KEMP, Martin. The – e L’Idea de’ Pittori, Scultori, et Architetti (1607) 50 Metodo fondato sulla proiezione geometrica science of art. Optical themes in western art from Bru- – opera scritta dallo stesso Zuccaro e che, in e che si vale del punto principale – anche co- nelleschi to Seurat. New Haven and London: Yale ogni caso, svolge quel che era stato abbozzato nosciuto come punto d’orizzonte oppure di University Press, 1990, p. 178-81) oppure con nel 1604; entrambi in: Scritti d’arte di Federico prospettiva (cfr. VIGNOLA-DANTI. Le due il rigore scientifico proposto dai progressi nel Zuccaro (Col. Fonti per lo studio dell’arte regole della prospettiva pratica di M. Iacomo Barozzi campo perspettivo-matematico. – Inedite o rare – I), Firenze: Leo S. Olschki, da Vignola. Con i comentarii del R. P. M. Egna- 58 Secondo l’edizione di Christoforo Draconi del 1961. Cfr. ancora WAZBINSKI, Zygmunt, tio Danti... Roma: Francesco Zannetti, 1583, 1584 (in: LAMO, Alessandro. Op. cit.). Il testo, L’Accademia Medicea del Disegno a Firenze nel p. 4-6) – e del punto di distanza, il quale, in senza numerazione, corrisponderebbe alle p. Cinquecento – Idea e istituzione, Firenze: Leo S. questo caso, dovrebbe esser abbassato affin- 121-29. Olschki Editore, 1987 (soprattutto p. 305-32, ché fosse creata l’illusione di uno scorcio più 59 Lo Studio: la scuola fiorentina di Federico Zuccari). accentuato. In effetto il risultato corrisponde Cfr. sopra, nota 20. 39 L’identificazione col ‘perfetto oratore’ di Ci- all’allontanamento del punto di distanza. 60 Su quest’argomento, Paola Barocchi (BAROC- cero è assolutamente pertinente. In seguito ai 51 Il Sorte allude alla p. 19b, nella quale espone CHI, Paola. Op. cit., 1971, I, p. 931, nota 3) precetti della Controriforma, il pittore ideale si il metodo tradizionale – con punto principale ha messo già in evidenza come la concezione identifica con l’oratore ideale – ancora più che e punto di distanza – usato per la proiezione assolutamente pratica della proposta metodo- col poeta ideale – per quel che riguarda con- in prospettiva. logica di Bernardino è ancora in conformità ai cetti come la chiarezza, la brevità e l’armonia precetti di Leonardo (Cfr. VINCI, Leonardo. 52 Il Sorte si riferisce ad un disegno stampato della composizione – tutti strumenti utili per Op. cit., 1995, p. 171, 175). Inoltre, il metodo alla p. 21a, il quale rappresenta una colonna la persuasione, tanto dei dotti quanto degli di Bernardino – cioè l’imitazione di disegni, intagliata in scorcio. ignoranti, circa i temi religiosi. modelli plastici e il modello naturale – è 53 40 ALBERTI, Romano. Trattato della nobiltà della La preferenza per la scienza o la pratica e, pure in concordanza col Vasari: “Chi dunque pittura. Composto ad instantia della venerabil Com- quindi, l’ammissione dei modelli plastici au- vuole bene imparare a esprimere disegnando pagnia di S. Luca, et nobil Academia delli pittori di siliari sono soggetti che assumono in Loma- i concetti dell’animo e qualsivoglia cosa, fa di Roma. Roma: Francesco Zannetti, 1585, p. 14. zzo un’ampiezza così grande che sorpassano bisogno, poi che averà alquanto assuefatta la In effetto, Romano Alberti cita PINO, Paolo. di molto i limiti qui stabiliti. Basta dire che mano, che per divenir più intelligente nell’arti si Op. cit., p. 10b che, a sua volta, aveva coerente- in diversi momenti l’autore si contraddice, so- eserciti in ritrarre figure di rilievo, o di marmo mente inserito questo concetto nel discorso di prattutto quando la sua intenzione è di parte- o di sasso overo di quelle di gesso formate sul Fabio, il personaggio fiorentino del dialogo. cipare al paragone fra la scultura e la pittura vivo overo sopra qualche bella statua antica, o e dimostrare la superiorità di questa rispetto 41 ALBERTI, Romano. Op. cit., p. 16. sì veramente rilievi di modelli fatti di terra, o a quella (cfr. LOMAZZO, Gio. Paolo. Op. cit., nudi o con cenci interrati addosso che servono 42 Cfr. ALBERTI, Romano. Op. cit., p. 32. 1584, p. 252 e LOMAZZO, Gio. Paolo. Op. per panni e vestimenti; perciò che tutte queste 43 Cfr. PLATONE, Sofista, 235d-236c. cit., 1590, p. 36). cose, essendo immobili e senza sentimento, 44 COMANINI, Gregorio. Il Figino, overo del fine 54 Nel 1668 Roger de Piles tradusse e annotò un fanno grande agevolezza, stando ferme, a co- della pittura. Ove quistionandosi se ‘l fine della pittura testo scritto fra il 1641 ed il 1665 da Charles lui che disegna; il che non avviene nelle cose sia l’utile, overo il diletto, si tratta dell’uso di quella Alphonse Du Fresnoy. Nei commenti, De Pi- vive, che si muovono” (VASARI, Giorgio. Op. nel Christianesimo. Et si mostra, qual sia imitator les raccomanda l’uso dei modelli plastici ausi- cit., 1568, I, p. 112). Quindi, soltanto dopo di

130 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations

assuefatta la mano – con i disegni – è che il 63 Si tratta di un espediente raccomandato al- de l’art de Léonard de Vinci. Trad. Daniel Arasse. pittore dovrebbe servirsi dei modelli plastici. meno dall’Alberti (ALBERTI, Leon Battista. Paris: Flammarion, 1996 (1940), soprattutto Nondimeno, secondo il Vasari, le ‘cose vive’ Op. cit., 1999, p. 109-10) e Leonardo (VINCI, p. 49-58), in cui l’autore si dedica allo studio sono parte di un programma più avanzato. Leonardo. Op. cit., 1995, p. 189-90 [nonostante delle figure vedute in ‘visione normale, di sotto 61 Nel originale “o”, il che pare esser un equi- VINCI, Leonardo. Op. cit., 1995, p. 163-4]), in su e di su in sotto’. Tuttavia, Carlo Urbino voco. autorizzato dal Dürer (cfr. con la stampa è assolutamente chiaro quando si tratta di ‘L’illustratore che disegna una donna giacente’, condannare l’utilizzazione di modelli plastici 62 Il metodo d’utilizzazione dei modelli plastici in: Underweysund der messung, Nüremberg, 1538), ausiliari (cfr. PANOFSKY. Op. cit., p. 54, nota ausiliari proposto da Bernardino, che inserisce Michelangelo Biondo (BIONDO, Michelan- 153), e la sua contrapposizione a Bernardino i modelli in una sorta di palco, trova delle si- gelo. Della nobilissima pittura et della sua arte, del è tanto più interessante perché si sa che, fino militudini soprattutto con la pratica del Tinto- modo et della dottrina di conseguirla agevolmente et al 1565, Carlo Urbino fornì dei disegni a Ber- retto (1518-1594); Carlo Ridolfi così la riporta: presto... Vinegia: Appolline, 1549, p. 11b-12a), nardino (cfr. BORA, Giulio. La prospettiva della “[Tintoretto] esercitavasi ancora nel far piccioli Vasari (VASARI, Giorgio. Op. cit., 1568, I, p. modelli di cera e di creta, vestendoli di cenci, figura umana. Gli ‘scurti’ nella teoria e nella prattica 119) e Christoforo Sorte (SORTE, Christo- ricercandone accuratamente con le pieghe de’ pittorica lombarda del Cinquecento. In: La prospet- foro. Op. cit., p. 20a-20b) e biasimato da Paolo panni le parti delle membra, quali divisava tiva rinascimentale. Codificazione e trasgressioni. I. A Pino (PINO, Paolo. Op. cit., p. 16b), che rim- ancora entro picciole case e prospettive com- cura di Marisa Dalai Emiliani. Firenze: Centro provera dichiaratamente l’Alberti. poste di asse e di cartoni, accommodandovi Di, 1980, p. 313). 64 lumicini per le finestre, recandovi il tale guisa Per quel che riguarda questo inconveniente, 66 Questa pratica pare derivare dall’osservazione i lumi e le ombre. Sospendeva ancora alcuni conviene ricordare le soluzioni trovate da De dei rilievi greco-romani dell’Antichità e, se- modelli co’ fili alle travature per osservare gli Piles: od il pittore dovrebbe sostenere i modelli condo il Vasari, era utilizzata almeno da Piero effetti che facevano veduti all’insù, per formar per aria con fini e discreti fili – al modo del della Francesca (1415-1492): “Usò assai Piero gli scorci posti ne’ soffitti, componendo in tali Tintoretto (cfr. nota 62) – o dovrebbe metterli di far modelli di terra e a quelli metter sopra modi bizzarre invenzioni” (RIDOLFI, Carlo. sopra una graticola di ferro (DU FRESNOY, panni molli con infinità di pieghe per ritrarli e Delle maraviglie dell’arte, overo delle vite degl’illustri Charles Alphonse. Op. cit., p. 110). Circa gli servirsene” (VASARI, Giorgio. Op. cit., 1568, pittori Veneti e dello Stato. Venetia: Gio. Battista scorci, cfr. ARMENINI, Giovan Battista. Op. III, p. 264). Cfr. ancora quel che dice l’Aretino Sgava, 1648, II, p. 6-7). Comunque, pure nel cit., p. 89-92. Cfr. ancora con il metodo utili- rispetto a Niccolò Soggi (1492-1542): “Attese Vasari si trovano simili raccomandazioni: zzato da Giulio Romano e Christoforo Sorte anco assai Niccolò a fare modelli di terra e “Usono ancora molti maestri, innanzi che fac- (SORTE, Christoforo. Op. cit., p. 20a-b). Inol- di cera, ponendo loro panni addosso e carte cino la storia nel cartone, fare un modello di tre, la prossimità fra i metodi di Bernardino pecore bagnate (...)” (VASARI, Giorgio. Op. terra in su un piano, con situar tonde tutte le e Giulio Romano è messa in evidenza anche cit., 1568, V, p. 189). perché si sa che il giovane Bernardino, dopo figure per vedere gli sbattimenti, cioè l’ombre 67 di aver lasciato lo studio di Giulio Campi, si è In questo punto, Bernardino interrompe la che da un lume si causano adosso alle figure, descrizione rispetto al modo in cui si debbono che sono quell’ombra tolta dal sole, il quale più trasferito a Mantova, presso Hippolito Costa, al fine di accompagnare i lavori che realizza- fare le forme per insegnare come si deve lavo- crudamente che il lume le fa in terra nel piano rare col gesso. per l’ombra della figura. E di qui ritraendo il vano Rinaldo Mantovano e Fermo Ghifoni 68 tutto della opra, hanno fatto l’ombre che per- (Guiso) a partire dai cartoni di Giulio Ro- Bernardino riprende la descrizione sul modo cuotono adosso a l’una e l’altra figura, onde ne mano – Bernardino ritornerebbe a Cremona in cui si debbono fare le forme. vengono i cartoni e l’opera per queste fatiche soltanto nel 1541 (cfr. LAMO, Alessandro. 69 Bernardino allude a due disegni riprodotti di perfezzione e di forza più finiti, e da la carta Op. cit., p. 29). dopo il testo. In uno di essi c’è un uomo ig- si spiccano per il rilievo: il che dimostra il tutto 65 Circa questi problemi, cfr. il libro V delle Regole nudo, in piedi, dinanzi, mentre che nell’altro più bello e maggiormente finito” (VASARI, del disegno di Carlo Urbino da Crema (in: PA- l’uomo è di profilo. Ambedue i disegni sono Giorgio. Op. cit., 1568, I, p. 120). NOFSKY, Erwin. Le Codex Huygens et la théorie suddivisi a quadretti.

Images of permanence: tury Brazil. We will analyze, in detail, In the essay titled “O século XIX” thoughts on Charles the album Brasil Pitoresco, text by Charles (“The 19th century”), Alexandre Ribeyrolles’ and Ribeyrolles and lithographs made from Eulálio wrote about the importance of photographs by Victor Frond, which was the emergence, to the visual arts, of the Brasil Pitoresco Victor Frond’s published in 18611. Brasil Pitoresco was the technics of image mechanical reproduc- (Picturesque Brazil) album first travel narrative to be edited in Latin tion, until then unheard of. They were America using illustrations obtained rapidly made, especially in the case of Maria Antonia Couto da Silva from photographs2. Victor Frond was lithography and photography. Both led PhD graduate at IFCH/UNICAMP a pioneer in the photographic registra- to the questioning of some of the paint- tion of national agricultural production ing functions, seen then as utilitarian, It is our intention, in this article, and of the work of the Afro descendants as a traditional mean of human types to approach the relationship between at the farming areas of the Fluminense and social surroundings registration painting and photography in 19th cen- region, in Rio de Janeiro3. and fixing. The author also affirms that

RHAA 8 131 Traduções/Translations

“…painting would suffer the impact of (José de Alencar works, among others) The travel around Brazilian lands both inventions, although also (and this and the illustrated albums. Regarding happened in 1858. The authors tried, could not have been any different) it in- historical painting we should notice then, to document the territory. They fluenced attitudes and procedures of the Victor Meirelles’ painting A primeira assembled images, descriptions of the lithographic pencil and of the objective missa no Brasil (1861, Museu Nacional sights visited and analysis of the social of the artist-photographer”4. Regarding de Belas Artes). relations. The book, eventually, became the association between photography The Brasil Pitoresco’s authors had a tra- better known due to its photographs and lithoengraving, Eulálio points out jectory which was associated with the rather than for Ribeyrolles’ text. The that the Brasil Pitoresco album, with text conflicts for political liberty in France. text was published in 1859, in a hur- by Charles Ribeyrolles and illustrated Charles Ribeyrolles (1811-1860) was ried edition, precariously translated and with lithographs made from photo- editor of the “l’Homme” journal, mouth- printed in a low quality paper. Never- graphs by Victor Fond, is one oh the piece of the republican groups exiled theless, this publication had an official “highest moments of nineteenth cen- in England due to the political move- character since it was published by the tury’s iconography”. ments of 1848 and to the coup d’etat National Typography (Typographia Frond resumed in his photographs against Louis Napoleon, in 1851. Nacional). It also came with a big in- novation editorially wise - the text was some celebrated sights of Rio de Janeiro, Victor Frond, who came from a fam- published in two columns, in French which had been represented by travelers ily of small proprietors from southern in paintings, drawings and watercolors. and in Portuguese, targeting a wider France, became a dedicated republican public. For instance, the Arcos da Lapa and militant. He worked at the Fire Brigade the Outeiro da Glória. Travelers would in Paris when he rebelled during the The images came from France, and portrait in their works, in general terms, coup of 1851. He was later persecuted were distributed in small series along idealized landscapes. Photography al- and sent to prison in Algeria. He even- August of 1860 and November of 1861. The photographs were reproduced in lowed the recording of local landscapes tually managed to escape and exiled lithoengravings and caused a massive taking into account theirs specificity, himself in England. There he was in impact. They gained autonomy, detach- putting in relief different luminosity contact with Charles Ribeyrolles and ing themselves from the book itself7. and the variety of botanical species. Victor Hugo, among others. Frond was In this way, Victor Frond’s and other portrayed as a character in Hugo’s book This publication has some litho- photographers’ production contributed Histoire d’un crime (1854). In 1854, he went graphic series that set aside the Impe- to the development of a more realistic on to live in Lisbon and continued to be rial capital and the slave work. Besides approach in the country’s landscape involved in political militancy activities. those central thematic groups, we have painting. For instance, as can be seen In order to gain a living he took on the among the album’s illustrations the on the production of Agostinho José profession of “those who have nothing” predominance of nature images (for da Motta. He painted Brazilian themes - he became a photographer5. Little is instance, waterfalls and the forest), and sights free from exoticism. In some known regarding the Portugal period of of cities and farms at the Fluminense of the artist’s works, for example in his life. He, probably, studied photog- countryside, in Rio de Janeiro, and of 8 Vista dos Arcos da Lapa (without date, raphy with Alfred Fillon, also a French Salvador city, in Bahia . Brasiliana collection), we perceive a and a companion from Algeria’s prison, The authors approach regarding new regard in relation to nature’s and they escaped together. As photographer Brazil is very distinct from the one landscape’s national representations. of the Portuguese Royal House, Fillon linked to the European debate about We must point out that the album became well known in his profession6. the use of photography in scientific Brasil Pitoresco should be inserted in a In 1857, when he arrived in Brazil, expeditions or in the travels related to broader set of image collectanea made in Frond set together an atelier in Rio de the “romantic orientalism”9. As Lygia the 19th century, supported by the Em- Janeiro. He immediately received the Segala stresses: peror, and related to the iconographic recognition from the Imperial House. Differing from the numerous European rediscovery of the country. From the When he conceived the project for the illustrated albums, regarding countries or re- 1860’s onwards, many publications album-book, which was announced at gions, which invariably bring, along landscapes, concerned with national themes were the time’s newspapers and had the sup- a gallery of the place’s notables, Frond’s album launched in Brazil. They would follow port from the Emperor, Frond called shows, besides the sight-scenes, black slaves. In different lines of approach: historical upon Ribeyrolles to write the text and fact, the longest thematic series of his work studies (História do Brasil, R. Southey, took care, himself, of the photographic concerns the slaves. This choice, initially dis- 1862, for instance); literary romances documentation. concerting, is only possible, first of all, because

