Annual Report 2014 Annual Report 2014

ANNUAL REPORT 2014 ANNUAL REPORT 2014

FOREWORD BY ANTÓNIO VITORINO

2014 proved to be an especially stimulating year both for the European Union and for our think tank.

The financial, economic and social crisis that has struck the EU continued to have a negative impact on most of the member states while triggering numerous debates and a great deal of tension, particularly with regard to the proper balance between austerity and growth. The clashes in Ukraine and in the Arab world reminded the Europeans, bogged down in the “euro area crisis”, that they are living in a rapidly changing world in which strength lies increasingly in unity. The European elections on 22-25 May 2014 saw the pro-European parties win the day again, but at the same time they showed a major breakthrough for the eurosceptic and europho- bic forces.

That is the context in which we pursued a full work programme reflecting Europe’s agenda, initially turning to the citizens called to the ballot booth in May 2014 and subsequently targeting the Union’s new decision- makers. Our work addressed in particular the political and institutional issues raised by the European elections, the organisation of the Commission, the free movement of people, the European energy community, the governance of the Economic and Monetary Union, European commercial policy and the EU in the context of the globalisation process. The first part of this report provides an overview of our work as a whole, which I would encourage you to explore in greater depth by visiting our website www.delorsinstitute.eu

The second part of the report outlines the excellent results that we achieved in 2014 in terms of gaining a higher profile in conferences and seminars as well as in the media and on the social networks; it discusses developments and changes in our team and our boards, and it illustrates the manner in which we have used the resources placed at our disposal at this particularly difficult time, for which I would like to express my sincere gratitude to our partners and contributors.

In order to complete all of our projects successfully, we have been able to rely on the invaluable presence and contribution of our founding president Jacques Delors and of our President emeritus Pascal Lamy. I would like to take this opportunity to thank them, as I would like to thank our director, Yves Bertoncini, the director of the branch office we have opened in Germany, Henrik Enderlein, and their teams as a whole for their commit- ment and dynamism.

I hope that you enjoy reading this report and that it will make you want to delve even further into our analyses and recommendations throughout the current year, and to encourage us in our actions directed at Europe’s new decision-makers and at the general public in France, in Germany and throughout the EU.

António Vitorino President of the Jacques Delors Institute

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A FEW KEY FACTS AND FIGURES FOR 2014

• 86 publications in English and French, comprising 26 Tribunes, 17 Policy papers, 4 Studies & Reports and 39 Syntheses addressing the political and party-political issues in the European elections, the organisation of the new Commission, European Council meetings, Economic and Monetary Union, the globalisation process and much more. • 74 events hosted or co-hosted in 10 countries in the EU (Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain and Sweden) devoted in particular to the crisis in the euro area, employment, democracy and the European public space; the events included the organisation of fully “37 citizen dialogues” allowing us to hold an exchange of views with lay audiences in 6 different countries. • 146 interventions in conferences and seminars in 21 countries, 11 of which in the EU and 10 outside the EU, addressing in particular such issues as global governance, the balance of forces in Europe, cohesion policy, social Europe, the European energy community, the “TTIP” and much more. • Almost 400 appearances in the media in 35 countries, 22 of which in the EU and 13 outside the EU, addressing in particular the European elections, the free movement of people, the crisis in the euro area, support for growth, the “TTIP” and a great deal more. • More than 220,000 unique visitors and more than 300,000 visitors to our website www.delorsinstitute.eu (data supplied by “Google Analytics”). • More than 7,000 fans on Facebook, which put us in the top 3 most-liked think tanks devoted to EU issues on this social network. • More than 15,000 hits on videos posted on our YouTube channel and 300,000 hits for the video we commissioned ahead of the European elections, entitled “Bengui at the European Parliament”. • Publications downloaded more than 200,000 times and more than 30,000 disseminated in hardcopy in 2014. • We opened a branch in Germany, the Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin, in partnership with the Hertie School of Governance, and launched publications and events in German. • We won the European Initiative Prize for 2014 for a study entitled “Faces on divides: the May 2014 European elections”, drafted by Yves Bertoncini and Thierry Chopin (in partnership with the Robert Schuman Foundation).

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

FOREWORD BY ANTÓNIO VITORINO 2

A FEW KEY FACTS AND FIGURES FOR 2014 3

1. Our Activities in 2014 6

1.1. Political Union: Time To Decide 7

1.1.1. Electoral Choices and European Democracy 7

1.1.2. European Political Union: Current Situation and Future Prospects 8

1.1.3. Our Citizen Dialogues 9

1.1.4. The Area of Free Movement and of Security 10

1.1.5. Other Projects Relating to the Political, Institutional and Citizen Dimensions 11

1.2. Strengthening the European Economic and Social Community 12

1.2.1. Heading Towards a Fiscal, Economic and Banking Union 12

1.2.2. What Prospects for “Social Europe”? 13

1.2.3. Heading Towards a “European Energy Community” 14

1.2.4. Other Projects Regarding the Economic, Social and Territorial Dimensions 15

1.3. Heading Towards New Common External Action 16

1.3.1. An Ambitious External Action Agenda 16

1.3.2. The EU’s Commercial Policy Faces New Challenges 17

1.3.3. Other Projects Regarding the International Dimension 18

2. Our Operations in 2014 19

2.1. Our Profile in 2014 19

2.1.1. Our Highest-Profile Publications 20

2.1.2. The Jacques Delors Institute at Conferences and Seminars 21

2.1.3. The Jacques Delors Institute in the Media 22

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2.1.4. The Jacques Delors Institute on the Web 24

2.2. Our Team and Our Governing Bodies 26

2.2.1. Our Team 26

2.2.2. Our Board of Trustees 28

2.2.3. Our Board of Directors 28

2.2.4. Our European Steering Committee 30

2.3. Our Funding in 2014 32

2.3.1. Our Resources and Partners 32

2.3.2. Our Expenditure 33

2.3.3. Our Financial Report 35

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1. Our Activities in 2014

Throughout 2014 we worked closely, as indeed have always done, with the national and Community decision-makers tasked with handling the most important European issues, in order both to enlighten their decisions and to influence the setting of their agenda. We also made an effort to take part in the public debate on the EU in order to respond to the questions it raises while also taking into due consideration the wishes voiced by its citizens.

We produced 86 publications, including 26 Tribunes, 17 Policy Papers, 4 Studies & Reports and 39 Syntheses. All of these publications were disseminated free of charge in French and in English through our website and our social networks, by e-mail and through the regular post, not to mention at our events (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Publications”).

We organised or co-organised 74 events (conferences, presentations with debate and select small-scale seminars) in 10 EU countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain and Sweden (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Events”).

Our members were regularly invited to address conferences hosted by other institutions and organisations in their capacity as experts, taking part in 146 events in 21 countries, both within the EU (Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom) and outside it (Bahrain, Canada, China, Korea, Malaysia, Morocco, Singapore, Switzerland, Turkey and the United States) (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Events”).

We intervened on a large scale in the European and international media, which allowed us to add value to our work and to adopt a stance in the most important current debates. All in all, almost 400 appearances by our presidents, governing bodies, directors and team were recorded in the various media in 35 countries (in France, in the EU countries and beyond) in 2014 (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Medias”).

Our work developed along three major axes: “the European Union and its Citizens”, “Competition, Cooperation and Solidarity,” and “European External Action”, generating the main activities developed by our offices in Paris and Berlin and illustrated in greater detail below.

Our work will continue throughout 2015 in an effort to remain in tune with the European decision-making agenda and with ongoing and emerging political debates, reflecting the work programme approved by our Board of Directors (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Themes of our work”).

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1.1. Political Union: Time To Decide

The intense debating sparked by the European elections in May 2014, those elections’ results and their impact all prompted us to strengthen our efforts linked to the issue of European political union, whether they con- cerned the electorates’ choices, the development of the European Federation of Nation States, the functioning of the Community institutions, dialogue with its citizens or the European area of free movement.

1.1.1. Electoral Choices and European Democracy

The campaign ahead of the European elections on 22-25 May 2014 prompted us to highlight the chief political and party-political divides at work at the national and Community levels, and to adopt positions with regard to the major challenges facing the European Union.

Electoral Choices and European Democracy 10 main activities in 2014 • “The EU needs a fresh boost... Fast!”, the declaration of our 2014 European Steering Committee in Le Figaro, 20 December • “Euroscepticism or Europhobia: voice vs. exit?”, Yves Bertoncini and Nicole Koenig, Policy paper No.121, November • Brussels, 4 December, “The European electoral law reform: looking for clarity?”, Yves Bertoncini, hearing at the European Parliament • “The Juncker Commission: what party balances?”, article by Yves Bertoncini on HuffingtonPost.fr, 22 October • Yves Bertoncini invited by France 24 to analyse the setting of the new Commission, October • “Post-election EU: Ask for the programme!”, Jacques Delors et António Vitorino, Tribune, June • Paris, 5 June, “Results of the May 2014 European elections”, conference organised in partnership with the Maison de l’Europe de Paris • “Report on the votes of MEPs elected in Ile-de-France 2009-2014”, by Yves Bertoncini, Thierry Chopin, Lucie Marnas, Claire Versini and Virginie Timmerman, analysed on France3 Paris Ile-de-France, 19 May • “Europe: union is an opportunity and a struggle!”, Jacques Delors, António Vitorino, Yves Bertoncini and our Board of directors, Tribune, May • “Faces on divides: the May 2014 European elections”, Yves Bertoncini and Thierry Chopin, foreword by Julian Priestley, Studies & Reports No.104, in partnership with the Robert Schuman Foundation, April For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading ”European Democracy”

TRIBUNE VIEWPOINT 24 JUNE 2014 "NEW DECISION-MAKERS, NEW CHALLENGES" POST-ELECTION EU: ASK FOR THE PROGRAMME! Jacques Delors | founding president of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

António Vitorino | president of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

W hile numerous debates are focused on the identity of the main European decision-makers for the 2014- 2019 period, it is essential to specify the political directions that the EU is called upon to pursue after the European elections of 22-25 May. Jacques Delors and António Vitorino take a stand. FACES ON DIVIDES This Tribune was also published on the websites of the Huffington Post and of EurActiv.com, in Corriere della sera and in a shorter version in Handelsblatt. THE MAY 2014 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS

