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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
295 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA and the ROMAN EMPIRE
EMANUELA BORGIA, CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 ISSN 2082-5951 DOI 10.14746/seg.2017.16.15 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE: REFLECTIONS ON PROVINCIA CILICIA AND ITS ROMANISATION Abstract This paper aims at the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long (from the 1st century BC to 72 AD) and complicated by various events. Firstly, it will focus on a more precise determination of the geographic limits of the region, which are not clear and quite ambiguous in the ancient sources. Secondly, the author will thoroughly analyze the formation of the province itself and its progressive Romanization. Finally, political organization of Cilicia within the Roman empire in its different forms throughout time will be taken into account. Key words Cilicia, provincia Cilicia, Roman empire, Romanization, client kings 295 STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 · ROME AND THE PROVINCES Quos timuit superat, quos superavit amat (Rut. Nam., De Reditu suo, I, 72) This paper attempts a systematic approach to the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long and characterized by a complicated sequence of historical and political events. The main question is formulated drawing on – though in a different geographic context – the words of G. Alföldy1: can we consider Cilicia a „typical” province of the Roman empire and how can we determine the peculiarities of this province? Moreover, always recalling a point emphasized by G. Alföldy, we have to take into account that, in order to understand the characteristics of a province, it is fundamental to appreciate its level of Romanization and its importance within the empire from the economic, political, military and cultural points of view2. -
ROMAN EMPERORS in POPULAR JARGON: SEARCHING for CONTEMPORARY NICKNAMES (1)1 by CHRISTER BRUUN
ROMAN EMPERORS IN POPULAR JARGON: SEARCHING FOR CONTEMPORARY NICKNAMES (1)1 By CHRISTER BRUUN Popular culture and opposite views of the emperor How was the reigning Emperor regarded by his subjects, above all by the common people? As is well known, genuine popular sentiments and feelings in antiquity are not easy to uncover. This is why I shall start with a quote from a recent work by Tessa Watt on English 16th-century 'popular culture': "There are undoubtedly certain sources which can bring us closer to ordinary people as cultural 'creators' rather than as creative 'consumers'. Historians are paying increasing attention to records of slanderous rhymes, skimmingtons and other ritualized protests of festivities which show people using established symbols in a resourceful way.,,2 The ancient historian cannot use the same kind of sources, for instance large numbers of cheap prints, as the early modern historian can. 3 But we should try to identify related forms of 'popular culture'. The question of the Roman Emperor's popularity might appear to be a moot one in some people's view. Someone could argue that in a highly 1 TIlls study contains a reworking of only part of my presentation at the workshop in Rome. For reasons of space, only Part (I) of the material can be presented and discussed here, while Part (IT) (' Imperial Nicknames in the Histaria Augusta') and Part (III) (,Late-antique Imperial Nicknames') will be published separately. These two chapters contain issues different from those discussed here, which makes it feasible to create the di vision. The nicknames in the Histaria Augusta are largely literary inventions (but that work does contain fragments from Marius Maximus' imperial biographies, see now AR. -
The Cultural Creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2017 The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula. Erin Leigh Wotring University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Gender Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Wotring, Erin Leigh, "The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula." (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2691. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2691 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts in History Department of History University of Louisville Louisville, KY May, 2017 Copyright 2017 by Erin Leigh Wotring All rights reserved THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Approved on April 14, 2017 by the following Thesis Committee: Dr. Jennifer Westerfeld, Director Dr. Blake Beattie Dr. Carmen Hardin ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr. -
Bullard Eva 2013 MA.Pdf
Marcomannia in the making. by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Greek and Roman Studies Eva Bullard 2013 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee Marcomannia in the making by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 Supervisory Committee Dr. John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member During the last stages of the Marcommani Wars in the late second century A.D., Roman literary sources recorded that the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius was planning to annex the Germanic territory of the Marcomannic and Quadic tribes. This work will propose that Marcus Aurelius was going to create a province called Marcomannia. The thesis will be supported by archaeological data originating from excavations in the Roman installation at Mušov, Moravia, Czech Republic. The investigation will examine the history of the non-Roman region beyond the northern Danubian frontier, the character of Roman occupation and creation of other Roman provinces on the Danube, and consult primary sources and modern research on the topic of Roman expansion and empire building during the principate. iv Table of Contents Supervisory Committee ..................................................................................................... -