132 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations these images go along with the genre scenes and title of picturesque sights (class XIX), bo- changes in the work relations, like the the taste for the exotic, fashionable then in the tanical themes (class XX), imperial family’s one in 184814. European photographic series (albums and ste- portraits (class XIX) and, mainly, under In Italy, we also have representations reoscopic sight-scenes) and consumed by the elite. the title of behaviors (class XVII, part of workers in paintings since de 1860’s. Secondly, because they find some recognition, as 2). In this last series we have the im- For instance, in the piece The Stonecutter a registration of cultural behaviors and as do- ages about agricultural activities at the in Tuscany, by Francesco Saverio Alta- cumenting the work, at the still timid national Fluminense farms, in Rio de Janeiro, mura, from 1861 (Naples, Museo Nazi- abolitionist discourse. This discourse becomes and about the slave work12. onale di Capodimonte). Filippo Palizzi more well-marked after the promulgation of Regarding the artistic scenery of the and many other macchiaioli begin to por- the law extinguishing slave traffic in 1850. period, we should notice that the pho- trait peasants with a dignifying regard, Having this focus, the photographer brings up tographers, when recording urban and and in a scale that was previously used to the front the problem of the depiction of the rural workers, created a repertory of only for history painting. These pieces “Brazilian people”, in contrast to the Imperial images that were not, then, present in can be related to the need of represent- family’s portraits which open the album in an Brazil’s painting. Painting Academies, ing and giving an identity to the people, 10 iconographic dedication. up until the beginning of the 19th in a recently unified country15. It is important to notice that in this century, considered painting of cul- Back to the Brazilian context, we publication the authors avoided ap- tural behaviors and of daily scenes as would like to point out that the authors proaching picturesque aspects of Bra- a minor genre, together with landscapes of the Brasil Pitoresco album, Ribeyrolles zil. They escaped describing and rep- and still-life representations. They were and Frond, stayed in touch with the resenting the people’s exotic behaviors following a genre hierarchy which had artistic and intellectual French milieu, and also they avoided a sentimental been consolidated at the French Acad- at the end of the 1840’s. Lygia Segala approach of the landscape. Frond’s il- emy during the 17th century. This stresses the proximity between Cour- lustrations put in relief landscapes from panorama only starts to change dur- bet and Victor Frond, who served as a Rio de Janeiro. Besides natural beauties, ing the 19th century. In France, since model in a unfinished painting of the they emphasize a certain urban ration- 1830, history painting begin to be re- painter (Fireman rushing to a fire, 1850), ality, prioritizing public spaces like the placed by the genre historical painting, which belongs to the Musée du Petit aqueduct and the hospital. Many of the which represented patriotic and nation- Palais, in Paris16. book’s illustrations show the work of alist themes withdrawn from episodes At the Brazilian artistic scenario we the afro descendants at the farms in of past and contemporary history. perceive, from the 1855’s writings by the Fluminense countryside, in Rio de Later on, in the Salon of 1850, three Araújo Porto-Alegre, that the Academy Janeiro. Nevertheless, the photographer paintings from Gustave Courbet were was divided between the traditional tried to be neutral when recording the then presented: Stone-Breakers (1849. canons for teaching the fine arts and slave’s activities. The authors’ abolition- Dresden, Gemäldgalerie, destroyed the realistic and naturalistic tenden- ist discourse is subtle - the album was in 1945), Burial at Ornans (1849-1850, cies, which gained more and more ad- supported by the Emperor and in order Musée d’Orsay, Paris), and Peasants of herents17. Since the 1880’s, landscape to take the photographs the collabora- Flagey (1850, the original disappeared; paintings and also genre ones begin to tion of the farms’ owners was essen- copy at the Musée des Beaux-Arts in stand out with the works of the paint- tial, not forgetting that they were made Besançon). The painter used the big ers related to the Grimm Group and under the attentive regard of the farm format, which was used, up till then, also with the presence of such newly bailiff. During this period it is believed only to history painting, in order to de- arrived artists from European appren- that Frond also took some photographs pict the lives of individuals from the ticeships as Almeida Júnior, Rodolfo that would serve in a campaign inciting population, workers and peasants. Like Bernardelli and Belmiro de Almeida. the immigration of colonists to Espírito Courbet, many other artists started to The art critic from Rio de Janeiro, Santo state11. represent similar themes in their pieces. Félix Ferreira, points out in his 1885 Brasil Pitoresco images were very much Realistic painting raised the painting of book Belas artes: estudos e apreciações, the publicized at the moment of their pub- “genre scenes” into a status reserved taste and the rising valorization of both lication. Later, the album’s illustrations to the ancient history paintings13. In genre and landscape painting: were presented at the First Exhibit of the European context, these images ….while history painting, the painting of Brazilian History, in 1881, at the Na- were not considered picturesque, but battles, starts to decline in people’s taste, the tional Library (Biblioteca Nacional). were related to the social revolutions genre and the landscape paintings begin to be The images were exposed under the of the 19th century, which demanded more appreciated. Landscape, national cultu-

RHAA 8 133 Traduções/Translations ral behaviors, are unexplored mines, ones that Moreira Salles). In this photograph we the set of rectangles at the back plan is our artists are leaving in a criminal abandon- see a line of workers in front of a farm remarkable. They are expressed by the ment. Instead, they exhaust their inspiration house. Many of the characters look at beams of the door’s sill. There is also in the big historical canvases, which do not the photographer and hold sieves and a whole group of movements that are compensate neither morally nor money wise other working tools. In this photo- suggested by the set of boards where the amount of effort needed to get one of these graph, Ferrez reinforces the emphasis the lacework is made and by the circle paintings.…”18. on the geometry present in Frond’s al- formed by the women. Luciano Migliaccio notices that, in bum, and shows, once more, the dig- In those images we have, and this Brazil, also after the 1880’s, the image nifying aspect and the anonymity of should be noticed, questions related repertory from Brasil Pitoresco and from those workers. to the period’s techniques. Due to the other photographic albums became an On the other hand, in such images precariousness of the photograph, the inspiration source and was evoked by as Produção de farinha de mandioca (Manioc engravers are obliged to “translate” artists practicing the rising genre paint- flour production), Escravos pilando grãos de the photographic images to the lithog- ing, in their attempt to represent daily café (Slaves braying coffee grains), Ren- raphy’s codes. national scenes19. deiras (Female lacemakers) e Descascando The formal procedures and the For instance, the evocation of mandioca (Peeling manioc), small groups themes of some of the album’s litho- Frond’s photographs can be observed of workers in action are presented to engravings permit an approximation in the Engenho de Mandioca (Manioc-Mill) the viewer. They are disposed within an with Almeida Júnior’s production. In (Museu Nacional de Belas Artes, 1892) architecture [Fig. 1 – 4]. At the pieces Cozinha caipira [Fig. 5] and in Apertando painting, by Modesto Brocos. The im- mentioned above, the rigidity of the ge- o lombilho [Fig. 6], the representation portance of the album’s images can also ometric structure, in front of which the of the rural surroundings, of the daily be better understood with the paintings characters are displayed, is stressed. In activities and of some peculiar aspects by Almeida Júnior, like in Apertando o Escravos pilando grãos de café we perceive of the working objects could have been lombilho (Tightening the saddle), Cozinha the set of verticals present at the beams inspired in the lithographs of Frond’s Caipira (Hillbilly Kitchen) (both at the of the door’s sill in opposition to the album. On the other hand, in a piece Pinacoteca do Estado de São Paulo, horizontal lines of the construction’s like Caipira picando fumo [Fig. 7] the ref- 1895) and also in Caipira picando fumo architrave and of the door’s superior erence to the lithographs is more direct, (Hillbilly mincing fume) (Pinacoteca beam. Geometry also appears at the and has to do, first of all, to the formal baskets and at the volumes disposed do Estado de São Paulo, 1893). We will aspects. in diagonal. The diagonals are empha- deal with these below. Jorge Coli, an art historian, in the sized with the two pestles and with the essay titled Almeida Júnior: o caipira e a vio- stair put to the right of the viewer, in lência (Almeida Júnior: the hillbilly and Brasil The evocation of the album opposition to the set of orthogonals. violence), stresses, regarding Almeida Pitoresco’s lithoengravings in some In this image, Frond points out a series Júnior’s paintings, the firm and exact of Almeida Júnior’s paintings of working tools, there are almost no meaning of the composition: “ Geome- Within the set of illustrations of the empty areas in the scene, which seems try is his great ally. Whenever he can, he album Brasil Pitoresco, we intend to essen- to emphasize the portrayed’s silent di- combines and sets exact orthogonals”20. tially analyze in this article some repre- mension and a certain melancholy. According to the author, in the paint- sentations of rural work. We note that The construction of the image, ing Caipira picando fumo (oil study, 1893, Frond photographed groups of people structured within geometric severity Pinacoteca do Estado, São Paulo) the in open spaces, and in moments before by the photographer, is used in many character appears facing a set of hori- the actual work began. For instance, as images that emphasizes, in a very acute zontal and vertical strips. He visually is the case in Partida para a roça (Leav- way, the presence of the characters. substitutes the focal equilibrium point ing to the field), where we can see the This can be observed in Descascando and imposes himself “not as an impact- group organized in line, holding their mandioca and in Produção de farinha de ing image, but as a permanent image”21. working tools. Many avoid the photog- mandioca. Both show, besides the suc- Coli stresses that in Almeida Júnior’s rapher’s regard. This lithoengraving is cession of rectangles and squares ex- works “the geometrical relations never evoked, in the 1880’s, in some of Marc pressed by the house’s windows, the do impose themselves over the gen- Ferrez’s photographs. For example, in geometric forms of the tables, of the eral sense of the image. They sustain Partida para a colheita do café (Leaving for working objects and of the big wheel the visible, sustain that which visible, the coffee harvest) (c.1885, Instituto to the right of the viewer. In Rendeiras even though they withdraw themselves

134 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations from this visible. They are the ones The album’s lithographs were very context, the dialogue between painters that give the characters their strength, publicized back then, and also later. and photographers was huge. Aaron conferring an iconic evidence”. Thus, They appeared in versions that were, Scharf’s and Dorothy Kosinski’s stud- in those paintings “the characters en- many times, colored by distinct paint- ies, among others, so demonstrate24. hance themselves, articulated as they ers. We notice how Frond has created In Brazil, at the bibliography pub- are to the background. They are both permanent images, where one can per- lished concerning the History of Art integrated and valued by the composi- ceive the photographers personal mark. and of Photography in the 19th cen- tion’s effect. They are the main theme, The album’s illustrations were impor- tury, we have rare mentions to the work 22 not the environment.” . tant for the creation of landscape and many times executed by painters and Critics like Gonzaga Duque and behavior painters, at least up to the end photographs together and to the dia- Monteiro Lobato, among others, have of the century. logue between them25. The analysis of pointed out another fundamental aspect As studies like the one Coli did the relationship between painting and of Almeida Júnior’s works: its final sim- demonstrate, Almeida Júnior evoked photography may lead to a novel un- plicity. The painter avoids eloquence, as in his paintings images from the rep- derstanding of the art during the 19th well as the picturesque and the narra- ertory of Art History, from contem- century, regarding both landscape and tive. He does not seek, in his paintings, porary French painters, like Courbet. genre painting. any sentimental or heroic affectation, He also used photography, specifically In literature, concerning the portrait and he does not place his characters in combining the images of the album genre, the author José de Alencar nar- groups, interacting socially. Brasil Pitoresco, and conferring his rates, in a portion of the 1875 Senhora As Coli observes, in works like Pi- characters with an iconic force. In the (Lady) romance, how common was the cando o fumo, the artist articulates the Senzalas (Slave Houses) lithoengrav- use of photography by painters: ing, from the album Brasil Pitoresco, background and the figure, “connecting “...Seixas went then to find two great we notice the slave to the left, sitting them in order to better project the char- paintings, put upon their respective easels. The by the doorsill in front of the house, acter as a strong image, even though canvas showed the sketches of two portraits, with his legs crossed [Fig. 8]. In front socially isolated. The powerful isolation Aurelia’s and his own, that an excellent pain- of him, the character faces an empty propelled Almeida Júnior’s hillbilly im- ter, imitator of Victor Meireles and of Pedro 23 earth space. In Caipira picando fumo, be- age within Brazilian culture” . Américo, had drawn from some photography sides the already mentioned geometric Recent studies have pointed out and that was going to receive the final touches aspects which also appear in the litho- Almeida Júnior’s admiration for pho- by comparing it to the models themselves. engravings produced from Frond’s tography. This can be perceived in the In face of the enquiring regard of her hus- choices he made concerning the fram- photographs. Almeida Júnior evokes band, Aurelia answered: ing of some of his painting, which can a character like the one above, substi- be linked to the procedures and to the tuting the image of the black person - It is an indispensable ornament in a living 26 angles chosen by the photographer. in front of the slave house by the one room...” Regarding Frond’s and Ribeyrolles’ al- of the hillbilly sitting by the entrance Tadeu Chiarelli points out that, in bum, the painter has evoked, as seen, of the humble house. In this painting, this description “the fact that photog- the rural environment, but also formal the painter leads the observer’s eyes raphy is used as an instrument for mak- aspects of some images. For instance, to a closer look upon the character, a ing both the painter and the model’s the relation between the characters procedure that is also photographic. life easier, was something that seemed and the set of parallel horizontal and The Brasil Pitoresco’s illustrations also common to the middle of 19th centu- vertical lines. In Frond’s lithoengraved present, frequently, characters close ry’s Brazilian elite”. This practice has photographs there is also a certain de- to doors or windows. They once more not yet been studied properly, neither tachment, a certain neutrality from express a set of orthogonals, procedure by art historians nor by photography the photographer’s side, something that was adopted by the painter in sev- historians. Nevertheless, “the careful that avoids the picturesque and that eral instances. observation of certain paintings present portraits the characters working in The evocation of this set of images evidence of photography’s mediation at group, even though, sometimes, they by painters of the 1880’s reveals how the artist-painting relation”27. present themselves absorbed in their much Frond’s production had been ap- thoughts. This may also be the result of preciated and publicized. It also reveals English version: the needed time exposure, demanded the fundamental role of photography Maria Cristina Nicolau Kormikiari Passos by the photographic technique. to the period’s art. In the European ([email protected])

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1 The questions addressed in this article belong 8 According to some scholars, the series of li- gre: sua influência na Academia Imperial das to a wider research Ph.D. project (Graduation thographs about Salvador would have been Belas Artes e no meio artístico do Rio de Ja- Program in Art History at IFCH/UNICAMP), done from Benjamin Mullock’s photographs. neiro”. Revista SPHAN, n. 14, 1959, p. 50-61. advised by Professor Claudia Valladão de Mat- He was at the scene between 1858 and 1861. 18 FERREIRA, Félix. Belas artes: estudos e aprecia- tos. The research’s focal point is the analysis Frond would have bought them, including the ções. [1885], Rio de Janeiro: Arte Data, 1998, of the album and its importance Brasil Pitoresco author’s rights. In fact, some of the album’s p. 106-107. to the period’s visual arts. The author is spon- illustrations depicting Salvador city resemble 19 sored by the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa Mullock’s photographs very much. Information received in a conversation with Luciano Migliaccio, in 2005. do Estado de São Paulo - FAPESP. 9 From the last years of the 1840’s onwards we 20 2 FROND, Victor. Brazil Pittoresco [Text by Char- see the publication, in Europe, of many illus- COLI, Jorge. “Almeida Júnior: o caipira e a les Ribeyrolles] Paris: Lemercier Imprimeur- trated albums produced using photographs violência”, In Como estudar a arte brasileira do Lithographe, 1861. from Egypt, Palestine and Syria. For instance, século XIX?, São Paulo: Ed. SENAC, 2005, 3 SEGALA, Lygia. Ensaio das luzes sobre um Brasil Voyages en Orient, by Louis de Clerq, 1859-1860 p. 101. pitoresco: o projeto fotográfico de Victor Frond. 1998, (SEGALA 2003). 21 COLI, op. cit., p. 104. 337 f. Thesis (PhD in Social Anthropology)- 10 SEGALA 1998, p.247. 22 Ibidem, p. 105. Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Rio 11 The information belongs to the account by 23 Ibidem, p. 113. de Janeiro, p. 218. VON TSCHUDI, Johann Jakob. Viagem à 24 SCHARF, Aaron. Art and photography. London: 4 EULÁLIO, Alexandre. “O século XIX”, in Província do Espírito Santo: imigração e colonização Viking/Penguin, 1968; KOSINSKI, Dorothy Tradição e ruptura: síntese de arte e cultura brasi- suiça, 1860. Photographs: Victor Frond. Vitó- (ed.) El artista y la camara. de Degas a Picasso. leira. São Paulo: Fundação Bienal de São Paulo, ria: Arquivo Público do Estado do Espírito Bilbao: Gugenheim Bilbao, 2000. 1984, p. 117. Santo, 2004. 25 5 A recent study on the period is OLIVEIRA’s, “Je résolus de [...] planter ma tente à Lisbonne 12 SEGALA, op. cit., p. 294-295. Vladimir José Machado de. Do esboço pictórico et pour ne devoir mes moyens d’existence qu’a 13 CHIARELLI, Tadeu. Pintura não é só beleza: a mon travail, je pris le métier de ceux qui n’en à rotunda dos dioramas: a fotografia na pintura das crítica de Mário de Andrade. Florianópolis: Letras batalhas de Pedro Américo. Thesis (PhD). Facul- ont pas: je me fis photographe!”. Archives Contemporâneas, 2007, p. 214-223. Nationales de France, series F 15, 4083, dossier dade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Huma- 14 Frond. Apud SEGALA 1998, v.1, p. 105. NOCHLIN, Linda. Realism. Harmondsworth: nas - FFLCH/USP. São Paulo, FFLCH-USP, Penguin, 1971, p. 111-113. 2002. 6 SEGALA, Lygia. Victor Frond et le projet photo- 15 graphique du Brésil Pittoresque. Colloque Interna- OLSON, Roberta J. M. Ottocento: Romanticism 26 ALENCAR, José de. Senhora. [1875]. São tional “Voyageurs et images du Brésil”. MSH- and Revolution in the 19th century Italian Painting. Paulo: Ática, 1971, p. 171. New York, The American Federation of Arts, Paris, 2003, p.5. Available at: http://www. 27 CHIARELLI, Tadeu. “História da Arte/His- 1992, p. 15. chairesergiobuarque.msh-paris.fr/pdf-voya- tória da fotografia no Brasil - século XIX: al- 16 geurs/segala.pdf. Accessed in 04/20/2007. SEGALA 1998, p. 66 gumas considerações”. São Paulo, Revista Ars, 7 SEGALA, 1998, p. 287-288. 17 GALVÃO, A. “Manuel de Araújo Porto-Ale- v. 6, p. 78, 2005, p. 85-86.