While numerous debates are focused on the iden- as for pan-European infrastructure in the fields of tity of the main European decision-makers for the energy, the environment and communication. The EU Yves Bertoncini and Thierry Chopin 2014-2019 period, it is essential to specify the political budget, the European Investment Bank, project bonds, directions that the EU is called upon to pursue after national and joint funding: all these available tools Foreword by Julian Priestley the European elections of 22-25 May. Such clarifica- must now be mobilised on a massive scale in order tion of its programme is all the more necessary as the to illustrate more clearly concrete European support appointment of the president of the Commission towards reviving economies and therefore towards must receive the support of a qualified majority of growth and employment. European Council members and the approval of a Other symbolic initiatives should also be imple- majority coalition at the European Parliament. In this mented, starting with banking union, which will better regard, three main political directions seem to have prevent the excesses of the financial sector and bolster emerged, based on the partisan balance of power the funding of the real economy, especially for SMEs. established by European voters, and they share a com- The EU should also intensify its efforts to fight tax eva- mon point, that of promoting EU action that is both sion and fraud, without which the austerity efforts of clearer and capable of producing conclusive results, states and citizens appear to be intolerable. Lastly, the both at the EU and euro area levels. EU should complete Economic and Monetary Union, particularly by clarifying the sharing of responsi- 1. From Europe of the Troika to Europe of the triptych: bilities between Brussels and member states, by “competition that stimulates, cooperation creating a “Convergence Fund” providing states that strengthens, solidarity that unites” with financial support for structural reforms and an insurance mechanism to prevent cyclical differences The “Growth Pact” adopted in June 2012 laid the within the euro area, and by encouraging the issuance foundations for the “Great Bargain” that needs to be of eurobonds. strengthened, and that combines national structural reforms, the opening up of national and European mar- 2. From introverted Europe to APRIL 2014 kets, but also financial interventions by the EU. the EU within globalisation The EU of the upcoming semesters is capable of extending the rebalancing between “stringency and The EU is emerging from a parliamentary term growth” made possible by the adjustment efforts and marked by the euro area crisis, which highlighted the reforms achieved over the past years: “stringency for dissent between member states and citizens but also the states, growth for Europe” as advised by Tommaso mobilised all the energy of its decision-maker, to the Padoa-Schioppa! This implies an intelligent appli- detriment of the challenges of the “Greater Europe”. cation of the “Fiscal Compact”, in line with the eco- The Russia-Ukraine and Syrian crises alone recall the

nomic cycle and preserving spending in the future. need for Europeans to commit further at interna- STUDIES & REPORTS This also implies increasing European funding ear- tional level, in order to meet the numerous challenges 104 marked for research, training and innovation, as well

1 “Faces on divides: the May 2014 European elections”, “Post-election EU: Ask for the programme!”, Yves Bertoncini and Thierry Chopin, Studies & Reports No.104, Jacques Delors et António Vitorino, Tribune, June in partnership with the Robert Schuman Foundation, April

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1.1.2. European Political Union: Current Situation and Future Prospects

The renewal of the European institutions sparked an increase in the debate surrounding the governance of the European Union with regard both to the shareout of powers among the players and to the power relations between the EU and its member states, and thus our activities in 2014 also addressed both these aspects.

European Political Union: Current Situation and Future Prospects 10 main activities in 2014 • Paris, 25 November, “Five years as president of the European Council: lessons and challenges”, conference/debate with Herman Van Rompuy, with the participation of Pascal Lamy and Yves Bertoncini, in partnership with Sciences Po • Rome, 5 November, “Towards a new constitutionalism”, intervention from António Vitorino at the conference “Where is Europe going?”, organised by the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei • Jacques Delors invited by France Culture on the new Commission, 27 October • Turin, 18-19 September, “What political and institutional evolutions for the EU and the EMU?”, 5th European Forum of Think Tanks, in partnership with the Centro Studi sul Federalismo • “Reforming Europe’s governance: for a more legitimate and effective federation of nation states”, Yves Bertoncini and António Vitorino, foreword by Philippe de Schoutheete, Studies & Reports No.105, September • “The Commission reform: between efficiency and legitimacy”, António Vitorino and Yves Bertoncini,Policy paper No.115, July • Yves Bertoncini on Arte to debate on the relations between the EU and the UK, 28 May • “The EU and its legislation: prison of peoples or chicken coops?”, Yves Bertoncini, Policy paper No.112, May • Interview of Yves Bertoncini in Nepszabadsag on the relations between the EU and its member states, 27 April • Paris, 19 February, “European political union and democratic control”, intervention of Yves Bertoncini at a round table on European political union and democratic control organised by the Foreign affairs committee of the French Assemblée nationale For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Headings “Federation of Nation States” and “European Institutions”

POLICY PAPER 115 7 JULY 2014 “NEW DECISION-MAKERS, NEW CHALLENGES” THE COMMISSION REFORM: BETWEEN EFFICIENCY AND LEGITIMACY Yves Bertoncini | director of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

António Vitorino | president of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute, member of the European Commission (1999-2004)

SUMMARY

1. The key political issues underlying any successful reform of the Commission • As the Commission members are not directly elected, the legitimacy of the Commission is necessarily twofold: it comes from the European Council (one commissioner par member state) as well as from the European Parliament (the MEP’s elect the president of the Commission and express a vote of consent on the college). • An effective use of the collegiality principle is needed so as to promote a broad political vision: the size of the college can make it more difficult, but it’s the president’s role to work for it. The fact to have one commissioner per member state may transform the college in a kind of “Coreper 3”, but the political profile of the commissioners is also of key importance for the dynamism of the college. • The European Parliament’s powers have been reinforced by the successive treaties, and the European Council has been seen as more legitimate in times of “crisis management”. In more “normal” times, the Commission should be more influential if well managed, especially with a new college benefiting from a new and reinforced legitimacy.

2. Some functional evolutions mainly based on the political game • The legitimacy and efficiency of the Commission first rely on the profiles of its members, whose selection is in member states hands, under the control of the European Parliament: it’s up to both of them to put the right commissioners in the right place. • The more vertical internal organisation to be established within the college should not only rely on the president’s power to structure and allocate responsibilities among its members, but also on a new use of the status of the 6 vice-presidents, chosen according to their political weight, and not to compensate the narrowness of their portfolio. • The president and vice-presidents of the Commission will coordinate the other commissioners, whose portfolio will be connected to their seven respective spheres of competence, on the basis of a “cluster system”. • The format and name of the 7 clusters to be created can vary (see proposal Appendix 1), but the key issue is to have clusters gathering commissioners acting along the same functional lines and towards the same overarching political objectives. • The collegiality principle will be fully applied and used (open political discussion versus formal endorsement of technical decisions) if votes are regularly organised during the Commission’s meetings.

3. Some legal consolidation of these functional developments • The Commission’s “internal rules of procedure” should be revised to facilitate the implementation of the cluster system, for example by giving some specific powers to the vice-presidents and by supporting a new use of “empowerment procedures” and “delegation procedures” • After having been given the power to fire the members of the college, the president of the Commission should be able to appoint the commissioners. This slight modification of the Treaty would reinforce the likelihood of having good commissioners in the right place, while giving more vertical powers to the president of the Commission. Paris, 25 November, “Five years as president of the European 1 / 14 Council: lessons and challenges”, conference/debate with Herman Van Rompuy, with the participation of Pascal Lamy “The Commission reform: between efficiency and legitimacy”, and Yves Bertoncini, in partnership with Sciences Po António Vitorino and Yves Bertoncini, Policy paper No.115, July

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1.1.3. Our Citizen Dialogues

We redoubled our effort to reach out to the man in the street in 2014 on account the European elections, which stimulated people’s interest in debating the construction of Europe and the EU’s decisions.

We organised 38 “citizen dialogues” to allow us to exchange views with lay audiences in 6 EU member states. These citizen dialogues were conducted, in particular, in the context of our partnership with the Mouvement européen – France, (in the cycle entitled “Droit d’inventaire – Droit d’inventer” [“Right of Inventory – Right to Invent”] and in the context of the pan-European “Horizon EU” project.

These citizen dialogues also mobilised social actors, in particular in the context of our cooperation agreement with the Macif. They also involved 2.0. citizens, for instance with the continuation of our “citizens’ web dialogue” initiative, and they spawned a series of video interviews designed to allow the man in the street to have his say.

We also conducted citizen dialogues in the context of events organised by other players throughout Europe, an initiative which allowed us to intervene on fully 77 occasions in 10 EU member states in the course of 2014.

Citizen Dialogues 10 main activities in 2014 • “European citizens’ involvement in the EU: national syntheses”, Synthesis within the “Horizon EU” project, December • Varsaw, 16 December, “Citizens and the EU, a new chapter?”, conference in partnership with Demos Europa • “How to communicate with the EU”, video testimonies of citizens from 18 EU countries within the “Horizon EU” project, October-December • Barcelona, 10 October, “Recover citizens trust: an impossible task for the EU?”, conference in partnership with CIDOB within the “Horizon EU” project • Paris, 1 October, “Europe in the globalisation”, conference-debate with Pascal Lamy within the partnership with the Macif • Brussels, 4-5 May, “Citizens facing the EU: what messages”, meeting with 50 EU citizens within the “Horizon EU” project • “What the French told us about the European democracy”, video testimonies of citizens met within the “Droit d’inventaire – Droit d’inventer” project (in partnership with the Mouvement européen – France), May • Saint Denis de la Réunion, 23 April, “Globalisation and employment, the challenges of the EU”, debate within the “Droit d’inventaire, droit d’inventer” project (in partnership with the Mouvement européen – France) • Citizen web dialogue, 11 April, Jerzy Buzek answers your questions on EU elections, the Ukrainian crisis, energy policy • Bucarest, 7 April, “Quo vadis Europe?”, speech by Yves Bertoncini during the opening and closing sessions of the Eurosfat forum, organised by Europuls on the European elections For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Citizen Dialogue”

Paris, 1 October, “Europe in the globalisation”, Citizens’ web dialogue, 11 April, Jerzy Buzek answers your conference-debate with Pascal Lamy with the partnership with Macif questions on EU elections, the Ukrainian crisis, energy policy

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1.1.4. The Area of Free Movement and of Security

Developments in the public debate in the United Kingdom and the referendum organised on the topic in Switzerland triggered a fiery debate within the EU on the free movement of people. We made an effort to take part in that debate by highlighting the legal and sociological aspects of freedom of movement and by defending this acquis of crucial importance in the construction of Europe.

The Area of Free Movement and of Security 10 main activities in 2014 • “Free movement of people : António Vitorino clarifies the debate”, video, 17 December • Yves Bertoncini on Sud Radio on the free movement of people in Europe, 3 October • Paris, 27 June, “Immigration and asylum: which policy for the EU?”, conference with António Vitorino • Yves Bertoncini interviewed by Sveriges Radio about freedom of movement in Europe, 20 March • Pascal Lamy on the RTS about the Swiss vote on the free movement of the European citizens, 27 February • Yves Bertoncini quoted in Jeune Afrique about the Swiss vote, 21 February • Yves Bertoncini in Europolitics about the Swiss vote on free movement, 10 February • Yves Bertoncini and António Vitorino on Euractiv.com: “EU’s free movement: Like the air that we breathe?”, 31 January • “Freedom of movement in the EU: like the air that we breathe?”, Tribune, Yves Bertoncini and António Vitorino, January • “Europe: Eastern workers”, Yves Bertoncini on France Culture about the Swiss vote on the free movement of Europeans, 17 January For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Freedom, Security, Justice”

TRIBUNE VIEWPOINT 30 JANUARY 2014 FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT IN THE EU: LIKE THE AIR THAT WE BREATHE? António Vitorino | president of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute and former European commissioner for justice and home affairs

Yves Bertoncini | director of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

T he right to complete freedom of movement granted to Bulgarian and Romanian citizens at the beginning of 2014 has sparked a debate which we need to address in both a realistic and a pro-active manner on the basis of three sets of complementary arguments. A shorter version of this Tribune has been published on EurActiv.com.