The Ancient Roman Empire and the British Empire in India the Diffusion of Roman and English Law Throughout the World
The Ancient Roman Empire and the British Empire in India The Diffusion of Roman and English Law throughout the World TWO HISTORICAL STUDIES JAMES BRYCE Author of "The Holy Roman Empire," "The American Commonwealth," etc HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON. EDINBURGH, GLASGOW. NEW YORK TORONTO, MELBOURNE, BOMBAY 1914 PREFACE THESEtwo Essays appeared, along with a number of others bearing upon cognate historical and legal topics, in two volumes entitled Studies i~ History and Juris- prudence which I published some years ago. As it is now thought that they may have an interest for some readers, and especially for students of Indian history, who may not care to procure those volumes, they are now issued separately. Co$yrrght, 1914 Both Essays have been revised throughout and brought BY OXFORDUNIVERSITY PRESS up to date by the insertion of the figures of the latest AMERICAN BRANCH census of India and by references to recent legislation. They do not, however, touch upon any questions of cur- rent Indian or English politics, for a discussion of these must needs involve matter of a controversial nature and might distract the reader's attention from those broad concl~~sionsupon which historical students and impartial observers of India as it stands to-day are pretty gener- ally agreed. It is a pleasure to me to acknowledge and express my gratitude for the help which I have received in the work of revision from one of my oldest and most valued friends, Sir Courtenay Ilbert, G.C.B., formerly Legal Menlber of the Viceroy's Council in India and now Clerk of the House of Commons. -
Handout Name Yourself Like a Roman (CLAS 160)
NAME YOURSELF LIKE A ROMAN Choose Your Gender 0 Roman naming conventions differed for men and women, and the Romans didn’t conceive of other options or categories (at least for naming purposes!). For viri (men): Choose Your Praenomen (“first name”) 1 This is your personal name, just like modern American first names: Michael, Jonathan, Jason, etc. The Romans used a very limited number of first names and tended to be very conservative about them, reusing the same small number of names within families. In the Roman Republic, your major options are: Some of these names (Quintus, Sextus, • Appius • Manius • Servius Septimus, etc.) clearly originally referred • Aulus • Marcus • Sextus to birth order: Fifth, Sixth, Seventh. Others are related to important aspects of • Decimus • Numerius • Spurius Roman culture: the name Marcus probably • Gaius • Postumus • Statius comes from the god Mars and Tiberius from the river Tiber. Other are mysterious. • Gnaeus • Publius • Tiberius But over time, these names lost their • Lucius • Quintus • Titus original significance and became hereditary, with sons named after their • Mamercus • Septimus • Vibius father or another male relative. Choose Your Nomen (“family name”) 2 Your second name identifies you by gens: family or clan, much like our modern American last name. While praenomina vary between members of the same family, the nomen is consistent. Some famous nomina include Claudius, Cornelius, Fabius, Flavius, Julius, Junius, and Valerius. Side note: if an enslaved person was freed or a foreigner was granted citizenship, they were technically adopted into the family of their “patron,” and so received his nomen as well. De Boer 2020 OPTIONAL: Choose Your Cognomen (“nickname”) Many Romans had just a praenomen and a nomen, and it was customary and polite to address a 3 person by this combo (as in “hello, Marcus Tullius, how are you today?” “I am well, Gaius Julius, and you?”). -
On the Dual Office of Procurator and Prefect Richard Carrier, Ph.D
On the Dual Office of Procurator and Prefect Richard Carrier, Ph.D. © 2012 This brief paper summarizes the evidence and scholarship backing my analysis in Herod the Procurator, pp. 34-35 (in context, pp. 29-36), which shows that from the time of Pontius Pilate to the time of Tacitus, equestrian governors of Roman provinces were both prefects and procurators. The common practice throughout the early Roman Empire was not to defy estab- lished constitutional offices by creating new ones or radically changing their pow- ers, but by accumulating offices and thus accumulating the powers already consti- tutionally provided. This is how the principate (the office of “emperor”) was cre- ated: in terms of legal authority it was not a new office, but an accumulation of ex- isting offices (tribune, censor, consul, proconsul, princeps senatus, various priest- hoods, and so forth), which traditionally were not held by the same one person. (And then these offices were subject to minor tweaks over time that just stretched the constitution ever more slightly.) Likewise all other changes in legal authority under the empire were accom- plished by using constitutional offices in similarly novel ways. This is why procu- rators were empowered not by just “giving them” constitutional powers, but by ap- pointing them to offices that already held those constitutional powers. This is how emperors avoided the appearance of being a dictator just “tossing out” the constitu- tion, but could claim instead to be someone who respects and thus is preserving the constitution and is just using it to its maximum potential “for the good of the em- pire.” This is precisely why Augustus did not simply claim supreme power (a per- petual dictatorship) as Julius Caesar did, but instead gave himself supreme power constitutionally by stacking up offices upon himself. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses A study of the client kings in the early Roman period Everatt, J. D. How to cite: Everatt, J. D. (1972) A study of the client kings in the early Roman period, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10140/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk .UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM Department of Classics .A STUDY OF THE CLIENT KINSS IN THE EARLY ROMAN EMPIRE J_. D. EVERATT M.A. Thesis, 1972. M.A. Thesis Abstract. J. D. Everatt, B.A. Hatfield College. A Study of the Client Kings in the early Roman Empire When the city-state of Rome began to exert her influence throughout the Mediterranean, the ruling classes developed friendships and alliances with the rulers of the various kingdoms with whom contact was made. -