Indian representations on in Bernardelli’s youth works, produced ginning of the 20th century, recounts 19th century Brazilian Art in the 1870’s, and is retaken in different that he, already a senior man then, used moments of his life. Here, I tried to to describe Missing the tribe as an “Indian Maria do Carmo Couto da Silva understand the meaning of these works image he had made, a civilized Indian, PhD graduate in History of Art, IFCH/ all along the artist’s long trajectory and using shorts and bare chest, upon which UNICAMP to investigate the possible links with one could perceive a small cross, hang- contemporary sculpture. ing from a chain, and who was lost in This article had as starting point Rodolfo Bernardelli began his trajec- his thoughts, having stopped working the research done during my masters tory in the 1870’s as pupil at the Imperial while still holding an axe, in order to 3 regarding the Italian formation of the Academy of Fine Arts - AIBA, in Rio gaze dreamingly at the horizon” . sculptor Rodolfo Bernardelli (Guad- de Janeiro. In that period, he produced I was able to find both an illustration alajara, Mexico, 1852 - Rio de Janeiro, his first sculptures following the Indi- and an extensive commentary regard- Brazil, 1931), at the Philosophy and Hu- anist theme. Missing the tribe (Saudades ing its presentation at the 23rd General man Sciences Institute of the Campinas da Tribo - 1874) [Fig. 1], portraits an Exhibit of Fine Arts, which was signed State University (Instituto de Filosofia Indian resting, and Prying (À Espreita - by Giuseppe Diavolino (probable pseu- e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Es- 1875), portraits an Indian fishing. Both donym of a journalist or a critic), both tadual de Campinas), accomplished in pieces have been lost2. Celita Vaccani, were published in Mephistopheles, in 20051. The Indianist theme is present who studied with Bernardelli in the be- 18754:

136 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations

Here it has opened the [annual] exhibi- Paraíba (1866) or the Indian representa- stitutes an individuality, differing from tion of student’s works from the Fine Arts tion at the Monument for Peter I, by the pieces of such sculptors as Canova Academy. Louis Rochet (1813-1878), rather than (1757-1822), James Pradier (1790-1852) This time it is quite abundant, al least to Francisco Manoel Chaves Pinheiro’s and Jouffroy François (1806-1882), quantity wise. (1822-1884) sculptures. Francisco Ma- because he preserves “the virgin po- etry of our wonderful forests” and he Regarding sculpture we do not have much; noel Chaves Pinheiro was Bernardelli’s knows “as models, not only the statues nevertheless, it is exactly here that one can find master at AIBA. Diavolino does not of the old Greek school, but also the the best work… perceive a link between Bernardelli’s representations and Pinheiro’s ones elastic and robust forms of the savages We were about to say: the only one. 11 even in the ones when the sculptor de- that still inhabit parts of our lands” . Oh! Please, authors of other works, do tached himself from the conventional, According to the critic the Indianist not get offended. We know perfectly well that like the group Ubirajara (without date), theme proposes a new form of rep- the demands of the severe critics do not satisfy from the collection of the Republican resentation, one that is distinct from themselves (illegible) with the piece mentioned Museum (Museu da República), in Rio classical tradition. In 1876, Bernardelli as our favorite; but the other works satisfy even de Janeiro. was awarded with the Bronze Medal at less. Therefore, that one is the main one. With Missing the tribe, Rodolfo Ber- the Philadelphia International Exhibit, 12 It is a statue of human size. nardelli reveals himself to be an inno- for Missing the tribe and Prying . It stands alone, but it is a composition, that vative artist, one that does not follow In Alfredo Bosi’s opinion, from the solitary figure represents an idea, tells a story, closely the established conventions. His 1870’s onwards, the imperial oligarchies’ expresses a whole poem.5 character is an acculturated native, who conservativeness was challenged by a The author, then, goes on to de- misses life at the forest and seems to progressivist flow, one that defended scribe the sculpture: have not completely adapted to civi- the industry and the free labor and de- sired to turn Brazil into an equal among It is an Indian; he has just finished his job; lization. This image opposes the one the great capitalist centers. For them, he is sitting on a stone, resting his weary limbs, depicting the native as sovereign of “the myth of the good savage did not he holds his hoe and remembers his land, miss- the jungle, by Rochet, but also the one have much to say. It was a symbol of the ing his tribe, from where the catechesis withdrew where he bears the imperial symbols, past, constructed by the Independence him in order to admit him within civilized like the native from the work by Chaves 6 Pinheiro. Bernardelli’s Indian, repre- culture, and that could only survive as men’s Communion: labor! 13 sented in a moment of rest, is concen- rhetorical subject at schools” . In this The sculpture’s theme is set, by the trated in his personal drama: the fact of context, Bernardelli’s first works were author, against the background of the missing his ancestral culture. The Indi- tuned to the new scenario. The artist fundamental basis of Brazil’s coloniza- anist theme was retaken by Bernardelli modified the conventional image of the tion: the catechesis and the labor, seen in another work produced months later. Indian in those works. He is no longer as forms of civilization. Next, he ap- (1875) or represented in a heroic manner, as Bra- proaches the sculpture’s formal aspect, Prying Indian caught by surprise by a reptile8, as the critic Julio Huelva called zil’s symbol. On the other hand, those pointing out the artist’s fidelity towards changes are subtle. Specialized critic the type represented, since it bears the it in an article from the Gazeta de Notícias, from 18759. According to Huelva, the did not discuss its innovative charac- Indian’s race characteristics, but “with- ter, since they were more interested in out a meanness that would harm the artist was very accomplished in this work, since he was able to ally two making comments about the technical subject’s greatness, without exagger- quality of the pieces. ating, which would have made it ab- opposing feelings, fear and courage, 10 surd”7. Nevertheless, the author does in the character’s expression . The In- not mention the crucifix hanging from dian fishing, surprised by an animal, Coquettish woman the Indian’s neck, something that could should probably have stamped in his In 1877, after receiving from AIBA, leads us to think that Bernardelli had face the fright caused by the situation. as prize, a trip abroad, Rodolfo Ber- made a mistake, since the cross also ap- Once again Bernardelli created a hu- nardelli traveled to Europe in order pears in a later work, Paraguaçu (1908). manized Indian, a figure possessing to perfect himself in Rome. There, According to Diavolino’s description, great expressiveness, something very he produced some of his main pieces in Missing the tribe, Bernardelli was prob- far away from the official representa- connected to religious themes, for ably closer to the treatment given to the tions of the period. instance, Fabíola (1878), Saint Stephen figures in Almeida Reis’ (1838-1889) At the mentioned article, Huelva (1879) and Christ and the adulterous woman contemporary works. For instance, points out that Bernardelli’s work con- (1881-1884).

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On the other hand, the sculpture did not produce any piece using Moema hands upon a tree stem that is at her back, Coquettish woman [Fig. 2], having an In- as theme. In order to produce Coquet- thus leaving her whole body upright, remind dianist theme, was produced in 188014. tish woman he did paper and clay studies us of experienced women in the seduction art, This sculpture received a commentary (which are now at the Pinacoteca do Es- who gaze themselves on the mirror, studying on a sentence passed by AIBA’s Sculp- tado de São Paulo - São Paulo State’s Pi- provocative attitudes.21 17 ture Section, in 1882, regarding the nacotheca) because he wanted to define The arguments presented by the works the artist had sent them, which the woman’s body position, giving her critic set Coquettish woman as the rep- 18 was signed by Chaves Pinheiro and a provocative and sinuous character . resentation of a prostitute. They stand João Max Mafra: In 1884, when Coquettish woman was close to the arguments presented by This nature size statue is a very beautiful presented at the 26th General Ex- French critics when Carpeaux’s group image of a provocative and sensual woman of hibit of Fine Arts, the critics specially The Dance (1867) appeared and caused the American race. Her movement is gracious, pointed out the figure’s sensuality, as controversy. When they were presented the proportions were well observed, the mod- one notices by Nimil’s text in the Gazeta tot he public, the female images cre- eling was executed with knowledge. Because da Tarde of August, the 24th of 1884: ated by the French sculptor caused of its subject, this statue belongs to the Genre That opulent and seductive woman, with great controversy and were equally Sculpture, so the Realist School, which has been round breasts, a lascivious and daring regard, condemned due to their flabby and adopted by the artist, is here acceptable. Nev- with her body arched upon a tree stem, asking lascivious bodies, being associated to ertheless, if the peregrine talent that conceived to be adored, provoking sensual feelings that vulgar women.22 and executed it with such gallantry had kept would match the sensuality emanating from her Taking into consideration Ber- itself connected with the Idealist School, it could body: that Indian woman, all nude, letting a nardelli’s pieces of the period, Celita have produced a “piece of art”15. thousand beauties disclosed, the thousand secrets Vaccani perceives, in this particular As it is noticeable from this official that she is not afraid of revealing, demands sculpture, the one that better shows 19 report, Coquettish woman is the most from the visitor all the attention. a reference to French Art, especially praised of Bernardelli’s pieces among Gonzaga Duque essentially notices to Carpeaux’s work: “be it the figure’s the professors of the Academy. Never- that the Indian figure in Coquettish graciousness and enchantment, be it theless, although the piece received a woman does not present ethnical char- her modeling and the intense expres- 23 daring formal execution, a realist one, acteristics20. Besides, in his opinion, sion of her gaze” . The bodies, ren- its was well accepted because the pro- her hair is tied up in a too fanciful dered in a naturalistic way, and the fessors considered it a genre sculpture, hairstyle, inadequate for an Indian expression on Carpeaux’s women’s a field where certain innovations were woman. Her feet should have been faces may have served as reference allowed. flat due to continuous walking and for Bernardelli, who probably had the by the exercise of climbing trees. Her intention of presenting an ordinary In that same year, Rodolfo Ber- hands should have been uncared for, woman and not a Venus. Neverthe- nardelli had asked Francisco Villaça and the muscles tightened from all the less, Gonzaga Duque’s writings differ for some information on the character activities developed. All these charac- very much from the average Brazilian Moema. His friend gave him, then, the teristics do not appear. They were not criticism of the period. That criticism, book Caramuru (1781), by Santa Rita accomplished by the artist. Likewise, that is our conclusion, considered Ber- Durão. He also pointed out that: according to Gonzaga Duque, Ber- nardelli’s sculpture as just a representa- It is an extremely rare book and, besides, it nardelli, besides breaking away from tion of a sensual figure. can be very useful for you. The paintings First a coherent representation of the indig- In my opinion, Coquettish woman may Mass, Banished and Moema were inspired by enous physical type, creates an overly be considered an image that symbol- it. Lately, it served Mr. Taunay (Son) in order adorned woman, a caricatured figure. izes the Brazilian nation. Nevertheless, to compose a small poem, which he sent to Car- Gonzaga Duque describes Coquettish it undoubtedly was closer to Brazil’s los Gomes for him to write a Brazilian opera. woman as follows: representations that appeared on the Regarding the illustrated newspapers and the Besides, Coquettish woman structure is period’s humorist magazines, where an History of Brazil that you asked me for, I will flabby. The body shows flesh softness, a flesh Indian wearing a cockade and a feather 16 send them in another postage” . already tired out from the feverish nights of petticoat is set in extravagant and even Most probably, Bernardelli was look- debauch; her smile shows the crimson ointment ridicule situations behind a context of ing for some theme related to the his- and the paleness of perversity; her small eyes political criticism. For instance, as we tory of Brazil to be used in a future have the temptation spark of lasciviousness, see on Angelo Agostini’s drawing pub- composition. Nevertheless, that year he and her position, supporting herself with both lished at the Revista Illustrada.

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Moema, Iracema and the Guarani Guimarães was in a diplomatic mission Indian representation, specifically with Moema (1895) [Fig. 3] is a natural size at the Italian capital and had just pub- the statuette Paraguaçu (1908) [Fig. 6], sculpture, produced five years after Ber- lished his book Sonetos e Rimas (Sonnets nowadays belonging to the collection nardelli assumed the position of direc- and Rhymes) (1880). Bernardelli may of the National Museum of Fine Arts. tor of the National School of Fine Arts. have chosen the exact moment to be As Migliaccio points out, if Moema rep- Taking into consideration the sculp- rendered in sculpture from the poem resents a character excluded from the ture’s theme, it can be connected to Vic- A voz de Moema (Moema’s Voice), which country’s formation process, in Para- tor Meirelle’s (1832-1903) very famous begins with a citation from one of the guaçu one can see the adapted savage, painting Moema (1866). In 1859, Pedro most famous extracts from Caramuru: someone who will continue the histori- Américo (1843-1905) had also produced “‘Ah, cruel Diogo!’ she said with grief. cal process of the country28. a sketch on the same theme, where the And without being again seen, she plun- The statuette is part of a group of 25 body of the dead Indian woman arrived dered herself into the water” . In his female figures, all of small format, at the beach, but it was still shown par- sculpture it is possible to see that Ber- produced by the artist in different mo- tially covered by water. nardelli preferred to use the moment ments of his trajectory. It is not one According to Luciano Migliaccio, when the body of the drowned Indian of the artist’s best known pieces. In it, Bernardelli’s sculpture has a distinc- woman has not completely arrived at Bernardelli represents the colonized In- tiveness marked by the composition’s the beach. In this way, he throws an in- dian, a character in Santa Rita Durão’s 26 form where Moema’s figure, in natural tensely dramatic light into the scene . book. She holds with natural easiness size, is set horizontally at the base of On the other hand and according a rifle, the weapon Caramuru used to the sculpture, as if it were a relief24. to Vaccani, Guarani [Fig. 4], produced surprise the savages. Nevertheless, I be- In this way, the piece receives a novel for the José de Alencar’s Monument lieve that Paraguaçu’s figure may also treatment, one that takes it away from opened in 1897, was the bas-relief piece express a certain sadness, although the frieze conception and asks from the that pleased the artist the most27. That she has a determined attitude. Maybe spectator new ways of looking at it. work shows the Aimorés united against in this mature phase, the artist was re- This work shows a contrast between Peri. Bernardelli created for it some fig- thinking the images he had previously some parts of the Indian’s body, which ures with an accentuated relief and set created. are treated in a realistic manner, ap- the characters in several distinct plans. In conclusion, in this article I tried pearing from the water, and other By this he suggested different depths in to point out some aspects concerning parts, which are not well defined, being the composition. The Indians, armed the representation of the Indian in the immersed under water. That manner with clubs, or yet, squatted by a bonfire, Brazilian art of the 19th century, espe- of rendering the sculpture reminds us reveal their ferocity by their face ex- cially in Rodolfo Bernadelli’s works. I of the artist’s contact with Italian con- pressions and their attitude. That image tried to show how this sculptor revealed temporary sculpture, especially some of contrasts with Iracema’s delicacy and himself to be an innovator, when he Vicenzo Gemito’s (1852-1920) works. gesture, which can be seen represented produced images, along his trajectory, in another relief by Bernardelli, from In my opinion and regarding the that dialogue with the period’s conven- the same monument [Fig. 5]. sculpture’s theme, the artist, besides tions in sculpture and in painting, ei- having read the seminal book Caramuru, In those works, Bernardelli explores ther through the approach he chose or by Santa Rita Durão, may have gotten such concepts as savagery and the Por- through their formal execution. his inspiration from a poem by Luís tuguese colonist’s acceptance, inspired by characters in Brazilian literature. Guimarães. Bernardelli’s friendship to English version: Guimarães became stronger in Rome, In the 20th century’s first decade, Maria Cristina Nicolau Kormikiari Passos between 1873 and 1880. Back then, Bernardelli once more dealt with the ([email protected])

1SILVA, Maria do Carmo Couto. A obra Cristo 2 According to a letter from the painter Fran- (Personal Archive) Rodolfo e Henrique Ber- e a mulher adúltera e a formação italiana do escul- cisco Villaça the last one would had been bro- nardelli. APO 128. tor Rodolfo Bernardelli. Dissertation (Masters in ken. Letter from Francisco Villaça to Rodolfo 3 VACCANI, Celita. Rodolpho Bernardelli. Rio de History) – Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Bernardelli, Rio de Janeiro, December, 1st, Janeiro, 1949. p. 55. Humanas, Universidade Estadual de Campi- 1877. Arquivo Histórico do Museu Nacional nas. Advisor – PhD Luciano Migliaccio. de Belas Artes (Historical Archive of the Na- 4 Translator’s note: The archaic Portuguese was Campinas, 2005, 271p. tional Museum of Fine Arts)/Arquivo Pessoal translated into modern English.

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5 DIAVOLINO, Giuseppe. Bellas Artes. Me- 13 BOSI, Alfredo. Dialética da colonização. São Ensaios e Documentos). p. 252. phistopheles. Rio de Janeiro, year 1, n. 32, p.6, Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1992. p. 246-247. 21 DUQUE, Op. cit., p. 253. Jan., 1875. 14 The original piece belongs to the collection of 22 The dance was commanded by an old friend of 6 Ibidem the Museu Nacional de Belas Artes (National Carpeaux’s, the architect Garnier and it was 7 Ibidem. Mine underscore. Museum of Fine Arts). A bronze copy is at conceived in order to compose, with other the Pinacoteca do Estado de São Paulo (São 8 sculptures, the decoration of the Paris’ Op- This piece is also mentioned, by the same ti- Paulo’s Estate Pinacotheca). tle, in an article of the Jornal do Commercio. era. The conservative criticism understood 15 Ibidem. Mine underscore. ACADEMIA de Bellas Artes (exposição) the piece to lack decorum. They linked the 16 (Fine Arts Academy - Exhibit). Jornal do LETTER from Francisco Villaça to Rodolfo dancing movement of the piece with the Can- Commercio, Rio de Janeiro, year 58, n.106, Bernardelli, Rio de Janeiro, 14th of July, 1877. can. In this way, those women were not rep- p.1, 17 April. 1879. According to Celita Vac- Arquivo Histórico do Museu Nacional de Be- resenting bacchantes, but average people who cani, this piece must have also portrayed the las Artes/Arquivo Pessoal de Rodolfo e Hen- were dancing in frenzy due to over drinking. figure of an Indian guarding his dominions. rique Bernardelli. APO 97. Their bodies looked “used, soft, flaccid and heavy”. Nevertheless, the title that was given by the 17 The artist’s representation of the woman’s WAGNER, Anne M. Jean-Baptiste Carpeaux: press sheds light on the fact that the Indian is body has a clear realistic character in this sculptor of the Second Empire. New Haven: Yale caught by surprise by the animal, who should clay study. Something that was quite daring University Press, 1990. p. 237. be prying. VACCANI, Op. cit., p. 55. for the period. 23 VACCANI, Op. cit., p. 79. 9 Pseudonymous of Alfredo Camarate (1840- 18 If we look at a photograph taken back then we 24 MIGLIACCIO, Luciano. Moema – Rodolfo Ber- 1904). Journalist, critic, architect. He came would be tempted to think if maybe Rodolfo nardelli. Speech held at the Pinacoteca do Es- to Brazil in 1872. ENCICLOPÉDIA da liter- Bernardelli did not intend, with this work, to tado de São Paulo, in May, the 22nd, 2003. atura brasileira. Afrânio Coutinho; J. Galante de provoke the more conservative professors at 25 This poem is at the collection Primeira Parte. Sousa (orgs.). São Paulo: Global Editora; Rio the Academy. In that photograph, without In: GUIMARÃES JÚNIOR, Luiz. Sonetos e date, and published in Celita Vaccani’s book, de Janeiro: Fundação Biblioteca Nacional/ rimas: lírica. Preface by Fialho D´Almeida. 3rd. Henrique Bernardelli appears dressed as a DNL; Academia Brasileira de Letras, 2001. ed. Lisbon: Liv. Clássica Ed. de A. M. Teixeira, monk, carrying a book and contemplating Co- 10 1914. Available at www.itaucultural.org.br. Ac- HUELVA, Julio. Bellas Artes. Gazeta de Notí- quettish woman clay draft. See it in VACCANI, cessed in: 03.25.2004. cias. Rio de Janeiro, year 1, n. 12, 13 August, Op. cit., p. 80. This image can be compared to 26 1875. Folhetim da Gazeta de Notícias, p.1. a sentence written on a critic’s text back then: The idea of Moema’s body partially immersed 11 Ibidem. “Saint Anthony, the chaste, would not resist in water could have been inspired by Pedro Américo’s painting. In Bernardelli’s sculpture, 12 DUQUE, Gonzaga. A arte brasileira. Campi- Coquettish woman”. NIMIL. Nas Bellas-Artes. the way the artist modeled the woman’s body nas: Mercado de Letras, 1995. (Coleção Arte: Gazeta da Tarde. Rio de Janeiro, year 5, n. 199, and the sea waves, which emphasize light Ensaios e Documentos), p.251. We must stress 27th of August, 1884. p .2). We should remem- modulations, leads us to establishing a certain that the certificate does not show the title of ber that during Henrique’s Italian sejourn he link with the nocturnal scene painted by Pedro the pieces that received prizes. The criteria produced Messalina (1880), a very erotic female figure, although still within the conventions Américo. Guimarães poem also comes to our used by the judges were as follows: artistic of an historic theme. mind. This poet most probably was aware of excellence and figure. Certificado de participação 19 Pedro Américo’s painting, since he had writ- na International Exhibition Philadelphia, Filadélfia, NIMIL. Nas Bellas-Artes. Gazeta da Tarde. Rio de ten the painter’s biography in 1872. 1876. Arquivo Histórico do Museu Nacional Janeiro, year 5, n.199, 27th of August, 1884. p. 2. 27 de Belas Artes – Arquivo Pessoal Rodolfo e 20 DUQUE, Gonzaga. A arte brasileira. Campi- VACCANI, Op. cit., p. 79. Henrique Bernardelli. APO 645. nas: Mercado de Letras, 1995. (Coleção Arte: 28 MIGLIACCIO, 2003.