1. The right to freedom of movement is not the same addition, member states can apply certain safeguard thing as the right to unconditional settlement clauses to restrict people’s exercise of the right of access to the labour market in particularly tense sec- Established by the treaty of Rome, the right to free- tors of the economy. They can also regulate access to dom of movement enjoyed by the citizens of the EU non-contributory social services (such as universal allows those citizens to come and go without let or hin- health cover). drance in an area comprising 28 countries, without “Safeguard clauses” can also be applied in connec- any obligation other than to be carrying ID. This right tion with the implementation of the Schengen agree- makes a clear distinction between EU and non-EU citi- ment, in order to temporarily re-establish physical zens, many of whom require visas to travel to the EU control at the EU’s internal borders. These clauses and cannot settle without a work permit or a residence are typically applied during major sporting or social permit. This right, a milestone in the construction of events. Under normal circumstances, membership of Europe, is at once extremely concrete and highly sym- the Schengen area allows people to travel without hav- bolic, and at the same time it is one of the hallmarks ing to put up with waiting in the kind of long queues of membership of the EU for its citizens, especially for at borders that they have to endure, on the other hand, the younger members who consider exercising that when travelling to or from Bulgaria, Romania, Ireland right to be as natural as “the air that they breathe”. and the United Kingdom. No study, incidentally, has The right to freedom of movement, however, should ever clearly established the effectiveness of stable not be confused with a right to unconditional freedom border checkpoints in the struggle against crime com- of settlement: European citizens wishing to reside pared to the mobile spot checks conducted in all the in another country for more than three months are EU countries. obliged to prove they have sufficient resources to do so, otherwise they have no choice but to return to their 2. The right to settle is exercised in a manner that country of origin, even to the point of being expelled if is both limited and profitable for host countries necessary. And the same applies to access to national social security systems, which is possible only on con- EU member states’ populations comprised an aver- dition that it does not place an excessive burden on age of 2.6% of European residents in 2012, compared the host country, including in the case of long duration to 1.3% in 2003. The proportion ranged from 0.1% in unemployment. Poland and in Latvia to 38% in Luxembourg, France Moreover, the EU’s member states have the option coming in at 2.4% and Germany and the United of obliging new member states to wait for seven years Kingdom at somewhere between 3% and 4%. Almost after joining before granting their citizens full right two-thirds of these European residents were workers, to freedom of movement: nine EU member states while other major categories included pensioners (up (including Germany, France and the United Kingdom) to 50% of the total in France), followed by students; the chose to use the full seven-year transition period with remaining categories consisted of a minority of unem- Bulgarian and Romanian citizens, and thirteen states ployed workers and non-active members of resident have opted to do the same with Croatian citizens. In families (primarily children and women homemakers).

“Free movement of people : António Vitorino clarifies “Freedom of movement in the EU: like the air that we breathe?”, the debate”, video, 17 December Tribune, Yves Bertoncini and António Vitorino, January

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1.1.5. Other Projects Relating to the Political, Institutional and Citizen Dimensions

2014 also led us to address other projects relating to the political, institutional and citizen dimension in tune with the European decision-making agenda and with the national political debates, including the overall development of the construction of Europe, Europe’s political governance, the conditions required to emerge from the crisis and the phenomenon of regional separatism.

Other Projects Relating to the Political, Institutional and Citizen Dimensions 10 main activities in 2014 • Yves Bertoncini analyse the European Union 2014 track record on RTS, 30 December • “A dual horizon: emerging from the crisis and addressing international challenges”, António Vitorino, Tribune, October • Istanbul, 13 October, “What economic governance for what political Europe?”, speech of Yves Bertoncini during a seminar organised by the Institut du Bosphore • “The EU and referenda on independence: a leap in the dark?”, Yves Bertoncini, Tribune, September • Francfort, 3 September, “Europe matters”, speech by Yves Bertoncini during a seminar at the European Central Bank • Interview with Jacques Delors on BFM TV, “The European construction has never been a long calm river”, 20 May • Interview with Pascal Lamy in the newspaper JDD, “If you value your identity, you have to build Europe”, 12 May • Berlin, 11 March, “The future of Europe and a new social contract? German and Portuguese perspectives”, speech by António Vitorino at the 2nd Portugal – Germany Forum • Washington, 20 March, “Power balance in the European Union”, conference with Yves Bertoncini organised by the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research and the National Intelligence Council • “Europe: an ode to fear?”, Yves Bertoncini, Tribune, February For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Axis “European Union and citizens”

TRIBUNE VIEWPOINT 17 SEPTEMBER 2014 THE EU AND REFERENDA ON INDEPENDENCE: A LEAP IN THE DARK? Yves Bertoncini | director of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

T he referendum on independence for Scotland puts the EU in an unprecedented situation which is worth assessing on the basis of a series of legal, political and diplomatic considerations. Yves Bertoncini takes a stand. This Tribune has been published in the French version of the Huffington Post and on EurActiv.com.

1. The EU has no choice but to adopt a the EU can only start thinking about tailoring its rela- prudent stance with regard to “regional” tions to these member states’ new situations once their aspiration to independence structure has been profoundly changed by a procla- mation of independence, and that it cannot even start If Scotland, which as things stand today is simply a today to openly debate a “plan B” designed to cope “region” of the EU, were to proclaim its independence, with such a situation. that fact would constitute an unprecedented challenge The EU’s relatively prudent approach is doubt- for the EU, and indeed the very prospect counsels pru- less prompted by the difficulty inherent in “agreeing dence on three different counts. and accepting” a regional separatism which flies in The EEC has been confronted in the past with proc- the face of Brussels’ contention that “strength lies in lamations of independence from two territories which unity”. Even if a majority of EU leaders profess “unity belonged to a member state (Algeria in the ‘sixties and in diversity”, they naturally eye identity-related aspira- Greenland in the ‘nineties) but that independence was tions with suspicion because they consider them to be paralleled by a desire no longer to take part in the con- anachronistic in an era of globalisation which, on the struction of Europe. The referendum for independence contrary, suggests joining forces in order to acquire about to be held in Scotland, on the other hand, has greater clout in the face of such powers as China, been organised by leaders who not only wish their new Russia, the United States, Brazil and so forth. Yet those state to continue to be a part of the EU, but are indeed same EU leaders have no choice but to take on board very much in favour of the construction of Europe. the fact that aspirations to independence strike a gen- Thus if the “yes” vote were to win, this would cre- uine political chord in several EU member states and ate an unprecedented situation for the EU’s leaders, that they are expressed in a democratic manner. Thus who would have no clear jurisprudence on the basis it would be particularly tricky for them to adopt a posi- of which the EU or its member states might formulate tion in a referendum which, if nothing else, at least has their response. the merit of revealing whether a majority of the elec- Their prudence is driven also by the neutral stance torate is or is not in favour of the creation of new nation officially adopted by the EU towards its member states’ states on European soil. domestic political affairs. Article 4.2 in the Treaty on the European Union states that “the Union shall respect 2. States proclaiming their independence would the equality of member states before the Treaties as have to negotiate their membership of the EU well as their national identities, inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, inclusive The EU’s non-interference in its member states’ of regional and local self-government”. This means that domestic affairs has a logical corollary: it is the United member states arrange their domestic affairs as they Kingdom that is a member of the EU, not Scotland. see fit (Spain is regionalised, Germany and Belgium If Scotland were to opt for separation, it would be a have their own federal system, and so on) and that it brand new country that would have no guarantee of is not the EU’s place to interfere in debates relating to becoming a member of the EU, with which it would their constitutional structure, even if it were only to have to negotiate its membership. say that extremely broad internal autonomy would be These membership negotiations could take place in preferable to outright independence. It also means that parallel with those between the “newly independent

“The EU and referenda on independence: a leap in the dark?”, Interview with Jacques Delors on BFM TV, Yves Bertoncini, Tribune, September “The European construction has never been a long calm river”, 20 May

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1.2. Strengthening the European Economic and Social Community

1.2.1. Heading Towards a Fiscal, Economic and Banking Union

We continued to adopt a position on the current economic, social and political crisis and to submit proposals both for addressing the crisis and for strengthening the Economic and Monetary Union.

In particular, we continued to explore the best ways to encourage the implementation of structural reforms in the euro area and to formulate specific proposals in that connection. Four years on from the adoption of the first bail-out plan in the euro area, we also assessed the effectiveness of the economic adjustment programmes in the euro area and their impact on the economic, social and political levels.

We also played an active role in debates on the implementation of the new European economic governance, in particular by analysing the implications of the strengthening of Europe’s monitoring of national budgets. And lastly, 25 years on from the Delors Report, we reassessed the proposals contained in that Report in the light of the debates currently taking place on the Economic and Monetary Union.

Heading Towards a Fiscal, Economic and Banking Union 10 main activities in 2014 • Brussels, 7 November, “Strengthening the Economic and Monetary Union”, Henrik Enderlein conducts the debate of the round table on EMU during the Forum de l’Obs • Sofia Fernandes on RFI about the national budgets discussed in Brussels, 14 November • “Promoting structural reforms in the euro area: what for and how?”, Eulalia Rubio, Policy paper No.119, October • “National budgets and European surveillance: shedding light on the debate”, Sofia Fernandes,Policy paper No.118, October • Lisbon, 10 September, “Missing link in the EMU: economic policy coordination & structural reforms”, Eulalia Rubio chairs a panel during an expert seminar organised by the government of Portugal and the European Commission Representation • “Who calls the shots in the euro area? "Brussels" or the member states?”, Sofia Fernandes,Policy paper No.111, May • “Adjustment programmes in the euro area: mission accomplished?”, Sofia Fernandes and Thibault Paulet,Synthesis , May • Brussels, 10 April, “The implementation of "Memoranda of Understanding" in the euro area”, expert seminar co-organised with the European Economic and Social Committee • “25 years after the Delors Report: what lessons for Economic and Monetary Union?”, Henrik Enderlein and Eulalia Rubio, Policy paper No.109, April • “Completing the Economic and Monetary Union”, Sofia Fernandes,Synthesis , January For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Euro and European Governance”

POLICY PAPER 109 30. APRIL 2014 FÜNFUNDZWANZIG JAHRE NACH DEM DELORS-BERICHT: WELCHE LEHREN KÖNNEN FÜR DIE WIRTSCHAFTS- UND WÄHRUNGSUNION GEZOGEN WERDEN? Henrik Enderlein | Direktor, Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin und Professor für Politische Ökonomie, Hertie School of Governance

Eulalia Rubio | Senior Research Fellow, Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG

Im April 1989 veröffentlichte ein „Ausschuss zur Prüfung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion“ unter dem Vorsitz des damaligen Präsidenten der Europäischen Kommission, Jacques Delors, und unter Beteiligung aller zwölf Präsidenten der nationalen Zentralbanken der Europäischen Gemeinschaft einen Bericht, der die Grundlage für die heutige Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion (WWU) bildete. Der Bericht analysierte die grundlegenden Merkmale und Auswirkungen der Schaffung einer Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion und sah einen Dreistufenplan vor, der zu ihrer Verwirklichung führen sollte.