Roman Lead Sealings
Roman Lead Sealings VOLUME I MICHAEL CHARLES WILLIAM STILL SUBMITTED FOR TIlE DEGREE OF PILD. SEPTEMBER 1995 UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY (L n") '3 1. ABSTRACT This thesis is based on a catalogue of c. 1800 records, covering over 2000 examples of Roman lead sealings, many previously unpublished. The catalogue is provided with indices of inscriptions and of anepigraphic designs, and subsidiary indices of places, military units, private individuals and emperors mentioned on the scalings. The main part of the thesis commences with a history of the use of lead sealings outside of the Roman period, which is followed by a new typology (the first since c.1900) which puts special emphasis on the use of form as a guide to dating. The next group of chapters examine the evidence for use of the different categories of scalings, i.e. Imperial, Official, Taxation, Provincial, Civic, Military and Miscellaneous. This includes evidence from impressions, form, texture of reverse, association with findspot and any literary references which may help. The next chapter compares distances travelled by similar scalings and looks at the widespread distribution of identical scalings of which the origin is unknown. The first statistical chapter covers imperial sealings. These can be assigned to certain periods and can thus be subjected to the type of analysis usually reserved for coins. The second statistical chapter looks at the division of categories of scalings within each province. The scalings in each category within each province are calculated as percentages of the provincial total and are then compared with an adjusted percentage for that category in the whole of the empire. -
Brogitaros and the Pessinus-Affair Some Considerations on the Galatian Background of Cicero’S Lampoon Against Clodius in 56 BC (Harusp
GEPHYRA 15, 2018, 119-133 Brogitaros and the Pessinus-Affair Some Considerations on the Galatian Background of Cicero’s Lampoon against Clodius in 56 BC (Harusp. Resp. 27–29) Altay COŞKUN I. The Romanness of Our Perspective on Ancient Pessinus The sanctuary of Kybele Agdistis in Pessinus is considered to be one of the most famous of ancient Anatolia, if not the ancient world at large. Most recent research is, however, increasingly skeptical of its alleged Phrygian past, or at least of any renown that the cult place might have enjoyed beyond the narrow confines of the Gallos Valley so early in time. Scholars are thus ever more inclined to take seriously the lateness of the material, literary and epigraphic evidence. Some of them now believe that the foundation of the so-called temple state may well have happened as late as the 3rd century. I have suggested elsewhere that we should put more trust in Strabo’s brief account on Pessinus, because he seems to be hitting the nail when he claims: “Famous has the sanctuary been made by the Romans, when they sent for the statue of the throned goddess (aphidryma) from there, following the oracles of the Sibyl, just as in the case of the statue of Asklepios at Epidauros.”1 The reference to the aphidry- ma is certainly anachronistic, for we know that the Roman ambassadors brought home an aniconic meteorite (baitylos) in 205/4 BC.2 This concession notwithstanding, the main allegation is still con- sistent with the rest of Strabo’s report, namely that the architectural splendor of Pessinus was owed to the Attalid kings, and that the humble remains of a great Phrygian past have to be sought outside the Gallos Valley on the banks of the Sangarios River.3 Assoc. -
The End of Local Magistrates in the Roman Empire
The end of local magistrates in the Roman Empire Leonard A. CURCHIN University of Waterloo, Canadá [email protected] Recibido: 15 de julio de 2013 Aceptado: 10 de diciembre de 2013 ABSTRACT Previous studies of the status of local magistrates in the Late Empire are unsatisfying and fail to explain when and why local magistracies ended. With the aid of legal, epigraphic, papyrological and literary sources, the author re-examines the functions and chronology of both regular and quasi-magistrates, among them the curator, defensor and pater civitatis. He finds that the expense of office-holding was only part of the reason for the extinction of regular magistracies. More critical was the failure of local magistrates to control finances and protect the plebeians. Key words: Cursus honorum. Late Roman Empire. Roman administration. Roman cities. Roman gov- ernment. Roman magistrates. El fin de los magistrados locales en el Imperio romano RESUMEN Los estudios previos relativos a la condición de los magistrados locales durante el Bajo Imperio son poco satisfactorios, porque dejan sin aclarar cuándo y cómo se extinguieron las magistraturas locales. Con ayuda de fuentes jurídicas, epigráficas, papirológicas y literarias, el autor examina de nuevo las funciones y la cronología de magistrados regulares y cuasi-magistrados, como el curator, el defensor y el pater civitatis. Se considera que los gastos aparejados a los cargos públicos explican sólo en parte la extinción de las magistraturas regulares; más crucial fue, en este sentido, el hecho de que los magistra- dos locales de este período fallasen a la hora de restringir los gastos o de proteger a los plebeyos.