Social archaeology: of researchers, mainly from the east co- later, he begun working in Venezuela an alternative paradigm to ast of the United States. In fact, Wen- (Cruxent & Rouse 1961). the Anglo-American one1 del Bennet, Alfred Kidder, Cornelius The eastern establishment, as Patter- Osgood and George Howard, from son calls it (1986), has then dominated 2 Iraida Vargas Yale and Harvard Universities, accom- Caribbean archaeology up to the point plished the first works of research done Venezuelan archaeologist when it became hegemonic all over the in Venezuela, which can be considered region. This has not changed so far, modern archaeology, between 1933 and especially in the islands and to some The structuring of the Anglo- 1939 (Bennett 1937; Osgood & Howard American paradigm in Venezuela 1943; Kidder 1944; Cruxent & Rouse extent in Central America. and social archaeology 1961; Vargas-Arenas 1988, 1990). By the Since the creation of the School of Venezuela, as the rest of the Carib- end of the 1930’s, Irving Rouse, also a Anthropology at the Central University bean islands, has been, since the 1930’s, researcher in Yale, began working in of Venezuela, in the 1950’s, research has a region that has attracted the interest the Caribbean islands, and a decade begun to be conducted by Venezuelans

140 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations coming from that Center. We have, tions of Latin American societies, the away from conscience homogenization, from now on, two tendencies: the first structuring forms and the development which has arisen as paradigm of the one is composed by researchers who of such conditions, and the process of capitalist expansion. keep using the North-American pa- particularization that led each country radigm, above all the theoretical and to be what it is nowadays. Colonial archaeology or archaeo- methodological approach created by Social archaeology explores novel logy of capitalism? Rouse, based on the description of ce- themes and problems. Novel because The archaeological study of the his- ramic styles; the second one is more they had been left aside by previous re- torical process that marks the insertion critical, aimed at analyzing the past’s search, which had other purposes and of native American societies within social-historical contexts. It has been that obeyed other political interests. Wi- arising European capitalism allows us influenced by the famous Venezuelan thin these novel propositions the study to analyze the distinct formations of ethnologist Acost Saignes, as well as of daily life stands out. It offers expla- Latin American national societies, the by European ethnologists, for ins- nations about the daily activities, inter- cultural contents of Creole societies tance Gordon Childe, Marcel Mauss personal relations, and consuetudinary and Andre Leroy-Gourhan, among behavior along distinct periods. It also from the 16th century onwards, and others. This same archaeological group allows the knowledge of the consuetu- the development of the dependence follows the theoretical tendencies of dinary rupture, when it gets created and process, which is implicitly connected James Ford, Evans and Meggers, who altered, during each historical period’s to the consolidation of peripheral capi- share the same theoretical position as transformations. Regarding urban ar- talist countries, having as consequence Leslie White. These theoretical bases chaeology, we are interested in evalua- their underdevelopment. led to the development of an antago- ting the impact caused by capitalism in Following this sequence of ideas, we nistic scientific orientation that diverges domestic life (Vargas-Arenas 1994a). should take into account the Voyages from the hegemonic Rouse paradigm in The social archaeologist has, con- of “Discovery” and the European par- Venezuela archaeology (Vargas Arenas sequently, a compromise that implies taking in what is now Latin American, 1986, 1990). in the search of explanations for very which were pieces of the mercantile The social archaeology that has been present day problems of Latin Ameri- capitalist expansion and an attempt to practiced, since the end of the 1960’s can countries. By understanding the explore and to accumulate capital - basi- (Bate 1989; Vargas & Sanoja 1992; Pat- factors that caused the present social- cally precious metals and labor - in order terson 1993), by a group of researchers historical and cultural configurations of boasting European development and from Latin America (Lumbreras 1974; of Latin America, it is possible to envi- consumption. Back then, Europe was Sanoja & Vargas 1974; Sanoja 1985; sage forms of publicizing this collective in need of capital and labor (Gonder Veloz Maggiolo 1976; Bate 1978; Bate knowledge. Frank 1967; Gonder Frank, Puiggros & Laclau; Losada Aldana 1967). et al. 1983, 1984, 1985; Vargas Arenas This way established, social archa- 1990; López 1990) shares the same eology practice implies in an action For positivist archaeology (and, in theoretical position (Gándara, perso- by the archaeologist encompassing this case, architects conceived as mere nal communication), which affirms the multiple fields of social life: academic, draftsmen), which has been common existence of an archaeological science managing of cultural resources and, practice, up till now, in the Caribbean, of society, its development and trans- mainly, education (Vargas & Sanoja and specifically in Venezuela, the nu- formations, as a subject matter of kno- 1990; Sanoja & Vargas 1990). This last merous colonial sites, habitations, cities, wledge, position that is shared among field is the essence of social archaeo- monasteries, mantuanos houses, govern- different disciplines of social sciences. logy. Knowledge is not planned for ment buildings, fortresses, workshops, Even so, this theoretical position is mere contemplative objectives but to spaces, popular creativity, social pro- based, in a very explicitly way, on an the be used for social transformation. blems and the like, have been approa- ethical posture that implies in assuming Such social transformation necessarily ched by the same conceptual and me- a political compromise with the studied requires the existence of a historical thodological tools used for studying the society. This compromise presumes, consciousness in the collective’s mind, pre colonial period. Those tools turn among other things, the practice of knowledge of historical processes, an societies into styles, types and series, an archaeology that goes beyond an acceptance of the past as belonging to which are valid only for the sake of action field centered in the past and oneself (Vargas & Sanoja 1990; Vargas terminology, used for aesthetical and that tries to analyze the causes that & Sanoja 1993; Vargas-Arenas 1994b). formal aspects of a cooking jar, for originated the present existing condi- In a certain way, it implies in breaking instance the mayólica, or for buildings

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(Duarte & Fernández 1980; Duarte & 19th century we seem to have a clear 3. Sites that once were the headquar- Gasparini 1989; Gasparini 1976). diversification of formal styles. The ters of an institution of collective According to our point of view, the volume and quality of consumption of services, for instance, a hospital. study of colonial or republican archa- industrial goods also become and indi- 4. Sites formed by several distinct so- eological sites cannot be set aside the cator of its differential use, accordingly cial classes, dunghill for a populated urban environment context that me- with the archaeological site relevance in center. relation to social classes. diate their development, also from the 5. Sites formed by an unique social unequal processes of interchange that Research projects of the so-called class, dunghill for a populated center. characterize the relationship between historical or colonial archaeology in 6. Sites that forms an area of produc- the so-called first world (past and pre- Venezuela and in Caribbean, gene- tion, trade or interchange. sent), comprised of producers and ex- rally, have focused its main academic porters of manufactured goods, and the interest in the excavation of monaste- peripheral countries, comprised of pro- ries and churches, archaeological sites As a result of our research done at ducers and exporters of raw materials. that represent the corporative section the Caracas Project of Urban Archaeo- Archaeology has to and must analyze of the oligarchic social structure. I be- logy (Vargas et al. 1994; Vargas-Arenas the results of such unequal interchange, lieve that the reason behind this pre- 1994b, 1994c, 1994d), we have been which usually ends up with the eradica- ference is the fact that the high quan- able to infer that within the physical tion of local manufacture processes, in- tity of mayólica use in certain religious organization of the domestic space in capable of maintaining its competence buildings gives us a statistics base for Venezuela, and probably also on Eas- in face of the industrial production of defining typologies and chronologies. tern Caribbean, there is a linear logic: daily use goods, which are marketed by Nevertheless and at the same time, its the spaces closer to the front door are the mass media (Sanoja & Vargas 1994; value for interpreting the dynamics of reserved for the exhibition and the ful- Vargas et al. 1994; Cunill Grau 1987). the social-economical structure is much fillment of social activities by the domi- The archaeological research of capi- more restrained since the church was nant component of the domestic group. talism (Leone & Potter 1988; Paynter part of the dominant hegemonic group. The more distant spaces are reserved 1988) during the colonial period allows On the other hand, church’s structure is for the areas where domestic chores are us to analyze the impact provoked by also organized in an extremely unequal accomplished, for instance, the proces- the First Industrial Revolution over the way, which parallels society’s structure sing and cooking of food, the washing dependent colonial societies. This same as a whole. Its insertion within the pro- of clothes, as well as the sleeping area archaeology, during the Republic, helps duction circuit cannot be considered as for the maids and the area for the dis- us to begin studying the effects of the representative, for instance, of private posal of the garbage produced by the Second Industrial Revolution and of in- and public sites. whole domestic group. dustrial capitalism over equally depen- In our case, there are several op- At the sites from the colonial pe- dent societies, and, finally, to project tions, which do not use up the existing riod, and in view of their domestic life this view into contemporary society, diversity. having a tendency in being autarchic, where a novel cycle of worldwide he- 1. Sites inhabited by a domestic group the archaeological deposit shows the gemony deepens the gap that separa- formed by several distinct social clas- use, in daily life, of very few impor- tes the countries of the still called first ses, where domestic space will be se- ted or exotic goods, especially mayólica world and the ones that are still in a cluded not only according to techni- and liqueur, and very rarely textiles, “process of development”. cal functions that should be accom- buttons, metal objects, ritual objects, The archaeology of capitalism, of the plished by the pattern of daily life, etc. For instance, the variety of needed colonial period or the republican one, is but also according to distinct cultural chores to fulfill common rituals such as the archaeology of inequality (Paynter & and social traditions, shared by the cooking, serving and consuming foods, MacGuire 1991), which also manifests members of the domestic group. reveal the use of local Creole manufac- itself in the design of urban houses and 2. Sites inhabited by a domestic group tured goods. in the differential consumption of the formed by an unique social class, At sites from the republican period, daily use goods among the people that maybe a nuclear family sharing the the diversified consumption of manu- live in distinct or similar spaces within same social and cultural tradition, factured goods reveals a rising depen- the same city. Industrial products show while there is an egalitarian social dence, by the domestic group, of fo- an increasing standardization, even division of labor, needed in order to reign and sometimes exotic manufactu- though during the second half of the fulfill daily life goods. red goods. This allows us to identify, at

142 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations the archaeological record, more speci- cord presents information in series about nezuela if the average citizen ignores or fic functions of the dominant domes- the evolution of consumerist habits of is ashamed of his and her history. It is tic component. For instance, the use society in general. Regarding Caracas, necessary to count on the existence of of industrially made toys, pharmaceu- the dunghills that were investigated up a historical conscience that will allow tical objects and products for personal till now reveal the intrinsic relation be- the collectivity to gain the necessary health care, the use of machineries, tween the daily life of urban communi- spirit for the accomplishment of com- illumination tools, etc. This helps us ties and the capitalist expansion cycles mon goals. Latin America’s social crises identify the impact of and the differen- of the 18th and the 19th centuries (Kon- are not only economic, but also - and ces between the First and the Second dratieff 1979; Paynter 1988: 416-417). mainly - social and cultural. Industrial Revolutions and their impact In some cases, the dunghills tend to Having this panorama in mind it is on the daily life of the domestic groups generally show the autarchic character absolutely necessary to have an archa- and their rupture regarding traditional that Creole peasantry communities eological practice that makes sense for Creole culture, which led them to a have assumed during the 18th and the the average inhabitant, a practice that more cosmopolitan way of life. 19th centuries. The use of manufac- will allow him or her to identify himself tured goods is profoundly linked to Type 2 sites may reflect different so- or herself with the peoples, the indivi- processes of or to domestic cycles of cial situations lived by poor people, be duals, the places and the actions along production interchange and consump- it in social urban spaces, in peasantry history and not with tedious and cryptic tion, having a small quantity of foreign villages or in Indian Reductions. descriptions of vases, mayólica and buil- or exotic goods present. Hospitals and collective care centers, dings. On the other hand, social archa- which happen within colonial or repu- One can demonstrate the existence eology has the task of reconstructing of type 5, as it has happened in Cara- blican social structures, are among type the commoner’s daily life, domestic cas and in Cumaná, in sites linked to 3 sites, designed to help the poor. They and public history, in order to produce the great earthquake of 1812. There, represent a kind of domestic group a significant and unified reading of the we have an overwhelming presence formed by people that share the con- historical and cultural heritage. juncture of an unequal social situation, of vessel fragments coming from the The archaeology practiced within the even though this same group is formed same European producer, something Anglo-American paradigm has not, so by people coming from other groups that would only be possible if we were far, offered to Venezuela - and we would with diverse social classes, and whose dealing with deposits of products for dare to say even in the Caribbean - a association is needed in order to ful- distribution. The presence of this kind positive link between past and present. fill the daily chores of the institution’s of site seems to be mainly linked to life. In this case, archaeological data structures of the end of the 18th cen- On the contrary, as a teacher once said: tends to present a variety of building tury and of the beginning of the 19th “I do not understand how can I teach and medical materials, cooking vessels, century, associated with economical history using these things that archaeo- food remains and skeletal human bones, booms due to Charles III’s reforms. logists call types, phases and styles. For which when put in contrast with textual Those reforms meant an adjustment this reason, it is imperative to develop documentation, provide very significant of the colonial regime regarding the an alternative paradigm - as is the case data on morbidity and on the material conditions imposed by Spain due to of social archaeology - obliged to the conditions of the dispossessed classes’ worldwide capitalism. ideal of making science and, at the same life, either during the colonial period or time, helping to build a fair society”. during the first centuries of the republi- Conclusion can period (Vargas et. al. 1994). It is not possible to search for solu- Translation: Cristina Kormikiari At type 4 sites, the archaeological re- tions for the conditions present in Ve- Revision: Pedro Paulo Funari

1 Paper for the American Association of Arque- nas americanas¨. Documento Oaxtepec I, Process in Archaeology¨. Communication ology, Minneapolis, may 1995. Documento El Cusco, Documento Caracas presented at the Symposium Critical Aproaches 2 One of the creators of the Social Latin Ameri- (MS). in Archaeology: Manual Life, Meaning and Power, can Archaeology. Bate, Luis Felipe (1978). Sociedad, formación econó- organized by the Wenner-Gren Foundation, mico-social y cultura. México: Ediciones Cultura Cascais, 1989. Bibliography Popular. Bennett, Wendel C. ( 1937). Excavations at la Bate, L. et al, (1983, 1984,1985 ). ¨Documento Bate, Luis Felipe (1989). “Notes on Historical Mata, Maracay, Venezuela.USA Antropological para el estudio de las formaciones autócto- Materialism and its Role within the research Papers of Museum of Natural History.

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Cruxent, J.M. & I. Rouse (1961). Arqueología cro- recovery of Meanning. Washington: Smithsonian Sanoja, Mario & I. Vargas (1990). “Perspectivas nológica de Venezuela. Washington: Unión Pana- Institute Press. de la antropología en Venezuela: el caso parti- mericana. Estudios Monográficos, 1 vol. López Aguilar, F. (1990). Elementos para una cular de la arqueología”. Boletín Gens, Caracas, Cunill Grau, Pedro (1987). Geografía del dobla- construcción teórica en Arqueología. Serie Arqueo- 4 (1), p. 23-64. miento venezolano en el siglo XIX. Caracas: Edi- lógica. México: Colección Científica. Sanoja, Mario & I. Vargas (1994). Orígenes del ción de la Presidencia de la República, t. 1. Losana Aldana, Ramón (1967). Dialectica del proceso urbano en las provincias de caracas y Guayana, siglos XVI-XIX. Boletín de la Academia Na- Duarte, Carlos & Graziano Gasparini (1989). subdesarrollo. Caracas: FACES, Univ. Central cional de la Historia de Venezuela. Caracas. Historia de la Catedral de Caracas. Caracas: Grupo de Venezuela. Sanoja, Mario (1985). La inferencia en la arqueolo- Universa, Gráficas Amitano, CA. Lumbreras, L. G. (1974). La arqueología como cien- gía social. Boletín de Antropología Americana. Duarte, Carlos & M.L. Fernández (1980). La cia social. Lima: Ediciones Histar. México (10). cerámica durante la época colonial venezolana. Cara- Osgood, C. & Howard (1943). An Archaeological Vargas Arenas, I. and Mario Sanoja (1986). cas: Ernesto Amitar Edit. Survey of Venezuela. New Haven: Yale University. “Evolución histórica de la arqueología en Ve- Gasparini, Graciano (1976). Templos coloniales de Patterson, T. (1986). “Algunas tendencias teó- nezuela”. Quiboreña, Quibor, 1 (1), p. 68-104. Venezuela. 2nd. edition. Caracas: Edición del ricas de posguerra en la arqueología norte- banco Nacional de descuento. Vargas Arenas, I. and Mario Sanoja (1990). “The americana”. Boletín Gens, Caracas, 2 (3-4), p. Education and the Political Manipulation of Gonder Frank, Andre; Rodolfo Puigros & 29-44. History in Venezuela”. The Excluded Past, Meter Ernesto Lacalu. América Latina. Feudalismo o Patterson, T. (1990) La historia y la ideología de Stone and R. McKenzie (eds.). London. One capitalismo. Cuadernos de Marxismo. México: la arqueología estadounidense. Temple University. World Archaeology, p. 50-60. Ediciones Quinto Sol. (unpublished). Vargas Arenas, I. and Mario Sanoja (1990). Gonder Frank, Andre (1967). Capitalism and Paynter, R. & R. McGuire (1991). The Archaeology Arqueología, ciencia y sociedad. Caracas: Ediorial Underdevelopment in Latin America. Historical of Inequality: Material Culture. Domination and Re- Abre Brecha. Studies of Chile and Brazil, New York and sistance. The Archaeology of Inequality, Black- Vargas Arenas, I. and Mario Sanoja (1992). “La London Monthly Review Press. well, Oxford, UK and Cambridge, USA. arqueología como ciencia social y su expresión Kidder, Alfred (1944). Archaeology of Northwesterm Paynter, Robert (1988). Steps to an Archaeolog y en América Latina”. Cuarto seminario Internacio- Venezuela. Papers of American Archaeology of Capitalisms: Material Change and Class Analy- nal de Arqueología Social. Caracas. and Ethnology, Vol. XXVI. Cambridge: Har- sis. Recovery of Meaning. Leone and Potter Jr. Vargas Arenas, I. and Mario Sanoja (1993). vard University. Editors. New York and London: Smithsonian Historia, identidad y poder. Caracas: Edit. Tro- Kondratieff, N.D. (1979). “The long Waves in Institution Press. pykos. Economic Life”, Review (2), p. 519-562. Sanoja, Mario & I. Vargas (1974). Antiguas for- Veloz Maggiolo, Marcio (1976). Medioambiente y Leone, M. & P. Potter Jr. (eds.) (1988). Histori- maciones y modos de producción venezolanos. 1st. ed., adaptación humana en la prehistoria de santo Do- cal Archaeology in the Eastern United States. The Monte Avila Edit. mingo. Santo Domingo Edic. UASD, 2 t.