Welche Lehren können wir, im Rückblick betrachtet, fünfundzwanzig DIE WICHTIGSTE LEHRE, Jahre nach der Veröffentlichung des Delors-Berichts ziehen, zu einem DIE WIR AUS DEM BERICHT Zeitpunkt, an dem die Governance in der WWU im Kontext der tiefgrei- fenden Krise einem grundlegenden Wandel unterworfen ist? Ist der Bericht ZIEHEN KÖNNEN, IST JENE, noch immer aktuell, was die Analyse der Auswirkungen und Anforderungen DASS EINE WÄHRUNGSUNION zur Schaffung einer Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion betrifft? Inwiefern steht NICHT ALS ISOLIERTES der Inhalt des Berichts in Zusammenhang mit den Ursprüngen der Krise und ELEMENT FUNKTIONIEREN einigen der Defizite der WWU, die durch die Krise erst zutage traten? Sind die Vorschläge des Berichts auch heute noch angemessen, angesichts der Tatsache, KANN.“ dass wir nicht länger von der Annahme ausgehen können, dass alle EU-Mitglieder in absehbarer Zeit Mitglieder des Euroraumes werden?

Im vorliegenden Beitrag wollen wir etwas näher auf diese Fragen eingehen, indem wir die Vorschläge des Delors-Berichts den schlussendlichen Ergebnissen in Maastricht gegenüberstellen, und beide im Licht aktu- eller Diskussionen zur Governance in der WWU betrachten. Im Großen und Ganzen zeigt die Analyse, dass der Bericht recht hatte – sogar als Vorbote gelten kann – was das Aufzeigen gewisser Risiken betraf, die sich durch die aktuelle Krise offenbart haben, während er andere wiederum nicht vorhersah. Die wichtigste Lehre, die wir aus dem Bericht ziehen können, ist jedoch jene, dass eine Währungsunion nicht als isoliertes Element funktionieren kann. Anstatt ausschließlich auf Geldwertstabilität als Kernpunkt der WWU zu beharren, prä- sentiert der Bericht einen weitaus umfassenderen Zugang zur Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion, und führt die folgenden Voraussetzungen für eine Währungsunion an: (i) ein gewisses Ausmaß an politischer Integration, (ii) eine klar definierte Rolle der EU-Ebene als Steuerungsinstrument für makroökonomische und haushaltspoliti- sche Fragen, (iii) einen Schwerpunkt auf Konvergenz in der WWU auf wirtschaftspolitischer Ebene.

Schlussendlich lässt sich auch aus der im Delors-Bericht angewandten Methode eine Lehre ziehen. Während zahlreiche Faktoren die Schaffung der WWU erläutern, besteht ein bedeutender Beitrag des Delors- Ausschusses in der Bereitstellung technischer Legitimation und in der Wahrung einer politischen Ausrichtung des Projektes. In dieser Hinsicht könnte er Vorbildcharakter für zukünftige Bestrebungen in der Reformierung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion aufweisen.

1 / 20 Brussels, 10 April, “The implementation of "Memoranda “25 years after the Delors Report: what lessons for Economic and Monetary Union?”, of Understanding" in the euro area”, expert seminar co-organised Henrik Enderlein and Eulalia Rubio, Policy paper No.109, April with the European Economic and Social Committee

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1.2.2. What Prospects for “Social Europe”?

We pursued the agenda that we began in 2013 on the social dimension of the EMU and of the EU, as well as on the social impact of the economic and financial crisis. We devoted special attention to the issues involved in worker mobility by analysing the measures adopted since the start of the crisis to strengthen that mobility while at the same time formulating proposals for improving it, also in connection with worker posting.

What Prospects for “Social Europe”? 10 main activities in 2014 • “Employment, mobility and social investment: three key issues for post-crisis social Europe”, Sofia Fernandes, Policy paper No.120, November • Brussels, 1 July 2014, “Social developments in the European Union 2013, Sofia Fernandes speaks during a conference organised by the European Social Observatory • Interview with Sofia Fernandes in the newspaper Pélerin on the EU social action: “The crisis creates an emergency situation”, 16 May • Citizen web dialogue, László Andor answers your questions on EU social model, employ-ment and inclusion policies, 7 May • Évry, 4 April, “Employment and globalisation, the challenges of the EU”, debate within the “Droit d’inventaire, droit d’inventer” project (in partnership with the Mouvement européen – France) • “Posted workers in the EU: state of play and regulatory evolution”, Kristina Maslauskaite, Policy paper No.107, March • Paris, 18 February, “Towards a social, economic and monetary Europe? The social pillar of EMU”, Sofia Fernandes speaks during a round- table organised by the European affairs committee of the French National Assembly • Interview with Kristina Maslauskaite on France info on social dumping in Europe, 18 February • “What kind of Social Europe after the crisis?”, Sofia Fernandes and Emanuel Gyger,Synthesis , February • Barcelone, 13 January, “The social management of the crisis in Europe”, Eulalia Rubio speaks during a conference organised by the Catalan Council of the European Movement and La Caixa Foundation For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Solidarity and Social Europe”

POLICY PAPER 120 14 NOVEMBER 2014 SERIES “NEW DECISION-MAKERS, NEW CHALLENGES” EMPLOYMENT, MOBILITY AND SOCIAL INVESTMENT: THREE KEY ISSUES FOR POST-CRISIS SOCIAL EUROPE Sofia Fernandes | Senior research fellow at Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

SUMMARY The economic and financial crisis has taken a heavy toll on social Europe. Today’s social imbalances are unacceptable, not only because they call into question the ambition that the European Union has set itself to promote social progress, cohesion and justice, but also because they inevitably impact the member states’ economic performance and political stability. Though social reality varies widely from one European country to the next, and though social and employment policies are national competences, the post-crisis EU needs to strengthen its “social face”. THE COMMISSION The social dimension of the European project must be mainstreamed into MUST ESTABLISH all EU policies: the goals of full employment and those of social justice and cohesion must be embraced by the Commission as a whole rather than solely PRIORITIES FOR ACTION by the commissioner responsible for employment and social affairs. Moreover, CAPABLE OF ALLOWING social issues cannot be reinstated at the heart of Europe’s action unless and IT TO IMPROVE CITIZENS’ until dialogue and a relationship of trust between the EU and the social partners are restored. On the basis of the above premises, the Commission must FUTURE PROSPECTS” establish priorities for action capable of allowing it to improve citizens’ future prospects and to counter the image of Europe as an actor that allows unfair social competition to take place among workers. In the present situation, with unacceptable unemployment rates in several EU countries, employment must become Europe’s primary concern. The EU must put its levers into motion in support of a job-rich recovery: among other things, it must bolster investment, make it easier for small and medium businesses to access credit, and deepen the single market. To ensure that all of the EU member states are able to benefit from the creation of jobs in Europe, the national governments have a duty to improve the performance of their labour markets. If the EU’s approach has been based on labour markets’ flexibility since the early 2000s, the EU must now step up its action in favour of improving both the transition from the world of education to the world of work and its struggle against undeclared work. A second key issue concerns worker mobility, which is one of the very foundation stones of the single market and which comprises not only individual benefits but also numerous collective advantages for Europe’s economies. This, because worker mobility helps to fill shortages in labour and skills, and to balance out uneven unemployment rates in the various EU countries. Yet despite these benefits, worker mobility continues to be limited in the EU and it suffers from a negative image both in the countries of origin (given the risk of a brain drain or a youth drain) and in host countries (given the risk of social competition). Thus EU leaders must aspire to implement a fully-fledged single labour market offering better working conditions both to mobile workers and to workers in host countries. Lastly, the EU needs to support member states’ efforts to modernise their welfare states in order to ensure that they are effective in promoting social progress, justice and cohesion as well as to guarantee their long-term viability. To achieve this, the EU must promote the social investment paradigm by stressing the importance of education, which entails first and foremost reviewing the pace of the fiscal consolidation being demanded of member states. This, because social investment today has a positive impact on public finances and on economic competitiveness of European economies in the medium term.

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“Employment, mobility and social investment: three key issues for post-crisis Citizen web dialogue, László Andor answers your questions social Europe”, Sofia Fernandes, Policy paper No.120, November on EU social model, employ-ment and inclusion policies, 7 May

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1.2.3. Heading Towards a “European Energy Community”

We developed our political proposal for the establishment of a European energy community in the context of the adoption of the new 2030 European Energy and Climate Package. Our work also focused on the debate that is starting to take place over the new concept of an “Energy Union”.

We made regular contributions to the debate on energy transition, interacting with the European decision- makers (at the EU institutional and member-state levels) and with civil society at different levels of governance.

Heading Towards a “European Energy Community” 10 main activities in 2014 • Brussels, 3 December, “The 2030 Energy & Climate Package for the EU”, Sami Andoura speaks during a conference organised by the Egmont Institute and DGroup • Lisbon, 1st October, “European energy market challenges in focus”, Sami Andoura delivers the keynote opening speech for the annual REN AWARD ceremony • Paris, 29 September, “A participatory model for energy efficiency in the building sector”, Sami Andoura speaks during a conference co- organised with the Macif and the European Economic and Social Committee • “Taking stock of German energy policy in a European context”, Philipp Offenberg, Policy paper No.116, September • “Poland hopes Tusk will create an EU Energy Union”, Sami Andoura cited on Euractiv.com, 10 September • Sami Andoura comments the contribution from Jürgen Trittin to the current debate over the competitiveness of European economy and its energy sector, Europe’s World, 3 July • 11 June, Sami Andoura interviewed during the show “Allô Bruxelles” on RFI about negociations over gas prices between the EU, Russia and Ukraine • 17 March, Sami Andoura interviewed on France Info on the new Energy-Climate Package • “Energy policy: European challenges, Spanish answers”, Eloy Álvarez Pelegry and Macarena Larrea Basterra, Policy paper No.106, March • “What new Climate and Energy Package for the EU?”, Sami Andoura and Stefan Bössner, Tribune, March For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “European Energy Community”

TRIBUNE VIEWPOINT 13 MARCH 2014 POLICY PAPER 116 29. AUGUST 2014 WHAT NEW CLIMATE AND DIE DEUTSCHE ENERGIEPOLITIK ENERGY PACKAGE FOR THE EU? AUS EUROPÄISCHER PERSPEKTIVE: Sami Andoura | Senior research fellow at Notre Europe - Jacques Delors Institute Stefan Bößner | Research fellow at Notre Europe - Jacques Delors Institute EINE BESTANDSAUFNAHME Philipp Offenberg | Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter beim Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin

A s the European Council meeting in March 2014 gets set to address the next stage in the energy transition process and the decarbonisation of our economies, it is worthwhile putting into proper perspective the primary challenges associated with the renewal of the European framework for energy and climate policies ahead of 2030.