Historical of the formation of ber 1950, the complex was opened to art expert he was and because of his the Neapolitan crib collection the public. The exhibition turned up neapolitan origin, Matarazzo knew the that belongs to the Sacred Art to be an important cultural event, over artistic importance of the eighteen cen- passing all preliminary expectations of tury Neapolitan cribs and he tried to ac- Museum of São Paulo though the wrapped ones, which contributed quire relevant pieces for his collection. the letters exchanged by for Matarazzo to create the Museu dos Despite the relevance of the collec- Francisco Matarazzo Sobrinho Presépios in 1951, after a conversation he tion, little was kwon about its origin. Up had with the poet Sérgio Milliet, his to now, all the procedures for this nu- Eliana Ribeiro Ambrósio wife, Lourdes Milliet, and the journal- Doctor student IFCH-UNICAMP cleus formation were never known. The ist Paulo Duarte. The museum worked main reason for it to happen was the until 1985 in the marquise do Parque Ibi- fact that the documentary references of 1 Introduction rapuera and nowadays is part of MAS the collection were not joined together In 1948, Francisco Matarazzo So- collection. in the same place. During preliminary brinho decides to acquire a set of Nea- Besides Matarazzo’s personal devo- studies, we discover that the letters ex- politan crib pieces to be donated to the tion to the crib’s cult, this collection changed between Matarazzo, his lawyer city of São Paulo. While the donation must be seen inside his cultural pro- and others envolved, were stored in the process was being analyzed in the Lo- gram for the city of São Paulo, once Fundação Bienal de São Paulo, while the cal Chamber, Matarazzo could get near its acquisition occurs at the same time rest of the documentation about the the authorities a place to exhibit the of his initiative of establishing the Mu- collection was situated in MAS archive. pieces: Galeria Prestes Maia. On 4 Octo- seu de Arte Moderna de São Paulo. As an Through inquiry of master’s degree

144 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations entitled Preservação do Presépio Napolitano Even before all pieces being acquired, involved11 on the Italian production’s do Museu de Arte Sacra de São Paulo: per- the scenery began to be projected and transportation, Ciccillo had dropped curso metodológico para a elaboração de um constructed in a country house in the his plans out: 7 inventário científico, we putted together region of Tower del Grecco. Never- Sono anche molto indeciso a far spedire and systematized all these informations theless, by end of September 1948, 28 casse per la sola armatura del presepio, were. Thus, it was possible to produce Matarazzo decided to drop it out. At tre quintali per il bozzetto, 12 quintali per il a complete study about the historical of this moment, the works were advanced sughero ecc. Quanto pagheró per transporto e the collection, discovering data about and Pacileo wrote detailing the situa- dogana di queste 28 casse. Non sarebbe forse pieces acquisition, assemblies, catalogu- tion: the sketch in clay,8 the project piú conveniente che i Sigri Mennella e Allegra ing, conservation analyses, temporary and the detailing plans of the crags as- mi facessero un disegno ed una pianta completa exhibitions and restorations that we sembly were ready, the supporting base con dei suggerimenti per il montaggio ed io tro- will expose ahead. was built, it had 14 meters length and vrei quí il personale e materiale necessario.12 9 4 meters depth and the cork to wad From this moment on, he changed the scenery had been already acquired. his strategy and began to defend the 1. Letters exchanged for piece’s According to the lawyer, the carpentry acquisition. idea that the assembly shoud be carried service to produce the little houses, the out in Brazil, following the drawings trees production and the painting of of Mennella-Allegra, or by other pos- 1.1. Scenery the whole scenery were still remaining, sibilities that might appear during the In the middle of 1948, Matarazzo which he believed would take at least pieces acquisition. 2 more forty days. began to exchange some letters with Another important point, in his his lawyer, Renato Pacileo, in Rome, After being informed about the situ- decision of discarding the material and with his brother-in-law Francesco ation, Ciccillo became surprise. In his produced in Naples, was the amount th Caramiello, in Naples, to treat the pro- letter of 8 October, he expressed he did of shepherds that would be necessary cedures about to the assembly of the not know that his plans about the crib to filled out the scenery of 14m x 4m. Neapolitan Crib in São Paulo. From had taken concrete dimensions. Accord- Pacileo and Caramiello had calculated the beginning, he demonstrated his ing to the letters, he did not imagine he would need at least a thousand intention to donate the set to the local that Caramiello had begun the works, shepherds. Thinking on economical 3 authority. For this reason, he expresses nor that the dimensions of the crib values, Ciccillo considered, it would in the letters his concern in choosing would reaching 14m x 4m. At this point, be too expensive to produce a crib of relevant pieces, carrying out an appro- we notice a contradiction or a mistake such proportions. Even so, the lawyer priate assembly, joining and keeping between what he previously wrote and tried to demonstrate that the quoted together all documentation about the what pointed out this day. Apparently, quantity was not absurd, supplying as pieces and acquiring visual and biblio- by calling off the works, we can suppose an example Sammartino’s crib in Na- graphical references about the subject. that he knew about it. Unless he might ples. According to him, before the War, His initial attention was to carry think the contracted artists were doing this one had around 12 to 14 thousand out a scenery similar to the ones pro- only a preliminary study and were not shepherds distributed in a scene of 12m duced in the XVIII4 century. To do executing the project during the whole length and 6m depth.13 On the other that, Ciccillo thought in producing the period. Even though, the lawyer had hand, both Roseo and Giacomini sup- crib structure in Italy, especially in Na- already questioned his contradictories ported the argument that this amount th ples, because he believed that only a information on 28 September: of shepherds was not an exaggeration. neapolitan might know and be loyal to Poiché nella Sua del 20 Settembre non é Interested in selling their pieces, they the proper models of the time. Firstly, ben chiarito se il presepio dev’essere ultimato kept affirming that it was possible to through his brother-in-law Caramiello, poi spedito, oppure se si deve inviare in Bra- carry out a relevant crib, putting to- he designated the task to Lembo and sile tutto ciò ch’é pronto al momento [...] Ella gether the pieces they offered Ciccil- Allegra.5 After the beginning of the appunto, nella Sua, mi scriveva: ‘in modo da lo’s ones. works, Caramiello realized that Lembo poter avere io tutte le informazioni per farmi From the beginning, Matarazzo had was a limited knowledge craftsman of venire quì sia il presepio che il bozzetto’, frase argued that the construction of the limited knowledge and cut him of the che sarebbe un pò in contrasto col Suo ordine scenery should only be carried out by 10 post, employing up Menella, an artist, di sospendere i lavori. a neapolitan. Even with the possibility according to Pacileo, no longer expres- Anyway, it was explicit by the let- to carry out it in Brazil, he supported sively in the market.6 ters that after calculating the costs this position:

RHAA 8 145 Traduções/Translations

...Come giá Le ho detto quando parlo di then, Menella-Allegra) and trying to a sketch showing the position of the comprare un presepio, intendo dire di comprare avoid further wastes, he reflected that angels and he had drawn the relief of diversi pupi, competerá poi all’artista di orga- they must stop with tries and choose the landscape. In the beginning, Cic- nizzare la messa in scena del presepio e per a professional who really had knowl- cillo had considered the possibility of questo io avrei desiderato uno specialista che edge in the area. At this point, he gets the artist still come to Brazil and ride conoscendo usi e costumi sia in condizione di in touch with the Roman artist-set the crib still in 1949. Subsequently, cal- dare vita e movimento ad un’opera del genere. designer Giordano Giovannetti19 and culating the wrapped costs, he wrote:24 Nonostante il Giacomini e qualche decoratore asks him to sketch a drawing to send “Vedo che devró rinunciare alla col- locale mi garantiscano di poter fare un’opera the Matarazzo. laborazione del Prof. Giovannetti. Le bella, io ne dubito molto perché penso che solo In reply to what were exposed by the condizioni econimoche da lui richiesti, un napolitano o uno che abbia veramente vis- lawyer, Ciccillo explain:20 “...qui c’é tutto se non sono pesanti in se stesse, sono suto in contatto con tale specie di opere d’arte il materiale di montaggio necessario e pesanti nel complesso, tenendo conto possa costituire ed organizzare un presepio.14 il personale occorrente per il presepio”, dell’altre spese fortissime che ho da sos- 25 However, this point of view was not affirming that there were good profes- tenere”. At this moment, he decided maintained for much time. Some days sionals able to restore, execute models that the assembly would be carried later, Apollonio, Giacomini’s partner and sculpt the scenery in the country. out in Brazil, based on photographical and cousin, convinced him that he For incense, he quoted: “abbiamo dei analyses, on the advices gave by Pacileo shoud carry out a crib “con perfetto buoni artigiani e proprio in fabbrica ab- and on eventual bibliographical fount spirito napoletano”15 in Brazil and ar- biamo una sezione di ceramica artistica by the Italians who were living in the guing that if by chance, the result was diretta dallo scultore De Marchis che country. not pleasing him, then it would be the potrebbe aiutare moltissimo”.21 As the During the whole discussion about moment to bring the italian specialist. possibility of the reusing the material the scenery, Pacileo remained attentive As Pacileo was concerned with the produced in Naples, he was emphatic: and interested, giving several opinions, news Ciccillo would produce the scen- “tutto quello che é perduto é perduto suggestions and doing researches about ery in Brazil, he wrote a detailed report nei lavori fatti a Napoli e penso que la other cribs and its peculiarities. Firstly, 22 about the crib’s situation,16 arguing that perdita non sia molto forte”, definitely after some ideas he exchanged with Ro- to build the structure in Italy17 would be discarding its use or sent to the coun- seo, he suggested to Ciccillo to put boca more prudent and economical. About try. Finally, he concluded that it would de cena for frontlet closure of the crib. this subject, he emphasizes the follow- be saver to produce everything in São To do that, he indicated two parts of ing topics: (1) lack of specialized crafts- Paulo based on the studies and projects boca de cena that belonged to the altar men in Brazil experts in this Italian of an italian specialist, who would come of the Church of San Fellipo Neri in 26 tradition; (2) the facilities of obtaining to the country only finish the details, Rome, and they were in possession of pieces or eventual accessories might lefting in charge of Pacileo the decision Roseo at the moment. However, Ma- 23 needed to create the scenes if it were between Mennella and Giovannetti. tarazzo discarded the idea. built in Italy; (3) the possibility of re- So, the lawyer took advantaged of As Ciccillo had charged Pacileo using the material previously acquired the situation to reiterate Giovannetti’s to research about the spatial needs to (cork and wooden base).Further on, he ability. However, he tried to show im- create the crib, he sent him a detail- emphasizes the difficulties what Cic- partiality, explaining the reasons why ing report about the necessities of the cillo would have in Brazil:18 (a) lack of he gave up Mennella: the difficulty of expositive area27 and the possible types proper materials to do eventual aging controlling his work because of dis- and dimensions of the scenery. Based simulations or pieces; (b) lack of tra- tance and the known aspects of his on these studies, he concluded: “ho po- dition in the restore area and possible personality. tuto dedurre che i costruttori del tempo lack of good restorers; (c) lack of able Even before speaking with Ciccillo, del presepe (artisti ed architetti) hanno professionals to sculpt the scenery and Pacileo looks for Giovannetti and realizzato presepi a ‘tipo rettangolare’ his details (houses, bridges, trees, tem- shows him the pieces’s photos and the (schizzo No I) – per noi frontale – ed a ple, etc.), to produce the animals and details of the works done in Naples, ‘tipo redondo’ (schizzo No I, in basso) accessory to compose the scenes, to with the intention that the artist could – per noi circolare”.28 Taking these paint the scenery and to do eventual start the scene’s design. Then, the law- two spatial formats as an example, he golden details. Yet, from the economi- yer informed Matarazzo the interest of suggested some solutions. First of all, cal point of view, base on the frus- the artist in carrying out the project he informed considering the examples trated attempts (Lembo-Allegra and, was so huge that he had already done found in Naples and Rome29 and the

146 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations magnificence of the XVIII century authorship from of the rest, showing cloths for the trousers and coats of the Royal cribs30 the dimension proposed them up inside individual shop win- shepherds, and he completed, saying it before, the one of 14m x 4m was not dows, to allow the public to appreciate would be difficult to find ancient cloths exaggerated. their details, which might be not seen in the appropriate pattern and colors Besides, he considered four meters in the role scenery composition. He appropriate to do the dresses. About it, depth moderate, suggesting its increase explained that this expositive scheme he emphasized:39 “... la stoffa usata per for seven meters, measured in which had been adopted in the Museum of i vestiti per i pastori ha disegni minuti: the landscape would lost its focus and San Martino, in Naples, and in the Mo- quindi fiorellini, o altre disegni quali mix in the distance. Another possible naco’s museum.33 righine, quadratini ecc, che non si tro- solution proposed would be a mixture Between the advices gave by Pacileo, vano facilmente nelle stoffe comuni, of the rectangular format with the we can still detach his worries with the dove s’incontrano fiori grossi e disegni circular one, creating a sort of square lighting, the effects of light,34 the cata- che sarebbero sproporzionati confezio- 40 with 18m length and 15m depth. This loguing, the preservation and restora- nando abiti minuscoli”. solution would make possible both tion of the pieces and the necessity of Finally, according to Ciccillo re- 31 frontlet and sides visions. Still, paying producing a publication to promote the quests, he stated looking up for crib’s attention to the possibility of choos- collection. photos and Naples panoramic sights ing the circular scenery type, in which When he had prepared the pieces to engravings and joined images to help the public might turn around the crib, be sent, he did a photographic register the Brazilian scenery designer to de- he suggested it had a diameter of 14m. of all the samples, listing them in an at- velop his project. In the beginning, he Nevertheless, he warned about the dif- tached report. At this moment, he had was informed that the photographer ficulties to do the sky and an appropri- the cautious to put a “... un rettangolino Alinari had a partial photo of San Mar- ate lighting. Still, remembering of the 41 bianco, sul quale non ho trascritto il tino’s crib. Then, he could buy some boca de cena (house tabs), he told that mio numero progressivo, in quanto non engravings with details of Neapolitan if this model were chosen, it might be 35 XVIII century urbane life characters, putted in the ante-room, working as so quale sarà il suo criterio finale ...”, so that, the new cataloguing numbers such venditore di ciambelle, o l’acquaiolo, o opening to the crib. 42 could be noted on the photographic venditore di verdure, among others. Latter Later on, thinking about the small books36 at the end of the Brazilian cata- on, he sent eight photos, some of then crib executed by Schettino for the King loguing. Still, he informed that he had with details of Presepe della Certosa di S. Ferdinando IV, bought through Roseo, written down in red the related number Martino, one about a piece group and Pacileo suggested that the nativity scene 43 each piece had in the lists. Finally, he others about Leonetti collection, and should be putted in the centre of the advised Ciccillo to adopt a sequential also sent seven engravings with differ- composition and that there would cre- 44 and progressive numeration for the ent city sights. ate a contrast between the aristocratic whole collection during cataloguing. and the popular Naples in its surround. So, he describes: When he discussed about the 1.2. Pieces piece’s conservation and restoration, ... dividere, come settori artistici, il pre- When Matarazzo begins his plan he informed that Ciccillo would have sepe in TRE PARTI: la parte centrale con of assembly a crib in São Paulo, he al- to make them be cleaned to move its il mistero propriamente detto; le altre due ready had almost two hundred pieces ageing, emphasizing the necessity of a parti, quasi a far rilevare il contrasto fra la previously acquired in Naples, when parte nobile ... della città di Napoli e la parte continuous conservation program for Pericle Roseo sold an apartment to his povera, la prima con la ricostruzione di una the collection. So,he suggested the fol- brother Giannicola. These are listed in grande salone principesco, con l’architettura lowing preventive cares: the second photographic45 album and del tempo, con nell’angolo un piccolo presepe, e ...vi sarà necessario una continua vigilanza there has 105 shepherds, 34 angels and ciò a dimostrare le possibilità economiche ... di della polvere che potrà togliere con degli aspira- 54 animals,46 as well as some accesso- una parte della popolazione, la seconda con a volpere, e quindi inaffiamente (sic) di D.D.T.37 ries.47 ricostruzione della “taverna”. 32 in modo da preservare i costumi e le parti de- Ciccillo intended to join other When he had considered the qual- teriorabili ed in più cosparegere (sic) di cera samples to the ones he had in Brazil. ity of the pieces acquired by Ciccilo, le parti delicate dei “pastori” (Le dirò a suo Caramiello had already bought 27 more 38 Pacileo focused on their exhibition, ad- tempo la ricetta e il modo di applicazione). pieces in the Giacomini Gallery48 in vising him to separate the most impor- About the garments restoration, Rome,49 and Lady Elvira Longobardo tant pieces, the ones with recognized he informed that he had only got old had sent him another 39 samples. In the