1. What certainties are there always supported by adequate infrastructure thus pre- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG in a rapidly changing energy situation? venting an efficient integration of renewables into the network. Electricity prices on retail markets are rising Angesichts der Ukraine-Krise ist die Versorgungssicherheit mit Erdgas üblicherweise der Ausgangspunkt The world of energy is the object of rapid change while wholesale prices are either stable or dropping. von Diskussionen über die europäische Energiepolitik. Die Debatte über die europäische Energiepolitik sollte at the global level. China’s ongoing growth, the conse- The European Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), with jedoch nicht darauf reduziert werden. quences of Fukushima, and the unexpected boom in its low prices for carbon, is not working as planned. Für Deutschland stellen sich angesichts der Energiewende insbesondere drei Probleme, die nur auf the development of unconventional gas (and oil) in the Exports of cheap coal from the United States towards europäischer Ebene gelöst werden können: United States and its impact on industrial competitive- the EU are increasing. And a growing number of gas-

ness, raise as many questions as they offer opportuni- fired power stations, which are no longer profitable in 1. Der trotz Energiewende steigende CO2-Ausstoß in Deutschland. ties. Hydrocarbon prices have been subject to grow- this situation, are shutting down. ing fluctuation since 2007, with a major impact on an These developments are a source of tensions and Er steigt, weil das Europäische Emissionshandelssystem (ETS) nicht funktioniert. Da seit Ausbruch der European Union (EU) that is increasingly dependent are jeopardising the energy transition in Europe in the Wirtschaftskrise im Jahr 2009 die industrielle Produktion eingebrochen ist, sank die Nachfrage nach

for its energy supply. Global competition for access to medium-to-longer term – tensions between the three Zertifikaten und der CO2-Preis fiel auf heute etwa 4,50 Euro pro Tonne. Damit ist die Stromproduktion aus resources has also become stronger, and the EU has to goals of sustainable development, competitiveness, Stein- und Braunkohle plötzlich wieder rentabel, während Gaskraftwerke, als Investitionsruinen brach liegen.

cope once again with major tensions in its neighbour- and security of supply; and tensions between unilateral Der CO2-Ausstoß in Deutschland wird sich nur über europäische Maßnahmen, insbesondere über hood, particularly to the east with the crisis between national policies that are destabilising the European einen Eingriff in das ETS, reduzieren lassen. Ukraine and Russia. At the same time, over the past energy system as a whole, sometimes prompting few years, the EU has made real progress in the diver- superfluous investment which comes at considerable 2. Trotz zunehmender Kohleverstromung sind in Deutschland die Stromkosten hoch. sification of its energy sources and in the security of cost to the taxpayer, and threatening the security of its gas supplies, making it possible to guarantee the the electricity system. The crucial issue, at this stage, Das liegt auch an der EEG-Umlage, die in diesem Jahr 6,24 Cent pro Kilowattstunde beträgt. Industrie und

kind of effective mutual assistance and solidarity that is to determine to what extent the new 2030 Climate Verbraucher in der Bundesrepublik werden also belastet, um das Klima zu schützen. Da aber zu viele CO2-

is especially needed in the current situation. and Energy Package will address these various chal- Zertifikate verfügbar sind, wird die eingesparte Menge CO2 andernorts in Europa emittiert. Der Weltklimarat The EU has also committed to a transition towards a lenges and provides appropriate answers to them. (IPCC) forderte denn auch kürzlich, die nationalen Förderregime für Erneuerbare Energien zu streichen und low-carbon economy with the aim of cutting its green- sich beim Klimaschutz nur auf den Emissionshandel zu verlassen. house gas emissions by 80% (or even by 95%) between 2. What answers does the new 2030 Der Vorschlag ist nicht unberechtigt, hat aber wenig Aussicht auf Umsetzung. Eine weniger radikale Lösung wäre now and 2050. It had already begun to pursue a com- Climate and Energy Package contain? die Europäisierung der Förderregime für Erneuerbare Energien. Durch europaweite Ausschreibungen prehensive transition process with the adoption of the für den Ausbau der Erneuerbaren Energien ließen sich Kosten reduzieren und die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit First Climate and Energy Package in 2008 providing The new package sets itself three objectives: the verbessern.

for a 20% cut in CO2 emissions, 20% renewable energy, fight against climate change; guaranteeing predict- and a 20% increase in energy efficiency by 2020. ability to investments in low-carbon technologies; and 3. In Deutschland drohen Versorgungsengpässe, wenn nicht genug Wind und Sonne vorhanden The EU is on the right track to achieve the first two providing answers to existing problems such as loss of sind, um die Stromnachfrage zu bedienen. binding targets but is lagging behind the third, non- competitiveness in the European economy and in the binding target. The production of electricity from energy sector. The key elements proposed in the pack- Gleichzeitig rechnen sich Gaskraftwerke nicht mehr, mit denen die Spitzenlast erzeugt werden könnte. renewable sources has increased considerably (ris- age are as follows: Die Lösung könnte in Stromimporten aus den europäischen Nachbarländern liegen, wofür zuvor ein ing from 15% to 23% between 2005 and 2012), mak- • New goals for 2030: a binding target of a 40% europäisches Stromnetz geschaffen werden müsste. Die Versorgungsunternehmen plädieren hingegen

ing it possible to cut the Union’s hydrocarbon bill. This cut in CO2 emissions; a “binding target at the für die Einrichtung eines europäischen Kapazitätsmarktes, in dem die Kraftwerksbetreiber für die increase, however, is primarily the result of costly, European level but not at the national level”, of Vorhaltung von Erzeugungskapazitäten bezahlt werden. non-market based, national subsidies that are not 27% in renewable energy, with member states

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“What new Climate and Energy Package for the EU?”, “Taking stock of German energy policy in a European context”, Sami Andoura and Stefan Bössner, Tribune, March Philipp Offenberg, Policy paper No.116, September

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1.2.4. Other Projects Regarding the Economic, Social and Territorial Dimensions

We continued to work in greater depth on the future of the regional and cohesion policy, in particular by analysing the impact of the crisis and of globalisation on regional economies and on the convergence process in Europe.

At the same time, we continued to work on the future of rural areas in Europe.

And lastly, 20 years on from its publication, we reassessed the proposals contained in the White Paper on “Growth, Competitiveness and Employment” in the light of the debates currently taking place on imparting a fresh boost to the European economy.

Other Projects Regarding the Economic, Social and Territorial Dimensions 10 main activities in 2014 • Tanger, 14 November, “How to restore EU growth and competitiveness?”, Yves Bertoncini speaks at the special Europe plenary session of the 2014 Medays Forum • Pont-Audemer, 2 October, “Europe and the development of its rural territories”, Marjorie Jouen introduces the LEADER Forum • “Rural life in the 21st century, a beacon of hope for Europe”, Jacques Delors, Mercedes Bresso, Anne-Claire Vial and Gérard Peltre, Tribune, July • Marjorie Jouen cited in Sciences Eaux & Territoires to talk about short food channels and the CAP, 7 July • Rennes, 30 June-1st July, “Reforming the cohesion policy and articulating it with the single market”, Marjorie Jouen speaks at a conference on regions and the cohesion policy organised by the Jean Monnet centre of excellence at the University Rennes 1. • “The single market and cohesion policy dyad: battered by the crisis and globalisation”, Marjorie Jouen, Policy paper No.108, April • “The EU and its rural areas”, Marjorie Jouen, Synthesis, April • “The rich legacy of the white paper on "growth, competitiveness and employment"”, Jérôme Vignon, Tribune, February • Brussels, 22 January, “Growth, competitiveness and employment: what strategy for the EU?”, conference co-organised with the EPPA on the 20 years of the White Paper “Growth, competitiveness and employment” • Marjorie Jouen wrote in Acteurs publics an article entitled “European funds will be better affected”, 10 February For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Axis “Competition, cooperation and solidarity”

POLICY PAPER 108 28 APRIL 2014 THE SINGLE MARKET AND COHESION POLICY DYAD: BATTERED BY THE CRISIS AND GLOBALISATION Marjorie Jouen | Adviser at Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

SUMMARY

The alliance between the “four freedoms” of movement and cohesion policy has always been a major selling point for candidate countries, given that the benefits of the single market amplify the benefits of investments made possible by EU structural interventions, and vice versa. The 2014-2020 programme, however, has begun amid doubts stirred by six years of the crisis’s disturbing effects. National growth curves have brutally halted or been significantly hampered. Regional convergence has slowed; and social inequalities between people have increased. As for the single market, which European citizens accuse of speeding up globalisation, it appears less attractive to major, multinational economic partners. Its weight has been relatively weakened by trends in global trade. Since the enlargement in 2004, the share of intra-EU trade in EU27 exports has steadily declined.

Are the limitations of the single market/cohesion policy dyad in a slowdown temporary or may they last? In other words, if there were a recovery, would it result in convergence? Many signals force us to doubt.

WHAT RELATIONSHIP This Policy Paper aims at understanding the current relationship between, BETWEEN THE POLICIES one the one hand, the policy to reduce regional and social disparities, and on the other hand, the policy aimed at ensuring the opening of European TO REDUCE REGIONAL markets. AND SOCIAL DISPARITIES AND THOSE TO OPEN THE To do so, Part 1 recalls the nature of the strong bond between these policies EUROPEAN MARKETS?” for over twenty years, as they were launched almost simultaneously. Section 1.1. reviews the first few years: not only did the single market yield good results in terms of growth and employment for EU12 countries; results were also significant for major recipients of structural funds, namely Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece. Section 1.2. studies the virtuous mechanism which accompanied each enlargement in the 1990s and 2000s. In Central and Eastern European countries, the most optimistic estimates were largely confirmed throughout the period preceding the 2008 crisis, as regards growth, employment and foreign direct investments. Moreover, the catching-up mechanism provided by European structural interventions is an ongoing source of the secondary movement of capital, whereby 30-40% of EU funds are trans- ferred to the more developed contributing countries.

Part 2 analyses the recent shifts in this relationship and the structural reasons behind the current impasse. Beyond the crisis which created numerous economic disruptions, section 2.1. shows that several underlying fac- tors have halted the usual momentum of the single market/cohesion policy dyad. For the last decade and since the institution of the single currency, border effects, agglomeration effects, and specialisation effects have combined impacts on national and regional economies of which are sometimes doubled; at others, cancelled out. Section 2.2. concentrates on the link between globalisation and the development of poverty in the EU. As the way to stop rising social inequalities primarily involves fiscal reform and the regulation of major network and banking sectors, and marginally the areas covered by cohesion policy, the dyad appears particularly depleted.

Finally, in order to restore cohesion which remains a major challenge for the EU, exploring other non-strictly economic ways is required. This would confirm the divorce between the single market and cohesion policy.

1 / 18 Brussels, 22 January, “Growth, competitiveness and employment: what strategy for the EU?”, conference co-organised with the EPPA “The single market and cohesion policy dyad: battered by the crisis on the 20 years of the White Paper “Growth, competitiveness and employment” and globalisation”, Marjorie Jouen, Policy paper No.108, April

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1.3. Heading Towards New Common External Action

The Jacques Delors Institute’s work on the sphere of common external action reflected a year, 2014, that was marked by the implementation of the conclusions reached by the European Council meeting in December 2013 on Defence Europe, by the renewal of Europe’s chief players, by progress in the “TTIP” (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) negotiations and by the preparation of the post-Stockholm strategy in the field of immigration.