RHAA 8 147 Traduções/Translations full amount, there were 59 shepherds ha troppo lavorato l’ambiente e gli animi sono ed é tutto al completo, cioé con le figure and seven angels50 which had been ancora caldi. A Roma, se si dovesse cercare di S. Giuseppe e della Madonna, animali photographed and filed in the collec- bene, ho l’impressione ch’esistano altri presepi ecc., in quanto la persona, che ora lo de- tion Album number 3. Besides these dell’epoca napoletana presso famiglie romane, tiene, lo acquistò a suo tempo de una examples, another nine animals and 14 amanti del precisato presepio settecentesco e che famiglia napoletana”.56 Later on, when accessories were added up. potranno eventualmente avere idea di vendere. Giacomini does not report the each On 30 September 1948, Matarazzo Si tener presente che i presepi dell’epoca avevano shepherd authorship; Pacileo begins to wrote his lawyer to inquire and to con- necessità di molto spazio ed oggi molte famiglie question their quality, asserting: sult him about two acquisition propos- si sono dovute resitringere(sic) in locali più esi- Dalle foto, che mi ha rimesso, ho notato als of some collections had received.51 gui e quindi la impossibilità di mantenere un degli ottimi pezzi. Da Napoli ho portato tutto At this moment, the gospel on the simile presepio. un ottimo materiale: ed il Roseo mi consegnerà, Neapolitan market about his acquisi- Even though, while they were keep- eventualmente, dei pezzi scelti. Non pongo la tions had increased the pieces value. ing the discussions if the collection mia attenzione su quelli acquistati dal Gia- This forced Matarazzo to re-value his should be acquired to short or long comini, i di cui pastori potranno far massa ambitions. Thus, there was started a term, Pacileo thought it was interesting nelle parti scure e di controluce del presepe, in debate about if the collection should to know and to value the quality of the quanto l’autenticità degli autori non mi é stata be formed under that situation or if pieces offered by Giacomini and Roseo, asserita dal Giacomini.57 it should be better to wait to a propi- in order to supply an accurate position. During the mail exchange about tious moment, when the market situa- About Giacomini’s pieces, he reported the pieces of Giacomini, there was tion had returned to normal or when they were well-made and very signifi- a relevant passage that brings up the better offers shown up. cant, once there were several samples conceptual divergence between Cic- Both Caramiello and Pacileo agreed with small dimension, something rare cillo and his lawyer on the word “crib”. 53 that the most prudent was to wait. On in the market. As the ones from Ciccillo had informed Pacileo that Gi- the letter of 28 September, the lawyer Roseo, he affirmed he has seen good acomini had offered him a crib. When informs that Caramiello was spreading pieces, but he believed he had seen the the lawyer was valuing the proposal, away that as the scenery construction better ones; once Roseo had brought he warned him that it was not a crib were interrupted, so Matarazzo would only a few pieces from Naples. In any that were offered, but of a collection not need to purchase more samples case, he decided to wait until he could of crib characters. Nevertheless, Ma- and he advises Ciccillo to change the visit the set to give a final report. tarazzo explained:58 “Tengo a dirLe che pieces acquisition fount to end up with However, Matarazzo was encour- quando parlo di presepio incisivamente the market scent. A few days later, he aged with the possibility of the pieces mi riferisco ai pupi”.59 wrote:52 being easily sent under Gioacomini res- After the acquisition of this set, ... il di Lei pensiero di non eseguire asso- idence transfer and with the discount the lawyer was committed with the lutamente l’opera entro il 1949, devo dirLe in the total amount. Therefore, on 11 procedures of their sending. Accord- che non è del tutto errato. La “notizia”corsa November 1948, he told his lawyer the ing to the agreement settled on with sul mercato napoletano del costruendo prese- agreement he made with the teacher Giacomini, this one would transport pio, da parte Sua, ha fatto salire il prezzo Apollonio and he requested him to do the offered pieces and the other sam- a tutto, inerente al presepio. Ho l’impressione the procedures for its sending. Pacileo ples acquired by Matarazzo through his che l’acquisto dei pastori fatto lentamente, e listed 102 shepherds, six angels and 22 residence transfer. In the beginning of 54 quando si presenta l’occasione propizia per il animals in the Album number 4. At January 1949, as the residence trans- prezzo, potrà portare un notevole risparmio this moment, Giacomini supplied de- fer was getting near,60 Pacileo did the 55 alla realizzazione generale. [...] Acquistando, tails about the set and informed that, photographic register, the cataloguing perciò, a poco a poco, e senza por limite di both of the examples and their clothes list and packed the pieces previously tempo, si potrà lo stesso, così mi pare, com- were originals. Meantime, he never sent safeguarded with Caramiello and he piere lo stesso l’opera nell’anno 1949. Si do- a descriptive list of the authors’ pieces. asked Giacomini to do the same with vrebbe perciò, man mano ch’Ella può averne This fact caused lots of uncertainty. his samples. la possibilità di liquido, fare un fondo quì ed It is interesting to emphasize the con- During the pieces’ packing at Gi- averlo a disposizione per quando si presenta tradiction in the lawyer’s reports about acomini’s Gallery, a regular visitor, la occasione di comprare qualche pezzo bello the pieces offered by Giacomini. At a who had learnt about Matarazzo’s ac- ed a poco prezzo. La piazza di Napoli, io first moment, he attests the collection quisitions, offered a set of 51 pieces to per il momento la terrei da parte: il Roseo relevance writing “É un buon materiale Marcelo Giacomini. This one did not

148 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations want to assume the risks of its acquisi- to his executive chief, the marquis of A proposito, io vorrei sapere da Lei (nel tion without knowing Matarazzo’s de- Bisignano. This set had the peculiar- caso sarò costretto a fare una indagine presso sire. Even though, the collector decided ity of having being installed inside an- Elvira Longobardi) se Giannicola possiede dei to sent them into Giuseppe Giacomini’s other crib, as Pacileo had described:64 pastori a casa sua. Difatti il Roseo mi diceva residence transfer, waiting Ciccillo’s de- “Tale piccolo presepietto fu sistemato, che ad Elvira ha venduto a suo tempo dei cision in the arrival. Pacileo had been nell’annata (nella gara consueta che pastori di ottima fattura (ed esempio mi parla invited to see the collection and he sent avveniva fra i gentilizi napolitani) nel di una figura che rappresenta um brigante e poi the following report: grande presepe della stessa famiglia: di due complessi bandistici, che non ho scorto Ho trovato che effettivamente é un gruppo v’era rappresentato un grande salone di nelle foto rimessemi, e di altre figure) ma non di materiale scelto e, come si soul dire, di pri- una casa principesca nel quale era stato ha mai saputo, perché una volta era citato il missima scelta. Vi sono in ispecial modo i due allestito un presepietto. Cosi si aveva un nome del Giannicola ed altra volta era citato il “angeli nude”, di dimensioni non comuni, e che Presepe nel presepe”. 65 Suo nome quali compratori, a chi era destinato sono rari sulla piazza, di un ottima fattura: The third and last one was part of effettivamente tale materiale. sono del De Viva Angelo. ... Ottimo pure, Giusso Duke’s crib. 66 All the offered Ciccillo answered that Giannicola per eccezionale fattezza, anche la figura del samples were safeguarded in the Isti- had acquired him some pieces, but mendicante. Come pure la conservazione e come tuto dei Ciechi di Napoli. Pacileo waited neither him nor his brother had the patina e come costumi di tutti pastori é assai his travel to Naples to supply a precise described examples. Later on, during rilevante: vi sono poi, nelle figure di piccola report to Ciccillo, once Roseo had only Pacileo’s searching for photographic altezza, i cosìdetti “pastori mosca”, rifiniture, shown him some pieces. When he saw planks,71 he found with the photogra- rare nei pastori di tali dimensioni, perfette.61 the pieces it informed:67 “In verità, Le pher Alinari a photo of a Moors’ band. The decision for purchasing this set debbo dire che si tratta di un prezioso When he shown it to Roseo, he con- had brought lots of divergences between materiale...” and completed ahead: “Le firmed that this was the band he said Giacomini’s brothers and Matarazzo. posso con sicura feremezza dire che si he had sold to Matarazzo. Giuseppe had negotiated with Ciccillo tratta di materiale ‘ottimo’. Alcuni di However, he informed he would that the payment of this set would be quei pastori li ho visti riprodotti in solve the question when he went to done in local currency added of interest una pubblicazione tedesca,68 e ciò per Naples and he could check into his ar- in the following six months. However, l’autenticità d’arte e di autore”. In the chives lists which pieces were actually Marcelo had not been in touch with beginning, Ciccillo was not inclined in negotiated. Some months later, When this agreement and he was thinking buying these sets, because he was fi- Roseo was passing by the Blind men to receive the proposed sum in Lyres. nancing several projects. However, the institute, he discovered that during the How, at the moment of the payment, possibility of dividing the rates in sev- pieces transport, the in charge of the there were exchange differences and eral months let him decide for their ac- service had forgotten one of the boxes, none of the brothers wanted to deal at quisition on 7 February 1949. When the leaving it in a corner of the institute. losses, so they broke with their word pieces were transferred to Rome, the These examples were handed to Pac- and demanded that the payment was lawyer catalogued them and annexed ileo, that listed their photos on the Al- done in Italian currency. This posi- the photos on the Album number 5. bum number 5, between the numbers tion made Ciccillo cancel the acquisi- At this moment, he quantified their 167 and 185. tion another group composed by two content: 78 shepherds, 38 angels, 68 During the sending procedures of 62 69 shepherds and a “caprone” proposal animals and 128 accessories. last pieces acquired from Roseo, Pacileo by them. The images of 51 pieces set During the negotiation for the gets in touch with some new cribs of- were placed the Album number 1 and acquisition of the above-mentioned fers and he informs Ciccillo about four they have 44 shepherds, three angels pieces, Pacileo would discover that possible acquisition options.72 The first and four animals. Ciccillo had bought a Moors’ band one was a group composed by 72 pieces At he same time, Ciccillo had re- together with the pieces he first pur- that belongs to Aloisi Carlo, the Spain ceived Giuseppe Giacomini proposal, chased from Roseo and that this band consul in Rome.The second one would Roseo also offered him three sets. The was not handed out. This discussion be a crib assembled on a base of 9m x first one was a terracotta group done begins when Roseo tells the lawyer 4 m, that was part of the Gatti-Farina by Sanmartino in which five dogs were that there was a band with fine instru- collection.73 Another possibility would attacking a deer.63 The second one was ments,70 between the shepherds sent to be a group of 28 pieces that were being a small crib done by Schettino for the Brazil. Intrigued, Pacileo writes on 31 sold because of a inheritance share. Fi- king Ferdinando IV which was given December 1948: nally, there were notices about the avail-

RHAA 8 149 Traduções/Translations ability of another part of the Giusso zil, Ciccillo was investigating the legal The lawyer, who previously had duke’s crib.74 procedures to import the material. On got in touch with the crib literature in 87 On 30 August 1949, Ciccillo de- 5 September, the lawyer was informed some readings on the libraries, had cided for the first offer constituted that the wife of the sculptor De Mar- difficulty in buying publications on the by 68 shepherds and four animals. At chis82 would transfer her residence to market. Most of the books had their ex- this moment, he reinforced he wanted Brazil. As all the pieces were already tinguish t his finished publications and the lawyer to get with the collector packed, including those ones of the few titles were published in between a detailed list to avoid problems like last acquisition, Pacileo was managed and post-war period. Through these the ones that happed with the group to insert them at time into the family facts, he got in touch with publishers, sold by Giacomini.75 About this set, belongings and they were shipped in hopeless of getting some example that Pacileo had previously written to him: the Neride vessel on 31 October. might had been left behind by chance, “... compresi due cammelli:76 di questi In the middle of December, the and also asked the booksellers to be una ventina sono di dimensioni piccoli, boxes arrived in Brazil and when they informed if some title came out. Still, molto belli e che possono stare vicino a were opened, someone noted that the on the letter of 2 January 1949 letter, quei pastori di cui Le ho parlato prima famous Group of Sanmartino, the one he mentioned to Ciccillo his intention circa il presepe del Bisignano, gli altri with dogs attacking the deer, was bro- in getting in touch with collectors and della dimensione normale di cui una ken. When Ciccillo asked the lawyer researchers to obtain information or do 77 copies of their titles, because he had trentina di seconda scelta”. Never- the value of the set to be refunded by been informed that Benedetto Croce theless, when Matarazzo received them, the insurance company and to carry out and Michele Galdieri had relevant he did not show the same enthusiasm, its restore,83 he questioned the packing books. emphasizing: “i due cammelli inviatimi quality. In his answer, Pacileo guaran- sono modernissimi e fatti di pasta di teed that the pieces were packed follow- While a conversation with Roseo, carta, stampati, ed ogni modo servi- ing all the necessary recommendations the lawyer mentioned his search for 78 ranno ugualmente”. All the samples and explained:84 bibliographical references. This one were registered in the Album number informed him that there were several Le confermo, in verità, che fu tenuto nel 6 and sent together with the pieces ac- titles in the library of apartment he sold massimo conto ogni cautela tecnica intesa ad quired from Roseo. the Giannicola, once he was intending evidare rotture di qualsiasi genere a ciascun Despite the fact these last ones had to produce an essay on the subject in pezzo immesso nei bauli. Le dirò che par- been bought in February, they had not the past. When Ciccillo was inquired ticolare cura, poi, dato il suo grande pregio been sent until to end of August be- about it, he affirmed that he had not artistico, fu usata nell’imballagio del gruppo cause of bureaucratic subjects. Origi- found anyone of these books. Anyway, di Sammartino che, richiuso a perfetta tenuta nally, Ciccillo considered the hypoth- Roseo kept affirming it. d’aria nella apposita campana di vetro, fu esis of the pieces came in his brothers collocato ad angolo nel baule, dopo aver lun- A few months latter, Pacileo sent a luggage, but Pacileo alerted him that 88 gamente studiato la migliore posizione e tutti detailed report when Ciccillo asked a at the moment the Italian authorities gli accorgimenti possibili per la sua incolumità. description on the development of his were doing a rigorous vigilance in their Nell’interno, poi, della campana, ogni pezzo search. As he informed, up to that mo- cultural inheritance and they would not del gruppo é stato accuratamente avvolto ed ment, he had got only the following allow them to exit the country.79 publications: Storia del Presepe, de Angelo isolato da altro pezzo, anche accuratamente 80 Stefanucci,89 published in 1944, Trec- As a solution, the lawyer proposed avvolto: il tutto poi protetto dalla campana di cani90 Encyclopidea and some papers their sending by including them in vetro. Ora, io mi domando se non si é rotta la some residence transfer,81 like it was copies taken in some libraries, but he campana di vetro, ad un eventuale urto, come previously done with Giacomini, and told he had not had time to copy them potava rompersi il contenuto? 85 he informed he know a lady (family fully. Then, he mentioned that he had Manguzzi) that would transfer her resi- got in touch with the teacher Fausto dence in May. However, when Pacileo 1.3. Bibliography about the crib Nicolini,91 who told him he was pre- was deal the subject with the family, Because of his intention in creating paring a monograph, but he had no there was no longer the possibility to a support center to the crib, Matarazzo publication perspective. include anything on the box, once they asked Pacileo to acquire bibliographical This one offered him a copy had already inspected and closed up. references. His intention was to form of the study published in the Atti So, while Pacileo was looking for an- a library86 to stimulate the divulgation dell’Academia Pontiniana, an essay other family that would move to Bra- and the studies on the subject. published in a newspaper,92 and in-

150 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations formed him about an article written On 4 October 1950, the set was ex- and transportation of the pieces) and in the “Secolo XX” magazine. Yet, hibited to the public in Prestes Maia disposed an appropriate and definite the lawyer talked to Benedetto Croce’s Gallery. In spite of the intense afflux place to exhibit them. If the local au- friend who assured him the senator had of visitors and of the outcomes that the thority preferred to acquire the set, he not any example on the subject. Crib Napolitano allowed, the town hall would be committed in financing the On 20 October, Pacileo sent asked for the space eleven months after assembly. However, neither the town through Pietromarchi count a typed93 its inauguration to install the escalators hall, represented by Francisco Prestes copy of two examples: (1) Cenni Storici in the gallery. So, in December 1951, Maia, nor the state, governed by Carlos sul Presepe de Antonio Perone94 and (2) the set was disassembled and the pieces Alberto de Carvalho Pinto, had the in- Il Presepe Napoletano de Fausto Nicolini.95 again deposited in Matarazzo Metal terest in supporting the event. This would be the last sent material. work Factory, where they remained On 2 July 1970, Paul Zingg, the On May 1950, the lawyer did a general safeguarded for more five years wait- Secretary of Education and Culture, summary of the previous acquisitions, ing for the municipal decision. sent a trade (177/70) to Luis Arrôbas to finish his contribution on the task. On 19 November 1956, in the Martins, the Secretary of the Treasure Wladimir of Toledo Piza management, of São Paulo, letting the “Museu dos the law number 5.083 authorized the Presépios” available to the “Museu de 2. Peculiarities of the collection town hall to receive the Neapolitan Arte Sacra” from that moment on. The history after its arrival in Brazil Crib donation. legal transfer took place some months Matarazzo decided to begin the Under Matarazzo influence, who later, on 20th October, and the museum works of cataloguing and restoration was the president of the Commission was opened to a public [Fig. 3] on 27 even before all the examples arrives and for the Festivities of the Centenary November 1970. he invited Lourdes Milliet to coordi- IV, the museum could use the ancient nate them. So, on 22 August 1949, the Even thought, the museum remained “Pavilhão do Folclore”, situated in the handed to the disregard of the authori- team was formed and the works were “Marquise do Parque Ibirapuera”. In divided: Lourdes Milliet was in charged ties and to the shortage resource, once fact, the place became a big deposit they were now shared with MAS. The of the collection conservation, Evarista to shelter the boxes. As the town hall Ferraz Salles was responsible for the money got with the ticket office and did not dispose resources for its estab- with the sale of the pennants and slides, restoration and Bruna Becherucci was lishment and maintenance, the whole that should be used in benefited the in the control of the pieces catalogu- space remained without furnishes or museum, had to be sent to other sec- ing. divisions. tors of the state. As there were some pieces that In January 1965, Matarazzo tried a Matarazzo was very upset with the have not arrive yet, they decided to be- new strategy near the town hall to fi- courses his donation had taken, but he gin the assembly and the preparation of nally organize the museum. Through still proposed to MAS director to do a the scenery [Fig. 1], at the same time the trade 1.309/65, he offered the report pointing what was need for both they were cataloguing to move on the project of “Exposição Internacional museums fully develop their activities. works. So, the set designer Tullio Costa de Presépios”,96 which there were pro- He would negotiate with the authorities [Fig. 2] was hired to develop and to co- posed to him in the end of the previous the situation. He was also interested on ordinate the architectural and environ- year. This exhibition was organized by mental shape of the crib. His creation Angelo Stefanucci, the curator of an- financing the necessary benefits. Nev- was based on images and on reports other nine similar displays, produced ertheless, besides the Museum Council about the architecture and the customs between 1950 and 1959, in Italy and in deciding on behalf of Ciccillo’s pro- of the time. Spain. posal, the director did not accept his intervention. All the accessories needed to com- The exhibition presumed the assem- pose the scenery were produced by Ítalo bly of 18 rooms with several world-wide In 1973, Milliet was retired and her Bianchi and Evarista Ferraz Salles and crib centers successively exposed, with post was occupied by Ilza das Neves, the miniatures, by André Aguirre and the intention of attracting researchers who was working for two years in the Antonio Longo. Besides Milliet, Salles and the public in general. According institution. She tried to follow the path and the set designers, Tullio Costa and to Matarazzo’s proposal, he would buy supported by Milliet, but the difficulties Ítalo Bianchi, the students Hugo de and would donate all the samples to the would remain the same. Mello, Norbeto Morais Leme and Luis local authority, if the town hall financed Knowing the constant problems Contrera helped in the assembly. the assembly (installations, production the museum had, Matarazzo had ques-