1.3.1. An Ambitious External Action Agenda

We seized the opportunity furnished by the European elections in the spring of 2014 to submit a position on the chief priorities in the external action of the 28-strong Europe (neighbourhood, commercial policy, immigration, energy and defence) and to formulate operational recommendations. This position was put together by a high-level task force comprising members of our Board of Directors and of our European Steering Committee.

In addition to this, several of our organisation’s publications and speeches at conferences or in the media, especially by our President emeritus Pascal Lamy, addressed the issues of global governance and of a strengthening of the EU’s role in the globalisation process.

An Ambitious External Action Agenda 10 main activities in 2014 • “The EU after the elections: what strategy for globalisation?”, Pascal Lamy, Tribune, October • Paris, 1st October, “Europe in the globalisation”, Pascal Lamy speaks at a conference co-organised within our partnership with the Macif • Brussels, 1st September, “Engaging Europe in the world”, Eneko Landaburu takes part in a hearing in front of the European Parliament Committee on Foreign Affairs • “The World Trade Organisation: new issues, new challenges”, Pascal Lamy, Policy paper No.117, September • Lisbon, 15 July, “The European Union after the elections: what strategy in the globalisation?”, Pascal Lamy speaks at a conference co-organised within our partnership with the Gulbenkian Foundation • “Reverse the European decline”, article by Jacques Delors, António Vitorino, Pascal Lamy and the Task Force of the Jacques Delors Institute published in Le Temps, 19 June • “Engaging Europe in the world”, Jacques Delors, Pascal Lamy, António Vitorino, Eneko Landaburu, Élisabeth Guigou, Étienne Davignon, Nicole Gnesotto, Philippe de Schoutheete, Elvire Fabry and Sami Andoura, Tribune, June (Tribune also published in Libération and the Financial Times) • “Turbulent and mighty continent. What future for Europe? (Anthony Giddens)”, Giorgio Garbasso, Book synthesis, March • “Europe in the globalisation”, Pascal Lamy is the guest of the show “Le Grand Soir” on France3, March • “Is globalisation in need of global governance?”, Pascal Lamy, Tribune, January For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Think Global – Act European”

TRIBUNE 9 OCTOBER 2014 THE EU AFTER THE ELECTIONS: WHAT STRATEGY FOR GLOBALISATION? Pascal Lamy | Honorary president of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

T his Tribune is based on speeches held by Pascal Lamy at the Gulbenkian Foundation (Lisbon – 15 July 2014) and at Macif (Paris – 1st October 2014). After taking stock of the European elections, Pascal Lamy addresses Europe’s three-pronged deficit (growth, governance, sense of belonging) and globalisation issues. He then calls for a new meaning to Europe and boost to Europe’s growth potential.

The last European elections have raised a number In five years, at the time of the next European elec- of interesting points to think about: before examin- tions, everyone will know that these elections are ing the role that Europe can play in globalisation, it mainly about the distribution of power at the European is important to discuss and take stock of the elections level, and as such, there will be a clearly new articula- that we experienced this year. tion of what European elections had traditionally been: primarily national elections to send national parlia- 1. What do the European elections tell us? ment members to the European Parliament.

1.1. A silent institutional shift For the first time, we are introducing a genuine European dimension and I think it is important to First, they tell us that we have undergone a silent remember who was behind that idea: Jacques Delors. institutional shift, which has been discreet in many He was the one, 15 years ago, to put this idea on the ways, but ultimately major because, for the first time, table: if we want to see Europeans increasingly feel the Spitzenkandidaten system was implemented and that we are in a supranational democratic space, then achieved the results its authors intended: it was the without changing treaties, political groups simply candidate of the political party who obtained the most need to decide to appoint their champions. The cham- members of the European Parliament who became pion who ultimately wins this electoral combat will be president of the Commission. It was in many ways the president of the European Commission. I am say- something very new. ing this explicitly because, generally speaking, today’s journalists no longer have the same background infor- In this, some people, and particularly our British mation about issues in the press as their predecessors friends, saw an institutional coup d’état forming. I making it harder for them to go back in time. Render believe that it was rather one event in a long evolution, unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s. which, if we look at history over the long term, con- cerned our parliamentary systems. They have all, to a 1.2. A majority of pro-European forces lesser or greater degree, begun with an upper house with which sovereigns agreed to deliberate a number I think that it is the main thing to learn from this of decisions that they used to make alone. We know episode, even if there are other elements of a more that throughout history, lower houses have ended political nature to be interpreted in citizens’ votes in up becoming upper houses and vice versa. To some these elections. We can sum them up in two observa- extent, this is what is happening at a European level: tions. First, the traditional European political forces the Senate or the upper house, essentially the Member of the centre-right and the centre-left (centre-right: States, represents the territories and has had an insti- European People’s Party, EPP, and the liberals/cen- tutional upper hand over the lower house, which rep- tre-left: Party of European Socialists, PES, and the resents the peoples. However, the balance is changing. Greens) won a very comfortable majority. Some 25% of What is certain, and what I think we need to keep in European voices went to the centre-right, 25% to the mind, is that there will be no going back. centre-left, roughly 7 to 8% to the liberals and 7 to 8%

1 / 8 “Engaging Europe in the world”, Jacques Delors, Pascal Lamy, António Vitorino, Eneko Landaburu, Élisabeth Guigou, Étienne Davignon, Nicole “The EU after the elections: what strategy for Gnesotto, Philippe de Schoutheete, Elvire Fabry and Sami Andoura, globalisation?”, Pascal Lamy, Tribune, October Financial Times, June (Tribune also published in Libération) 16 / 38 ANNUAL REPORT 2014

1.3.2. The EU’s Commercial Policy Faces New Challenges

In the context of the start of negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which triggered a new debate on the conduct of Europe’s common commercial policy, we benefited from the expertise of our President emeritus Pascal Lamy to focus our work on the various issues involved in the TTIP, such as regulatory convergence, a comparison of the approaches to safeguards in the United States and in Europe, the prospective partnership’s potential impact on the multilateral commercial system, the protection of per- sonal data and so forth.

The EU’s Commercial Policy Faces New Challenges 10 main activities in 2014 • Paris, 5 December, “Europe discusses the TTIP project”, Elvire Fabry speaks at the annual conference of the United-States programme of the IFRI • London, 24 November, “The Transatlantic trade and investment partnership”, Pascal Lamy holds a public lecture at the London School of Economics • “Transatlantic trade negotiators should own up to their ambition”, Pascal Lamy in the Financial Times, 28 October • Washington, 14 October, “The Future of EU-US relations: political and economic reflections on the TTIP”, Elvire Fabry speaks at the high level round table organised by the Foundation for European progressive studies (FEPS) • “The great offensive of the transatlantic market”, Pascal Lamy and Elvire Fabry in a special issue of Le Monde, 10 September • “The reality of precaution: comparative analysis EU - USA (ed. J. Wiener, M. Rogers, J. Hammitt and P. Sand)”, Elvire Fabry and Giorgio Garbasso, Book synthesis, July • Edinburg, 2 May, “TTIP: a Multilateral Perspective”, Elvire Fabry speaks at the Mortimer Caplin Conference on the World Economy • “Should we fight against the TTIP”, Elvire Fabry guest of the show “Service public” on France Inter, May • USA, 6-7-10 February, “World trade and global governance”, conferences with Pascal Lamy at Harvard University, Yale University and Stanford University • “The TTIP negotiations: A Pirandello play”, Elvire Fabry, Giorgio Garbasso, Romain Pardo, Synthesis, January For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “EU and USA relations”

SYNTHESIS 18 JULY 2014 “NEW DECISION-MAKERS, NEW CHALLENGES” THE REALITY OF PRECAUTION COMPARING RISK REGULATION IN THE US AND EUROPE (ED. J. WIENER, M. ROGERS, J. HAMMITT AND P. SAND) Elvire Fabry | Senior research fellow at Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

Giorgio Garbasso | Research assistant at Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

T his Synthesis underlines the main arguments of the book The reality of precaution. Comparing Risk Regulation in the United States and Europe, which shed light over the claims of a more precautionary Europe. The book proves that these claims are largely based on stereotypes and generalisations. The reality of precaution is not one region being more precautionary than the other but a scenario of occasional and selective application of precaution to different risks in different places and time.

Is the EU more precautionary than the US? precaution is not one region being more precautionary than the other but a scenario of occasional The aim of the book The reality of precaution. and selective application of precaution to differ- Comparing Risk Regulation in the United States and ent risks in different places and time. Europe1, a research study led by two Americans (Jonathan B. Wiener and James K. Hammitt) and two Europeans (Michael D. Rogers, and Peter H. Sand), 1. The evolution of risk regulation is to shed light over the claim of a more precau- in the EU and the US tionary Europe. Different accounts compete to determine the history Is it true that the European Union is more precaution- of regulatory precaution in Europe and the United ary than the United States? This question is at the States. The convergence scenario is driven by glo- centre of the debate surrounding the Transatlantic balisation and the pressure to harmonise standards. Trade and Investment Partnership negotiations. The divergence scenario advocates increasingly Claims of a more precautionary Europe revamp different regulatory cultures and regulatory compe- fears that a trade agreement with the United States, tition between the two regions. The “flip flop” the- involving regulatory convergence, may imply dereg- ory asserts a broad shift in internal politics and inter- ulation of European norm protections. national rivalry. And finally the “hybridisation” theory suggests that the exchange of ideas, regula- There is a general perception in public opinions that tory collaboration and borrowing of regulatory solu- “Europe is more precautionary, more regulatory, tions to specific risks has led to the interweaving of more environmentalist and more risk adverse than diverse transatlantic regulatory systems. the United States”. Americans are allegedly indi- vidualistic, risk-taking and confident that technol- The “flip-flop” leading theory in transatlantic rela- ogy and the power of market will solve every prob- tions has been put forward by David Vogel2. It posits lem. Europeans have an ex ante control culture, that from the 1960s to the mid-1980s the regulation Americans an ex post one. The EU formally endors- of health, safety and environmental risks were gen- ing the precautionary principle would seek to pro- erally stricter in the United States. However since actively regulate risk while the US, opposing the the 1990s the positions have been reversed. Europe precautionary principle would wait for evidence of has become more precautionary on specific risks actual harm before regulating. such as genetically modified foods, chemicals, and climate change. The book proves that these claims are largely based on stereotypes and generalisations. The reality of

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“The reality of precaution: comparative analysis EU - USA “Transatlantic trade negotiators should own up to their ambition”, (ed. J. Wiener, M. Rogers, J. Hammitt and P. Sand)”, Pascal Lamy in the Financial Times, 28 October Elvire Fabry and Giorgio Garbasso, Book synthesis, July

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1.3.3. Other Projects Regarding the International Dimension

We contributed to the debate on preparations for the post-Stockholm programme by focusing on the strengthening of European solidarity in the spheres of border monitoring and of the right of asylum. We also triggered a debate on the impact of the various European external action policies on migratory movements, partnering the European Policy Centre in its “Forced Migration” research project launched in the spring.