RHAA 8 151 Traduções/Translations tioned the return of the set to the town which were putting in risk the collec- Since the Neapolitian Crib Napoli- hall, complaining the lack of interest of tion, the staff members and the public. tano had been fully exposed in 1996 at the public authorities. Some days before As a result, the museum was closed to Ibirapuera, no other complete assem- his death, he spelled a letter expressing in March, and the whole material was bly was done. Through the years that his disappointment, and in a passage he packed between 16 and 17 December the scenery designed by Tullio Costa sets his annoyance out: of the same year. was deposited inside the “Marquise”, …preocupo-me muito com o Museu dos When the pieces arrived at MAS on he suffered degradations caused from Presépios e o seu atual imobilismo. Afora os 27 December, they were safeguarded the constant water leaks, rodents and conjuntos que doei, e mais algumas aquisições in a place lent by the sisters inside insects attacks and the decomposition oficiais posteriormente efetuadas, nada mais “Mosteiro da Luz” corridors. Despite of some of their materials. During Pa- se fez por ele. Penso que, se tivesse uma au- the fact of the staffs recommendations vilhão Manoel da Nóbrega assembly, tonomia autêntica, desvinculada do Museu de that the pieces should not remain inside it was re-used and some of their parts Arte Sacra, ganharia dinamismo e extensão, the box for a long time, specially those recovered. It is important to point out podendo realizar ao que se propõe no incentivo ones which were attacked by mould and that the scenery was not restored but e (sic) propagação da arte presepista.97 insects, they would stay a long period reformed. Thus, several materials were 100 used (lots of them low quality materi- In a last impulse, Matarazzo brought at this situation. [Fig. 4] als) without the preoccupation with its together some friends and created the Since the museum was closed, there durability or eventual residual effects “Associação Brasileira Amigos do were always news about it would return on the structure [Fig. 6]. Presépio”. The official ceremony hap- soon to Ibirapuera after the “Marquise” pened on 4 October 1976. was restructured. However, this had After the disassembly of the exhibi- tion at Pavilhão Manuel da Nóbrega, Even with its lack of resource, never happened. There some displays the pieces were packed into boxes and the “Museu dos Presépios” had been during Christmas time, the years the the scenery remained some months opened for 15 years in the “Marquise”. pieces remained packed into boxes. The there. During the period it had been The public interest was enormous and biggest of these productions happened left there, it suffered more damages. the visitors’ increased every year. In in “Pavilhão Manuel da Nóbrega” at In June 1997, he was dismantle and the year of its inauguration the visi- “Parque do Ibirapuera” with the Nea- dismembered, some of them were tors’ number was 5.427 persons, four politan crib reassembly. [Fig. 5] conditioned in the MAS Technical years later it was 24.303, two years be- Instead of being shown through Reserve and other parts were left in fore its closure it was reaching almost isolated groups as the previous years, the transportation company deposit.104 60 thousand and in 1985, even being the crib was reinserted in his ancient Since the scenery had been created, opened for three months it had 11.156 scenery101 after some scenographical it had non-recommending materi- ** visitors.98 adaptations made by José de Anchieta. als from Conservation Science view, Another twenty cribs were also exhib- Besides the lack of allowances, the such as conglomerate, compensate, ited in this display. “Museu dos presépios” faced a prob- eucatex, iron, besides organic matter lem even more complex: he got state At the end of 1997, “Museu dos (mosses, foliages, etc.).105 The situa- allowances, but was using a municipal Presépios” was finally reopened to the tion had had been aggravated by its building. This made unavailable urgent public and it was placed in ancient resi- restructuring in 1996. Since part of its 102 structural repairs in the building. Since dence of the chaplain, in the “Monas- material was decomposing and ema- the Ibirapuera’s buildings were putted tério da Luz” itself. At this moment, the nating awful gases, the conservation up, they were having several problems press published that a definite place was staff together with the directorship of of infiltration, plumbing, insects infes- being prepared in the Monastery cave MAS have decided to throw it away. 103 tation because of the fastness of their to install the Neapolitan crib. So, the studies for its new assembly construction to the festivities of the IV At the same time they were re- have begun. According to the preven- Centenary of the city. forming the building, the studies for tive conservation concepts, laboratorial On 27 March 1985, IPT was called the reassembly of the Neapolitan Crib tests were carried out at CECOR to to check the museum99 building struc- had began in the beginning of 1998. choose possible scenegraphical materi- ture, especially in what concerns the The project was a partnership between als. At this moment, the worry was to xylophages insects infestation. There “Sociedade dos Amigos do Museu” the find inert materials or materials with was obvious the building insalubrities private enterprise through the “Lei de lower migration or emission rates of and the awful installations of museum, Incentivo à Cultura”. awful compounds, so that they would

152 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations not aggravate the pieces deterioration and models. At the end of the whole reconstitution of the scenes the crib is state, specially the cloths.106 project, the new assembly could assure composed from the historical perspec- 107 At the same time chemical analyses the stability of the collection conserva- tive, and the current doctor project were done, others works were being tion conditions and the Neapolitan crib entitled Neapolitan Crib of the Sacred art carried out. The scenographic vol- was finally open to the public on 18 Museum of São Paulo: expography and attribu- umes were studied by the set designer December 1999 [Fig. 8]. tions intents to bring this discussion up. Silvio Galvão [Fig7] and by museum However, this assembly did not take staff through use of pieces photos into account an appropriate philological Translation:

1 Museu de Arte Sacra de São Paulo (Sacred Art about it, neither in his mail, nor in the MAS 20 Letter sent on 20 December 1948. Museum of São Paulo). archive. 21 Ibidem. 2 9 They begin on 28 September1948 and finish on These dimensions were based on the cribs 22 Ibidem. 17 May 1950. Nevertheless, the conversations setted in Naples, specially the SanMartino 23 Several times, Pacileo comments that Men- between Ciccillo and his lawyer are previous Museum’s one and the one of the Via do Im- nella had not a good temper and Ciccillo also from this date. The letter sent on 28 Septem- perio, in Rome. makes comments about it on this letter. ber is an answer to a letter sent by Ciccillo on 10 Letter sent by the lawyer Renato Pacileo on th 24 Letter sent on the 22th February 1949. the 20 . However, it was not possible to find the 28th September 1948. out any previous letter to September. There 25 Matarazzo was referring to the expenses with 11 It is good to remember that, Ciccillo also was are still some subsequent letters to 1950, in the assembly of the MAM. which Matarazzo makes contact with some in- financing his initiative of establishing the 26 According to Pacileo, on his letter of 9 De- ternational institutions (Sociación de Pesebris- MAM in Sao Paulo. He reports in his letter on th cember 1948, this boca de cena had been ideal- tas de Barcelona, Associazione Italiana Amici 10 November 1948: “Il fatto principale che ized by Bernini. Subsequently, on 20 January del Presepio e Girard Foundation), trying to mi spinge a chiedere una dilazione nei paga- 1949, he added more informations telling Ro- find out information and bibliographical refer- menti eventuali é che io sono il finanziatore seo had used part of the arch beam to com- ences about the cribs. del Museo di Arte Moderna che ho lanciato a S. Paulo circa sei mesi fa. Da preventivi fatti pose a dining room of the XVIII century and 3 That is shown up on 30 September 1948 letter, questo Museo mi costerá l’anno venturo da he had sold two bases to someone, remaining when he writes to the lawyer: “Come Lei si 14 a 15 milioni di lire al cambio odiermo, se those two parts of the boca de cena and some ricorda io ho sempre l’idea di formare quí in non di piú”. head of angels that, were signed to a shop in San Paolo, a scopo di beneficenza, un grande 12 Rome at that moment. presepe napoletano da esporre al pubblico”. Letter sent to Pacileo by Matarazzo on 8 Oc- tober 1948. 27 He was worried in describing the architectural 4 When he refers in the letters that he wanted to 13 In 25 October 1948, the lawyer reports that design of the space, commenting the necessity do a scenery closed to the ones of the XVIII of the existence of an ante-room with bath- century, he was definitely thinking on the during a conversation about Sammartino’s crib, Roseo had told him that several pieces rooms, shop and the administration and sug- museums scenes he knew, which reflects a gesting the installation of a coffee-shop so that interpretation of the century XX. were not used in its reconstruction after the war, so much were the amount of pieces. the public could have one place to rest. 5 In the second page of the letter sent on 25 28 th 14 Letter sent on 9th November 1948 Letter sent on 22 Januray 1949. October 1948, Pacileo affirms that Allegra 29 15 When it mentions Naples, he refers to the was a decorator. Letter wrote by Matarazzo on 11 November 1948. Crib of Sammartino and in Rome, to the one 6 th 16 th Information supported on the 25 October Report sent on 9 December 1948. of Empire Road. 1948 letter. 17 In 1949, after knowing Ciccilo’s plans, Ro- 30 At this moment, he refers to the importance 7 According to Pacileo, initially they might think seo warns: “Ho sentito ventilare che vorrá far given to the cribs that time and how their in carrying out the construction in Resin. costituire il Presepe in Brasile. Grave errore! dimensions were important. For incense, he However, this hypothesis was discarded be- Per certe espressioni di arte non si puó tras- describes the most imposing crib of the time, cause of some difficulties there. At a second curare l’ambiente, il suo phatos, la tradizione Carlos III’s crib, telling that it used to take moment, Caramiello contemplated the possi- che germoglia ancora nel sangue degli artigiani many rooms. bility of using Villa Matarazzo, but, for some che la covano loro sollisanno concepirla. In 31 reason not set out by Pacileo, this suggestion ogni modo: buon sucesso!” The first assemble executed by Tullio Costa follow a similar model in a small proportions, was given up. Finally, they decided for Torre 18 This part of the letter demonstrates the to- once it supplies both frontlet and side view del Grecco. tal prejudice and ignorance into the brasilian of crib. 8 The sketch had 2 m length, 60 cm depth and it resources by Pacileo. In what concerns the 32 weighed around 300 Kg. Because of the costs restore, we can partly agree with the lawyer, Letter sent by Pacileo on 7 July 1949. involved in sending the model to Brazil, Pac- once, there was no a solid tradition in this 33 Informations got on the letter sent on 20 ileo suggested that a plaster copy might be field at that moment. There were some few September 1949. done. Still, he recommended that Caramiello scholars who would subsequently drive the 34 He pays attention to the fact that many cribs sent a photo to Ciccillo, so that he could be first directives of the area. (including the one of the Road of the Empire) able to follow the work in process. 19 According to Pacileo, Giovanetti was able to do not have great impact because of the lack However, we do not know if that was done, carry out the crib scenary, once he was a re- of lighting study, once important pieces are since we did not found any other reference searcher in Barroque and its architecture. putted against the light, which made them lose

RHAA 8 153 Traduções/Translations

their tridimensional aspect. So, he informs on 55 Letter sent to Matarazzo by Giuseppe Saverio 75 Matarazzo had reinforced the necessity of the letter of 9 December 1948 that he had Giacomini on 2nd November 1948. having such informations, once he would asked Giovannetti to provide a study with 56 Part of the letter sent on 29th October 1948. donate the set to the local authority, se he three different effects of lighting: day, sunset wrote to the lawyer: “Dato que ho quasi la 57 It was reported on 31 December 1948. and night. completa certezza chei di questo presepio faró 58 Letter sent to Pacileo by Matarazzo on 9th 35 Letter set on 16th January 1949. una donazione al Municipio di S.Paolo, ho bi- November 1948. sogno di presentare una documentazione seria 36 This would never be done and beside the pho- 59 This conceptual divergence could have been pertanto La peigo di raccogliermi tutti i dati tos we find several numbers referring to their one of the causes about Ciccillo’s surprise sia di questo gruppo ora comprato, e sia dei different cataloguing. when he received the scenery building report pastori comprati dal Giacomin.”. 37 We can suppose what this poison was ap- by the end of September. Perhaps, when he 76 Matarazzo had previously reported to Pacileo plied in the pieces. This information is very treated the assembly, he was not imagining the his wish in acquiring exotic animals. important for everybody who get in touch accomplishment of the scenery, but only the 77 Letter sent on 7 July 1949. with the pieces (restorers or not), once it has acquisition of the pieces, design projects and 78 a high residual power, offering a serious in- sketch of the scene ambience. Letter sent by Matarazzo on 16 December toxication risk. 1949. 60 The pieces were shipped to Brazil on 20 Janu- 38 th 79 Information found on the letter of 9 De- ary. Acording to Pacileo, the Ministry of Artistic cember 1948. Goods sometime ago had allowed a collection 61 Letter sent to Ciccillo on 29 January 1949. 39 Letter sent on 28th September 1949. to be sent to North America. So, he did not 62 Marcelo Giacomini left this group in his believe they were going to allow a new one. 40 This information was not considered during brother custody during his residence trans- 80 It was proposed on his letter sent on 30 April the garments restore. Rude cloths placed slight fer. details. This is explicit when we compare the 1949. 63 photos done in Italy, before the pieces being According to the reports, this was an unique 81 According to Italian laws, a person who was shipped, with the ones attached in the files piece done for the king Ferdinando di Bor- transferring his residence was allowed to take that were taken away before the crib’s first bone, when Sanmartino was designated as a with him all his belongings without having exhibition, after its “restore” in 1949-50. sculptor for Real Factory of Capodimonte. to pay customs taxes or get special permis- Such a group was preserved inside a glass 41 Letter sent on 2nd January 1949. sions. shop window. 82 42 th This sculptor was uncharged of the artistic Letter sent on 16 January 1949. 64 Letter sent on 7th July 1949. 43 th ceramic sector of Matarazzo’s factory. Letter sent on 28 January 1949. 65 When Pacileo suggested Ciccillo to remake 83 We do not know if the restore it of this piece 44 Letter sent on 20th September 1949. this scene in the Brazilian crib’s assembly, he was done, as soon as there are not documenta- 45 There are six photographic albums in the mu- talked to Roseo about possibility of acquir- tion about it in the archives. If it were done, it seum archive with photos taken in Italy before ing the Our Lady and Saint Joseph, once they probably remained with Ciccillo. were not in the set. Roseo had told him that the pieces were sent to Brazil. Each one of 84 Letter sent on 29 December 1949. them belongs to a specific negotiation and not these pieces belonged to a nun, but he might 85 to a particular collection, once in some albums try to get them. Ciccillo did not supply any information if the glass shop window had been broken or not, more than one collection was joined together 66 Giusso duke was the queen’s nephew. only saying that the pieces were broken. The- and sold by the same person. 67 th Letter sent on 9 December 1948. fore, how the lawyer could affirm such fact? 46 This amount was given by Pacileo on 2 De- 68 Pacileo would again talk about this publica- In fact, Pacileo’s report was not clarifying. cember 1948. tion when he was searching for bibliographi- There was a doubt if the set shattered because 47 Analyzing Album 2 samples list,, we checked the cal references (letter sent on 20th September of the bad packing or it was caused by the amount indicated by the lawyer and we discov- 1949). handling during the opening of the boxes. ered 36 accessories that were not listed by him. 69 Datas got on the letter sent by Pacileo on 7 Besides, he did not set out how they were po- 48 This gallery belongs to Marcelo Giacomini, July 1949. sitioned inside the shop window, only saying that they were protected by the shop window. Giuseppe Saverio Giacomini’s brother. 70 Letter wrote by Pacileo em 9 December Would not it be the accident cause? Once to 49 Information found on the letter sent by the 1948. be inside a glass shop window is a risk factor lawyer on 16 January 1949. 71 Letter sent on 16 January 1949. during the transport and not a protection, as 50 Dates found on the letter sent by Pacileo on 72 Proposals listed on the letter sent on 9 Au- the lawyer asserts. 2 December 1948. gust 1949. 86 As it seems to be, this project was not imple- 51 Giacomini offered a crib and Roseo three dif- 73 The lawyer informed that the set was com- mented, once there is no further information ferent collections. posed by 316 shepherds, 202 animals (includ- about it in the archives. 52 th Letter sent to Ciccillo on 18 October 1948. ing rare animals in the market, like parrots, 87 On his letter of 2 December 1948, even before 53 According to Pacileo, the small dimension buffaloes, elephant), 42 silverware and 282 Ciccillo request he wanted to buy some pub- samples rarity is based on the lack of physical other objects. Still, he mentioned that San- lications, Pacileo mentioned he had found a space in the residences (decade of 50).That martino was the authorship of Sacred Family huge literature in the Library of the Palace of is the reason why the families that had those and the group of angels was superior to the Venice, when he was searching information to cribs prefer to keep with them only the small one of San Martino Museum in Naples and improve his knowledge on the crib. samples and to sell only the bigger ones. that this one had been designed by Fischetti. 88 Letter sent on 20 September 1949 to answer 54 Quantity found on the letter sent on 2 De- 74 Ciccillo had already acquired recently a part of the letter posted by Matarazzo on 2 Decem- cember 1948. this crib with his last negation with Roseo. ber.

154 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations

89 It was acquired on 16 January 1949 and it was 99 The report N0 21.956 sent on 8 April 1985 by modado o presépio napolitano...” We only got sent on 23 July by teacher Manginelli. the Wooden Division of the IPT. a photocopier of the article without any refer- 90 According to Roseo, in the past, he and 100 The sisters lent a place to deposit of the boxes ence of its origin nor publication date. Senator Treccanni had thought in producing for a six month period, however they remained 104 Some parts of the scenery dimentions were a monograph about the Neapolitan. Neverthe- there more than two years. bigger than the doors of the technical reserve. less, he had given up his plans, and Treccani 101 It is interesting to observe that, after years So, they were deposited in the tranportation wrote a short essay in the entry “crib”. being partially exposed, its assembly in scen- company. 91 He was contect in February 1949. ery had been announced as great event. In 105 The eucatex has acid PH, the hardboards, 92 These two essays were sent to Matarazzo on the exhibition prospect, Marcos Mendonça, conglomerate and the polyurethane foam set 28 September 1949 by the teacher Levi. the Culture Secretary of the State, reports: free awful substances; metal pieces can suffer 93 Pacileo typed these titles himself. “A mostra Presépios tem para o Governo do oxidation; and paints and colorings can react Estado de São Paulo um significado muito with the pieces, in special with the cloths, 94 Edited in Naples an 1896 by Tipografia Fr- especial: estamos trazendo de volta, após besides they could also emanate toxic com- atelli Contessa. um hiato de 10 anos, este fabuloso conjunto ponents. 95 This essay was published on 19 November formado pelo Presépio Napolitano do Séc. 106 The pieces had already suffered several ad- 1930 in Secolo XX magazine. XVIII, agora exposto de forma magnífica e verse situations in terms of their conservation. 96 During the acquisition of the Neapolitan crib com uma extraordinária concepção cênica”. During the 15 years they were exhibited at pieces, Ciccillo had already received a pro- 102 This place had been previously used by MAS Ibirapuera, they were exposed to high levels posal. This subject was treated on the letter administration. of relative humidity, leaks of water, insects of 22 December 1948. In that moment, He 103 and rodents, besides they were fixed in un- postponed this idea, because of the costs he The article of Andréa Wellbaun, “O menino Jesus – nas obras do Museu dos Presépios” suitable way in scenery which was emanating was having with the crib’s assembly and with awful substances. Then, they became packed MAM inauguration. declares: “ Agora, já se pensa num lugar de honra para o presépio napolitano: o porão do several years. All this process contributed to 97 Letter spelled by Matarazzo on 11 de April Museu de Arte Sacra, que está sendo escavado degrade the cloths and the pieces and turn 1976, four days befores his death. e deve ficar pronto em março de 1998”. The them fragile. 98 This data was got on the File about the Crib variety section on 17 December 1997 also re- 107 Study based on the analysis of the bibliogra- done on 14 March 1988 and it is available in ports: “...A intenção é cavar 2,4m e chegar até phy about the subject, of the existent registers MAS archive. as fundações do Mosteiro de Nossa Senhora in archives and of relevant samples from inter- ** This data is based on extra officiate documents. da Luz, que datam de 1774. Ali deverá ser aco- national museums and collections.