We also became involved in the debate on the use of force and on the development of a defence Europe in view of the growing number of crises occurring in the EU’s neighbourhood and of the new economic powers’ rapid militarisation.

Other Projects Regarding the International Dimension 10 main activities in 2014 • Brussels, 12 December, “Crisis management and forced migration: what role for the EU?”, seminar organised in partnership with EPC • “Why we should believe in European defence”, Élisabeth Guigou, Tribune, November • Brussels, 7 November, “Immigration: solidarity in Europe”, round table with António Vitorino during L’Obs Forum • “Defenceless Europe?”, Elvire Fabry, Jordan Rowell, Synthesis of the “Ateliers de la Citadelle” co-organised in Lille • “Should European defence be scrapped? (Nicole Gnesotto)”, Giorgio Garbasso, Book synthesis, September • “European security after Libya and Ukraine: in search of a core leadership”, Giorgio Garbasso, Chiara Rosselli, Morgan Timme, Synthesis of the seminar organised in partnership with the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), July • “Border control and the right of asylum: where is the EU heading?”, Corinne Balleix, Policy paper No.114, June • Paris, 27 June, “Immigration and asylum: which policy for the EU?”, António Vitorino speaks at a conference organised in partnership with EPC at the French National Assembly • “Strengthening the capacity building of the European agency Frontex”, Elvire Fabry on Euractiv.fr, June • “The implications of the tensions between Russia and Ukraine on global relations”, Pascal Lamy on CNN, May For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Axis “European External Action”

SYNTHESIS 31 OCTOBER 2014 DEFENCELESS EUROPE Elvire Fabry | senior research fellow at Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

Jordan Rowell | research assistant at Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute

T he City of Lille and its “Mission Eurométropole Défense et Securité” have been organising “Les Ateliers de la Citadelle,” an annual conference traditionally devoted to the topic of European defence, for the past five years. This year and for the first time, the Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute (NE-JDI) partnered in the organisation of the conference’s 5th edition, which was developed and moderated by Nicole Gnesotto, vice-president of NE-JDI and titular professor of the European Union chair at the Conservatoire national des arts et métiers (CNAM). This Synthesis examines the key issues discussed during two roundtables, conducted under the Chatham House rule.

Organised under the aegis of the Ministry of Defence opening speech made by keynote speaker Élisabeth and hosted by the Rapid Reaction Corps France (CCR Guigou, president of the French National Assembly’s FR) in Lille’s Vauban citadel, this high-level conference Foreign affairs committee. The debates were com- brought together generals and senior officers, national plemented by the participation of General Vincent and international experts, elected officials and a well- Desportes, former director of the École de Guerre informed general public. It has come to be regarded and affiliated professor at Sciences Po Paris, and by as the annual rendezvous for European defence. This Admiral Alain Coldefy, director of the Revue Défense year the conference, entitled “Defenceless Europe? nationale. Crises and Perspectives for the Common Security and Defence Policy,” addressed the institutional, There was unanimous recognition of Europe’s paltry strategic, and industrial challenges facing European capacity to anticipate the crises which have multiplied defence. After a decade of success (1998–2008), today at its doors and of Europeans’ failure to pursue the the European Union’s attempts at promoting an autono- momentum of European defence, notably under Javier mous defence project seem to be at a standstill. Should Solana from 2006 to 2009 (the revised European secu- the project be buried indefinitely? Is it possible to rity strategy (ESS) in 2008, the launch of a new exter- impart a fresh boost to it? Can France encourage its nal operation each year, the implementation of joint European partners to move forward in that direction? civilian-military missions, and a global approach, etc.).

But this initial dynamic stalled even as the common defence and security policy (CDSP) began to demonstrate its usefulness. The promises of the Treaty of Lisbon have not born their fruit, and the suc- cession of economic and financial crises has precipi- tated cuts in member states’ defence budgets, thereby reducing their military capabilities. The declining operability of their military hardware is such that the member states are no longer capable of undertaking 1. Promising times or stumbling missions abroad. blocks for the CSDP? France’s engagement in several theatres of operation The debates, moderated by Nicole Gnesotto, were abroad has been welcomed by its partners but the bur- punctuated throughout the day by the participation den is insufficiently shared out at the European level. of special guest General Henri Bentégeat, former Today the EU is no longer perceived as an inter- head of the French General Staff and former president national player with any clout in the security of the EU’s military committee. The first round table sphere. These indicators of disintegration are all the kicked off with remarks by General Éric Margail, more worrying at a time when the inviolability of bor- commander of CCR France’s headquarters, and by an ders in the world is being severely threatened again.

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“Defenceless Europe?”, Elvire Fabry, Jordan Rowell, “The implications of the tensions between Russia and Ukraine Synthesis of the “Ateliers de la Citadelle” co-organised in Lille on global relations”, Pascal Lamy on CNN, May

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2. Our Operations in 2014

The events of 2014 prompted us to work on two complementary fronts.

We played an active role in the public debate associated with the European elections in May in an effort to influence the adoption of the major guidelines in the construction of Europe and to generate analyses and recommendations capable of enlightening the electorate’s choices, but also to fuel the European decision-makers’ agendas and action. In conjunction with our direct contacts with the national and Community authorities, the substantial growth in our public profile illustrates the breadth of our efforts in terms of publications, of events, of appearances in the media and of our presence on the web (see 2.1. Our Profile in 2014).

In pursuing these activities we mobilised our human resources – both team members or members of our governing bodies – in full (see 2.2. Our Team and Our Governing Bodies), in order to make the most of our technical expertise and of our network of contacts. At the same time, we also had to face major financial challenges in view of the curtailment of some of our structural funding, although the shortfall was made up in part by project funding and by recourse to new resources (see 2.3. Our Funding in 2014). Our heartfelt thanks go to all of the players who funded us and who supported our work in 2014, and to all of the organisations with which we established partnerships in order to allow us to pursue our activities.

2.1. Our Profile in 2014

Throughout the year, the Jacques Delors Institute made every effort to familiarise a growing number of players in France, in Brussels, in Europe and beyond, with its activities and its work. In particular, our dissemination activity led us to debate our publications, to take part in numerous conferences and seminars, to make fre- quent appearances in the media and to expand our presence on the web.

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2.1.1. Our Highest-Profile Publications

We disseminated the 86 publications that we produced in 2014 (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Publications”) to all of our contacts (almost 60,000 in 2014) via e-mail, and we complemented this activity by also sending out monthly and special newsletters. All in all, our publications were downloaded almost 200,000 times in the course of 2014. Some of the publications were sent out in hardcopy format to an audience of decision-makers and opinion-makers selected on the basis of the given theme addressed, but they were also disseminated at the events that we organised, with a total of more than 30,000 hardcopy versions of our publications being disseminated in 2014.

Some of the analyses and recommendations that we published attracted a particular response in terms of requests from decision-makers and from event organisers, of the number of downloads, and of the number of references to them in other publications or in the media. They were of great help in allowing us to take part in full in the debate on the functioning – particularly during the European parliamentary elections and the renewal of the European Commission – the policies and the future of the EU.

Highest-Profile Publications of the Jacques Delors Institute 10 main publications in 2014 • “Five years as president of the European Council”, Herman Van Rompuy, Tribune, December • “Euroscepticism or Europhobia: voice vs. exit?”, Yves Bertoncini and Nicole Koenig, Policy paper No.121, November • “Dissemination of European cinema in the European Union and the international market”, Josef Wutz and Valentin Pérez, foreword by Costa Gavras, Studies & Reports No.106, in cooperation with UniFrance and the Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen (ifa), November • Engaging Europe in the world, Jacques Delors, Pascal Lamy, António Vitorino, Eneko Landaburu, Élisabeth Guigou, Étienne Davignon, Nicole Gnesotto, Philippe de Schoutheete, Elvire Fabry and Sami Andoura, Tribune, June • “Post-election EU: Ask for the programme!”, Jacques Delors et António Vitorino, Tribune, June • “The vote of MEP elected in France (2009-2014)”, Y. Bertoncini, T. Chopin, L. Marnas, C. Versini and V. Timmerman: 8 reports for 8 French euro-constituencies • “The EU and its legislation: prison of peoples or chicken coops?”, Yves Bertoncini, Policy paper No.112, May • “Who calls the shots in the euro area? "Brussels" or the member states?”, Sofia Fernandes,Policy paper No.111, May • “Faces on divides: the May 2014 European elections”, Yves Bertoncini et Thierry Chopin, foreword by Julian Priestley, Studies & Reports No.104, in partnership with the Robert Schuman Foundation, April • “Europe: union is an opportunity and a struggle!”, Jacques Delors, António Vitorino, Board of directors of the Jacques Delors Institute and Yves Bertoncini, Tribune, April For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Publications”

TRIBUNE 18 JUNE 2014 "NEW DECISION-MAKERS, NEW CHALLENGES" ENGAGING EUROPE IN THE WORLD Jacques Delors, Pascal Lamy, António Vitorino, Eneko Landaburu, Etienne Davignon, Nicole Gnesotto, Elisabeth Guigou, Philippe de Schoutheete, Elvire Fabry and Sami Andoura, members of the NE-JDI’s Task-Force on the external action of the EU.

T he manifesto signed by the Task Force of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute on the external action of the EU calls on the European political authorities who take office this summer to commit to a strategic rebound in the European engagement at the international level in five domains: external and defence policy, energy, migration, trade and enlargement and neighbourhood policy.

The world is undergoing profound changes which call international security, macro-economic and financial for a more reactive and responsible Europe. We have regulation, and human development (managing natu- to reverse the scenario of a progressive erosion of its ral resources, climate change, growing inequality and international influence. so forth).