Research note: some salvage work there, the results of Its color is due to the richness of the Jatobá Aterro, which have contributed in enhancing organic material within, with the pre- Mato Grosso State, Brazil our knowledge over ancient human oc- sence of gastropods, human bone and cupation at the Pantanal area of Mato fauna remains, material culture, fu- Nanci Vieira de Oliveira Grosso State. nerary and combustion structures. It Since the 1950’s this site has suffered also presents alterations due to human Pedro Paulo A. Funari no archaeological interventions. Never- action and due to rooting. The second theless, systematic excavations were layer presented itself to be dark gray Luciano P. da Silva executed in a 32 m2 area. There it be- and sandy, containing some calcareous concretions. It presented a higher quan- Luciana V. B. da Paz came possible to evidence combustion and funerary structures, and material tity of archaeological structures, fauna culture. The original area’s dimension and human bone remains and mate- Introduction corresponds to a small elliptical site. rial culture. The third yellowish sandy This paper aims in presenting the The first archaeological layer has been layer presented, in the beginning, great results of the analyses made, up till affected since the majority of the site quantity of calcareous concretions and now, on the material evidence of the is under an ancient building structure. some archaeological material. Next, it Jatobá Aterro. This archaeological site Systematic excavations have been ac- became solid and sterile. Dating done is located at the Descavaldo region, by complished at the site’s SO-S portion, for the second layer indicated 690 + 2 the left bank of the Paraguai River, in near the river bank.1 - 70 and 750 + - 70 BP. Mato Grosso State. Due to construc- Three layers of stratigraphy have The site’s combustion structures tion works being done in the area, in been identified. The first one consists have different sizes and were present 1999 it became necessary to undertake of dark grey to black sandy sediment. at all layers. Some of the combustion

RHAA 8 155 Traduções/Translations structures had human fragmented bo- long bone’s epiphyses, from the synos- of sectioned bones. Regarding the bo- nes within, with signs of having been tosis of the skull’s structures and from nes that were exposed to fire we have exposed to fire. They also contained the pubis symphysial face.3 used Shipman, Walker & Bichell’s and fauna remains and ceramic sherds. The analysis of the mandible’s cha- Holock’s propositions.5 Most burials were located on top of or racteristics aimed at observing the exis- Besides the coloring of the bone ma- by the combustion structures. tent degree and type of dental wearing terial, fire provokes microscopic altera- Eleven burials and two funerary so that some cultural aspects could be tions as well as fractures at the bone’s structures in spots of black earth have linked to diet and cultural activities surface. According to Ubelake6, bone been evidenced. One of the funerary where the teeth act as a third hand. material lacking soft tissue reacts di- structures contained feet bones in The occurrence of fractures, polishing fferently when exposed to the fire than anatomical connection and the other and dental pathologies was also obser- bone material covered by tissue. In dry one contained some disjointed human ved in order to supply subsidies for a bones exposed to fire one notices fissu- bones. better understanding of these popula- res at the surface and longitudinal frac- The large quantity of scattered hu- tions, based on the fact that teeth are tures, whereas in bones that are covered man bones found has drawn our at- great biological informants. Teeth are in by tissue there are transversal fractures, tention. Those were found not only contact with the whole file of diet ele- irregular longitudinal fractures and in- near to the bonfires but also all over ments and with material culture (food, curvation. Nevertheless, a body that is the excavated area. This evidence has primary goods, adornments, etc.). To exposed to fire results in bone remains been interpreted as actions perpetrated achieve a good analysis of the dental with distinct degrees of burning, since by the groups that occupied the site, wearing Murphy’s (1959) proposition a thick layer of muscles protects some which had an impact on previous oc- for the molars was followed but using anatomical unities. Bones that are pro- cupations’ structures. Hillson’s (1990) adaptation regarding tected by a small layer of tissues are the the other teeth. These analyses were The burials were of five adults, first ones to fragment and to calcine. complemented with the establishment five children and one adolescent. The Consequently, bones that are protec- of the shape and the direction of the children’s burials were executed mainly ted by more tissue present least signs wearing, following Molnar’s (1971) pro- 7 with the child in an extended position, of burning. position, and assuming that fibrous or and with an East-West skull-pelvis hard materials, when sustained by the orientation. One single infantile burial, teeth, produce in them patterns of iden- Results located outside the excavated area had tifiable usage, particularly in woman’s Only one of the sixteen individuals the body in a flexed position and with a teeth, who used them to manufacture studied could not have his age or age Northeast-Southeast orientation. Only baskets. category estimated. We have observed one double burial was discovered. It In the analysis of the burials that significantly child mortality (40%) and contained an adult woman and a child there was only one adolescent recor- less than one year of age. were disturbed by human action, the identification of the bone remains and ded. Regarding the adult individuals, After the analysis of the exhumed the representation of the anatomical five were female and three were male. skeleton remains of the eleven burials elements was aimed at verifying which The predominant age category was the had begun, we could verify the pre- parts of the skeleton were absent and one between 20-30 years old (33,3%), sence of thirteen individuals. Adding which were present. We have tried to followed by individuals aged between this number to the skeleton remains compare the theoretical number of 30-35 years old (13,3%) and only one previously removed by the workers, we anatomical elements with the mini- over 50 years old. have a total of sixteen individuals. mum number of present anatomical Most child burials were in extended elements. position, in ventral decubitus. They Methodology In order to analyze the scattered hu- presented strings of monkey teeth or In order to undertake a gender diag- man bone material we have used such beads made from mollusks. Only one nosis, the skull’s, the jaw’s and pelvis’ identification criteria, as proposed by child burial was in lateral decubitus and morphological characteristics were ob- Turner & Morris4, as: brain exposi- inflected, with a string of beads done served. When it was possible, the whole tion, facial mutilation, burned bones, with some animal’s teeth. skeleton was analyzed. Biological age dismemberment signs, the pattern of Only one of the adult burials could was established from dental eruption lost anatomical elements, exposition have its funerary characteristics obser- analysis, from the solidification of the of the long bones’ marrow and marks ved. The other ones had been distur-

156 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations bed by recent human action or by the mical unities present corresponded to Dental analysis ancient occupants of the archaeological 32% of the skeleton. Due to the facts exposed above, only site. The material that was compiled by The analysis of the bone remains five individuals (two male and three fe- the workers was analyzed. It indicated corresponding to burial 4 revealed the male ones) could be investigated regar- the presence of a senile male individual, presence of two individuals. Both the ding their dental arches. Since we had a female adult and a third adult indi- skull and the mandible were found, previously noticed that the burial 9 in- vidual that could not have its gender along with the bone fragments, in a dividual differentiated herself from the established. Since burial 1 suffered the combustion structure. According to others because of her dental pattern, we impact of the construction, possibly, their characteristics, we have an adult tried to check out dental similarities and part of its skeleton must correspond female individual. Among the bone differences among the site’s individu- to one of those above. fragments in the bonfire, we have iden- als. The teeth were grouped, following Ceramic vessels covered burial 5, tified one adolescent and a third adult Molnar’s (1971: 180) proposition, accor- which corresponded to a 25-30 years individual, as well as adornments. By ding to their functional relationships, as old female individual. It presented a the bonfire, pelvis, hand and articula- well as for having a connection to the necklace made with human teeth and ted feet bones were found. Upon the positioning of the adornments. was associated to a child burial, also pelvis there was a crossed radius and We did observe, in the male indivi- covered by a vessel. It also contained an ulna, besides a humerous. Those duals, that the difference of wearing, two feline fangs and beads made from skeleton remains reveal an adult male regarding the incisors, canine and first mollusks. individual. The anatomical unities that premolars teeth, was small, probably Some preliminary observations re- refer to the male individual correspond due to age difference among them. garding the morphological characte- to 40% of the skeleton, that is, to the The senile individual presented less ristics indicated individuals with high left arm, the pelvis, the hands and the wearing at the molars than the adult skulls (1m-3f), narrow (1m) and large feet. On the other hand, the female individual, but presented cavities. The (1f) faces, narrow (1m-1f) to very large individual presented only 17% of her adult individual presented wearing due (1f) noses, short (1m-1f) to long (1f) anatomical unities. to the pressure at the vestibular face of mandibles, robust individuals. Only Burial 9 revealed the skull, the the canine teeth and a light retraction burial 9 was different, being more mandible and the first articulated of the inferior incisors, probably cau- fine and delicate. Due to the absence cervical vertebras. Below those there sed by the use of an adornment at the of many of the long bones in some were disjointed long bones. The bone inferior lip. of the burials, stature evaluation was remains were found in a black earth Among the female individuals, bu- compromised. Even so, we could esti- circle of 40 cm of diameter. The analy- rial 9 presented a very accentuated wea- mate an approximate stature of 154,7 ses have demonstrated the absence of ring pattern. It differentiated itself from to 156,5 for burial 5 and of 158,5 to most bones (59%). Among the few the others, both female and male ones. 160,0 for burial 1, both female. Regar- long bones fragments found, we have Burial 5, besides the wearing, was the ding the male individuals we obtained, verified marks of sectioning. This bu- only one to present a cavity. At burial approximately, a stature of 167,3 (bu- rial corresponds to a female individual, 4b a wearing, due to pressure at the rial 2) to 170,3 (burial 4a). Up to the showing a pattern of dental wearing vestibular face of the central and left la- present moment, the burial analyses totally distinct from the rest of the teral upper incisors, probably caused by have been centered on the funerary exhumed individuals of the site. In the use of an adornment, was observed. structures that presented alterations the same excavated rectangle of bu- Excepting burial 9, we could verify that (with atypical characteristics) and in rial 9, two other spots of black earth, the two male individuals presented a the human bone material that was presenting human bones, were found. slightly more accentuated wearing than scattered through the excavated area One of the spots corresponded to two the other female individuals. and in the bonfires. feet in anatomical connection and the Regarding the direction of the den- Although burial 2 presented a high other one to disjointed feet bones. tal wearing of the male individuals we degree of disturbance, we have obser- Burial 10, corresponding to a child have noticed the predominance of the ved articulation of cervical vertebras, as between 1 to 3 years of age, presented oblique type for the upper incisors and well as of the left humerous, radius and only 6% of its skeleton, being this part canine teeth. The buccal-lingual and ulna. Besides those, there were skull of the vertebral column, a left arm and distal-mesial directions standing out. At fragments, some thoracic vertebras and the pelvis. This one was the only child the inferior dental arch there is not a bones from the right arm. The anato- burial without adornments. predominance of a specific type.

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In the female individuals we have Analysis of the bone fragments to a temperature higher than 200 ºC, noticed a predominance of the oblique Taking into account the fact that we noticed that some were still covered type for the upper incisors and canine most burials were associated to bonfi- by soft tissue (20%), while the majority, teeth, especially in the buccal-lingual res and that this practice could be re- when exposed to the fire, had already direction (37%), whereas regarding lated to the funerary ritual, this could lost its muscular tissue. the molars there is a predominance of be the reason behind some of the calci- The marks of sectioning happened the round type (22,5%). At the lower ned bones. Besides, new burials disturb in calcined bone fragments, but only female dental arches the oblique type burials from previous occupants, thus in 3,2% of the fragments. In layer I, prevails. We have here a higher rate exposing dry bones to the heat of those this marks were present in 4,5% of the of the mesial-distal (40%) and of the structures of combustion. On the other calcined bone fragments, and in layer distal-mesial (22,5%) directions for the hand, such evidence as incomplete bu- II in only 2,3%. We should point out incisors and the canine teeth, and of the rials and funerary structures of some that the marks of sectioning in calci- lingual-buccal (22,5%) for the molars. feet, determined the necessity of a de- ned fauna bone fragments were also We should point out the singular tailed analysis of several scattered bone observed. characteristics of burial 9’s dental we- fragments of layers II and I. aring, not only due to its degree, but Besides the funerary structures, Conclusion also because of the predominance of 778 human bone fragments, scatte- the oblique buccal-lingual type for all In view of the differences found, it red through the excavated area, have seems probable that we have here two the upper teeth. There, the wearing been collected, as well as human teeth, goes up to the tooth base at the lingual distinct populations. The dental cha- adornments, fauna and ceramics. The racteristics demonstrate the presence surface. On the other hand, we have analyses of the scattered human bone observed, at the lower teeth, the obli- of horticulture populations and indi- material aimed at an evaluation of its viduals of hunters and gatherers popu- que mesial-distal type for the incisors degree of fragmentation, in order to and the canine teeth, and the lingual- lations. Regarding the latter, they do identify the characteristics related to not correspond to a single population, buccal type for the molars, also going the exposition to the fire, to possible down to the tooth base. since burial 9 presents a differentiated marks of sectioning and to the action of wearing pattern. In sum, we have observed three den- cutting the meat off from the bones. The type of teeth wearing from this tal patterns among these individuals: re- Only burial 9, from all the incom- asonable wearing and presence of cavity burial should probably be correlated to plete burials, presented marks of sec- pointing out to a higher consumption distinct cultural practices, related either tioning at the humerous (left and right) of carbohydrates (possible horticulture) to the production of handicrafts or to and at the right ulna fragments. At all associated with hunting and gathering food preparation. The use of palm the other burials, the analyses of the activities; reasonable wearing without fruits by several indigenous popula- fragments did not reveal specific ma- 8 cavities, usually associated with hunting tions could be one of the determinant rks pointing out to the use of a cutting and gathering activities and the use of elements connected to this type of te- object. adornments; and a very accentuated we- eth wearing. aring, essentially at the lingual surface Human bone and fauna fragments, We should also point out that the of the upper teeth and at the vestibular artifacts and adornments, found scatte- material remains that were recorded surface of the lower teeth, also pointing red through the site, have been present from the site belong to the cultural out to a subsistence based on hunting since layer I, becoming denser in layer practices of several groups from the and gathering activities and on the con- II. Taking into account the fact that Pantanal region. The use of wooden sumption of some kind of fibrous, abra- only the bones that have been expo- lip adornments and adornments stud sive food and/or possible production of sed to a degree higher than 200 ºC do with small disks made of mollusks were handicraft with fibers. We have noticed present visible modifications, we verify common among several indigenous 9 that the kind of wearing, which was that 29,5% of the bone fragments have groups of the Alto Paraguai. revealed in burial 9, presents similarities been exposed to temperatures between Evidence such as buried feet and in- to the one found at the monkey’s teeth 300 ºC and 600 ºC. There is not any dividuals represented just by parts of used as an adornment, something that material that has been exposed to hi- their bodies could be related to possible leads to the supposition of a preference gher temperatures. rituals to which enemies were submit- for some kind of fruit also highly con- Regarding the types of fractures of ted. Burial 9 is very characteristic, sho- sumed by these animals. the bones, which have been exposed wing this difference in the treatment

158 RHAA 8 Traduções/Translations of a dead person. Besides the missing own occupants. The practice of aerial found ethno-historical studies about anatomical unities, some fragments of burials in circular holes exposing the the indigenous peoples that inhabited long bones present marks of sectioning. head or in very shallow holes11 is one the Pantanal area. Anyway, the collec- The presence of human bones cut in of the burial practices recorded among ted data show the relevance of studying sections and necklaces made of human the populations of Pantanal that would bone evidence and the importance of teeth add up to reinforce the supposi- result in the exposition of the bones. pursuing the archaeological research in tion that these practices were related We should also notice the existence of the Mato Grosso site.13 to constant conflicts among several distinct funerary practices carried out groups from Pantanal and that were for deaths suspected to have been pro- Acknowledgment recorded by Cabeza de Vaca (1987). voked by witchcraft, where the bodies The use of heads from enemies or were covered by straw and burned or The authors would like to thank their scalps as war trophies was a com- were mutilated and buried in holes.12 Eduardo Mariani Bittencourt and the BBM-MT Agropecuária Ltda., respon- mon practice among the populations of The archaeological evidence here sible for financing the salvage research Pantanal. Also common was the use of presented does not allow us, yet, to 10 carried out at Jatobá Aterro. artifacts made from their bones. appraise in a more extensive way the Nevertheless, not all bone fragments funerary practices of the studied site. would be related to war practices but It is necessary to have research done in Translation: Cristina Kormikiari to the burial procedures of the site’s untouched sites and also to make pro- Revision: Pedro Paulo Funari

1 FUNARI, P.P.A. & OLIVEIRA, N.V. 2000 1985. HOLOK, P. “Cremated bones: a medi- 11 CARVALHO, S.M.S. Chaco: encruzilhada de Arqueologia em Mato Grosso. Primeira Versão, cal anthropological study of an archaeological povos e “melting pot” cultural, suas relações IFCH/UNICAMP. material on cremation burials”. Antropologiske com a bacia do Paraná e o Sul mato-grossense. 2 Laboratório de Vidros e Datação, Faculdade Skriffer, 1, Oslo, Anatomical Institute. 1986. In: Cunha, M.C., História dos Índios no Brasil, de Tecnologia de São Paulo/UNESP. 6 Op. cit. 1998, 457-474. 12 7 Idem, ibidem, 329-330. 3 UBELAKER, D. Human Skeletal Remains: Ex- CULLEN, T. & COOK, D.C. 1990 Mesolithic cavation, Analysis, Interpretation. Washington, Cremation at Franchthi Cave, Greece.Evi- 13 Além da bibliografia referenciada ao longo do Smithsoniam Institution, 1978. PEREIRA, dence and Implications. Annual Meetings of the texto, ver também: ANDREW, P. & COOK, J. C.B. & ALVIM, M.C.M. Manual para estudos Archaeological Institute of America. San Francisco. Natural modifications to bones in a temperate craniométricos e cranioscópicos. Santa Maria, Im- 8 OLIVEIRA, J.E. 1996 Guató. Argonautas do setting. Man, 20(4): 675-691. 1985. JONES, S. prensa Universitária, 1978. Pantanal. Porto Alegre, EDIPUCRS. The Archaeology of Ethnicity. Constructing identities in the past and present. London, Routledge. 1997. 4 9 TURNER, C. & MORRIS, N.T. A massacre at MÉTRAUX, A. 1946 Ethnografy of the OLIVEIRA, J.E. Acuri, a palmeira dos índios Hopi. American Antiquity, 1970, 35:320-31. Chaco. In: Steward (ed.), Handbook of South Guató: uma perspectiva arqueológica. Ciu- 5 SHIPMAN,P.; WALKER, A. & BICHELL, D. American Indians, Washington, 245-277. dad Virtual de Antropología y Arqueología, 2000, The human skeleton. Harvard University Press, 10 Idem, ibidem, 315. w.w.w.naya.org.ar/articulos/arqueo04.

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