The new economic and financial powers whose GDP This rapid change in the global situation goes hand in overtook that of the old industrial powers in 2012, are hand, on the European Union’s doorstep, with clear dramatically changing the balance of forces in the difficulty in turning, like in the past, the attractive- world. With the world’s economic centre of gravity ness of the European model into the main tool for sta- shifting towards the Asia-Pacific region and China set bilisation in the EU’s neighbourhood. Our neighbours’ to become the world’s leading economic power, the G7 reform paths diverge. Their alignment with European might have no more European members in it by 2050. choices, which it was still possible in the 2000s to hope But the European Union could certainly be a member would be gradual and functional, has become less of a if it so wished. foregone conclusion. And indeed on its eastern border, with the Ukraine crisis, the EU is measuring the head- The emerging countries will of course remain focused on rivalry pitting it against Moscow in its traditional on their domestic issues (the consolidation of their area of influence. In the south, also, Europe’s influence growth model, protests against central authority, is increasingly disputed because new foreign investors social issues and so forth) for some time to come. But (such as China or Qatar) do not insist on the same con- their economic potential and their potential for influ- ditionality as the EU (which pegs increased exchanges ence, along with their legitimate aspiration to carry and investment to more sweeping reforms). The fragil- greater weight on the international stage, are very ity of our neighbours’ domestic cohesion is increased real. by the appearance on the scene of these counter-mod- els and of radical or fundamentalist movements. The These trends might also be accompanied by a shift EU’s leadership, for example, which has rested hith- in diplomatic and military clout as the new economic erto on its economic power, on its political model and powers’ arms race speeds up, while the Europeans on the prospect of membership for some of our neigh- continue to slash their own defence budgets. bours in the Balkans rather than on European foreign policy, is no longer sufficient. The Community’s insti- In this new multipolar world, the Western model is no tutional agenda and such instruments as association longer the yardstick, and no single power is in a posi- agreements are out of sync with the pace of transfor- tion to guarantee the leadership required to respond mation in our neighbourhood. We should prepare our- to the global challenges. The multilateral institutions selves to struggle more fiercely in defence of our val- have not yet been tailored to cater for this new balance ues and our interests. (or disorder) of forces. There is a genuine deficit in global governance despite the absolute need for such Moreover, Russia’s posture in Ukraine and China’s governance in handling the key issues associated with stance in its neighbours’ territorial waters are

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The European Initiative Prize 2014 awarded to the study “Engaging Europe in the world”, Jacques Delors, Pascal Lamy, António Vitorino, “Faces on divides: the May 2014 European elections”, Eneko Landaburu, Élisabeth Guigou, Étienne Davignon, Nicole Gnesotto, Yves Bertoncini et Thierry Chopin, Studies & Reports No.104, Philippe de Schoutheete, Elvire Fabry and Sami Andoura, Tribune, June in partnership with the Robert Schuman Foundation, April 20 / 38 ANNUAL REPORT 2014

2.1.2. The Jacques Delors Institute at Conferences and Seminars

In 2014, we organised or co-organised 73 events (53 conferences, 10 seminars, 3 web dialogues, 2 debates, 1 forum, 1 hearing, 1 public sessions, 1 Europe Day, 1 European Steering Committee) in 9 countries: Belgium, France, Hungary, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Romania, Spain and Sweden). Our Berlin branch office hosted 7 of these events, all of them in Germany (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Events”).

In 2014, the opinions and views of the Jacques Delors Institute’s presidents, president emeritus, directors and team members were also sought on fully 146 occasions (65 conferences, 18 seminars, 5 hearings, 5 round tables, 5 debates, 1 symposium, 1 inaugural conference, 1 ceremony and 1 forum attended by several members of our staff) in the course of events hosted by other institutions and organisations in 21 countries (Bahrain, Belgium, Canada, China, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Korea, Malaysia, Morocco, The Netherlands, Portugal, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States) (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Events”).

The Jacques Delors Institute at Conferences and Seminars 10 main events in 2014 • Paris, 12-13 December, “Meeting of our 2014 European Steering Committee”, dinner-debate with speeches from Emma Bonino, Jean- Louis Bourlanges and Javier Solana, round-tables on two issues “The external challenges of the EU: what strategies?” and “The Juncker Commission: what internal priorities?” • Turin, 28 November, “Civilizing globalisation, an ambition for Europe”, conference-debate with Pascal Lamy at the Centro Studi sul Federalismo • Paris, 25 November, “Five years as president of the European Council: lessons and challenges”, conference-debate with Herman Van Rompuy, in partnership with Sciences Po Paris • Brussels, 6-7 November, “Good morning Europe – now or never”, European days of the French magazine L’Obs with Pascal Lamy, António Vitorino, Yves Bertoncini and Henrik Enderlein • Paris, 29 September, “A participatory model for energy efficiency in the building sector”, conference in partnership with Macif and the European Economic and Social Committee • Berlin, 1st September, “20 years after "Core Europe": where do we stand and where are we heading?”, conference organised by our office in Germany, the Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin, in partnership with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Open Society Initiative for Europe • Lisbonne, 15 July, “The European Union after the elections: what strategy in the globalisation?”, conference organised in partnership with the Gulbenkian Foundation • Paris, 29 April, “The financial crisis: what lessons and what answers?”, conference-debate organised with Terranova and Sciences Po • Paris, 24 April, “European elections: what is at stake? Let’s debate”, conference-debate in partnership with Macif and Touteleurope.eu • Bucarest, 7 April, “Quo Vadis Europe?”, conference-debate in partnership with Eurosfat For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Events”

Paris, 12-13 December, “Meeting of our 2014 European Steering Committee”, Paris, 24 April, “European elections: what is at stake? Let’s debate”, dinner-debate with speeches from Emma Bonino, Jean- conference-debate in partnership with Macif and Touteleurope.eu Louis Bourlanges and Javier Solana

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2.1.3. The Jacques Delors Institute in the Media

In the course of 2014 the Jacques Delors Institute’s presidents, directors and teams made numerous appearances in the media (almost 400 in the media as a whole). If we consider the overall media appearances, without counting those of our founding president Jacques Delors (other than when an appearance on his part was directly associated with the Institute), we will notice a major leap from 195 appearances in 2013 to 397 appearances in the same period in 2014. The number of our appearances in the media virtually doubled from 2013 to 2014 (See www.delorsinstitute.eu, Heading “Medias”).

In geographical terms we can break those appearances down into the following three groups:

• 249 appearances in France;

• 79 appearances in 21 other EU member states: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom;

• 69 appearances in the international arena and in 13 countries: Australia, Brasil, Canada, Colombia, Israel, Japan, Macedonia, Norway, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Serbia, Switzerland and the United States.

These appearances in the media were of various different kinds:

• 187 appearances in the written press;

• 99 appearances in online media, 81 of which in the online press and the remaining 18 in media websites or blogs;

• 111 appearances in the audio-visual media, 67 of which on the radio and the remaining 44 on television.

There are two main explanations for this increase: first and foremost, the European events in the course of a year particularly rich in such events, with the elections and the changeover in the Commission’s leadership teams; but also the increasingly high profile enjoyed by our think tank and by the people who represent it in the media, particularly our President emeritus Pascal Lamy and our director Yves Bertoncini.

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The Jacques Delors Institute in the Media 10 main media appearances in 2014 • “The EU needs a fresh boost... Fast!”, declaration of our 2014 European Steering Committee published in Le Figaro et on HuffingtonPost Québec, 20 December • “The French budget discussed in Brussels”, interview with Yves Bertoncini published in 7 regional newspapers of the Ebra group (Les dernières nouvelles d’Alsace, Le Républicain Lorrain, Le Progrès, Le Dauphiné libéré, Le Bien public, L’Est républicain and L’Alsace), 8 October • “La crise n’est pas terminée”, Henrik Enderlein interviewed in Le Monde, 27 June • “Ein neuer Vertrag für Europe”, Jacques Delors and António Vitorino, Handelsblatt (Germany), June • “Europe’s chance to make strategic comeback”, Jacques Delors, António Vitorino, Pascal Lamy, Élisabeth Guigou, Eneko Landaburu, Nicole Gnesotto, Philippe De Schoutheete, Étienne Davignon, Elvire Fabry and Sami Andoura in the Financial Times, June • “La montée de l’euroscepticisme”, Jacques Delors invited on BFM TV (France), May • “Européennes 2014 : des élections pour quoi faire ?”, Yves Bertoncini and Thierry Chopin on the study “Faces on divides: the May 2014 European elections”, HuffingtonPost.fr, May • “L’emploi, la compétitivité et la campagne des élections européennes”, Pascal Lamy invited of the radio show “Europe 1 – Dimanche soir”, April • “Europe : les travailleurs de l’Est”, Yves Bertoncini invited of the show “Affaires étrangères” on Radio France Culture, 15 January • “Por una gran Europa”, Jacques Delors, Pascal Lamy, António Vitorino, Yves Bertoncini and the 2013 European Steering Committee, La Razón (Spain), January For more information: www.delorsinstitute.eu Heading “Medias”

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2.1.4. The Jacques Delors Institute on the Web

2014 confirmed the steady increase in our presence on the web, allowing us to reach an ever-growing and more diversified audience throughout Europe and beyond.

2.1.4.1 Our Website

The Jacques Delors Institute’s website (www.delorsinstitute.eu) is our primary tool for communication, comprising over 2,500 items devoted to our publications, events, media appearances, videos and sound bites. It consists of 100% “rich media” and is now perfectly integrated into the social networks on which we operate (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Soundcloud).

The growing number of publications and of audio-visual content produced, combined with a massive presence on the social networks, led to a 43 % increase in the number of unique visitors to our website by comparison with 2013, achieving a score of over 200,000 unique visitors (and over 300,000 visitors in all), with a peak of 30,000 unique visitors during the European elections in May 2014 (data supplied by Google Analytics).

2.1.4.2 Our Presence on the Social Networks

With a diversified dissemination strategy specially devised for our social networks, our Facebook account attracted almost 1,800 fans, making a total of over 7,000 fans by the end of 2014 and making us one of the top three “most-liked” think tanks devoted to EU affairs on this particular social network.

Our presence on Twitter, which allows us to reach out to an audience of experts specialising in European affairs and of militants who are highly active in this field, permitted us to mobilise almost 3,000 additional fol- lowers in 2014, reaching a total of over 6,000 by the end of the year.

For more information, see our Facebook and Twitter accounts

Facebook account Twitter account

2.1.4.3. Our Audio-Visual Productions

In 2014 we also stepped up our audio-visual output hosted on our YouTube and SoundCloud channels in an effort to reach out to a broader and more diversified audience.

We produced 31 videos in 2014 aimed at different audiences, both expert and lay, and our YouTube channel attracted over 20,000 hits in general terms. The two videos that attracted the largest number of hits confirmed the validity of our strategy in reaching out to new audiences because they were two “citizen” videos targeting a lay audience of Romanian and Bulgarian origin. The video with the third-highest number of hits, on the other hand, belonged to the sphere of our more traditional work, comprising as it did a short interview on the rise of populism in Europe.

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Our audio-visual output also comprised sound bites and podcasts of speeches made at our events or of stances adopted on different issues. By the end of 2014 they numbered 302 on our SoundCloud channel and had been listened to over 3,800 times.

The Jacques Delors Institute in videos and sounds 10 main productions in 2014 • “Как да се общува с ЕС? Мнението на Нели (София)”, video produced within the Horizon EU project, December (more than 1,200 views) • “Cum comunicați cu UE? Avizul de Giuliana (București)”, video produced within the Horizon EU project, December (more than 1,100 views) • “The impact of the populist parties in the next European Parliament”, analysis from Yves Bertoncini, February (more than 800 views) • “Pascal Lamy answered your questions on economy, globalisation, EU social model” (more than 500 views) • “Droit d’inventaire, Droit d’inventer” (more than 450 views) • “Jerzy Buzek answered your questions on Ukraine, UE energy policy and EP elections” (more than 300 views) • “Cómo comunicar con la UE: la opinión de Lucía (Madrid)”, video produced within the Horizon EU project, December (more than 600 views) • “Romano Prodi ricorda Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa” (more than 250 views) • “Quels efforts encore pour retrouver l’équilibre des finances publiques ?”, podcast produced within the project “Droit d’inventaire, Droit d’inventer” (more than 270 plays) • Pascal Lamy – “Europe in the globalisation” (more than 200 plays) For more information, see our YouTube and SoundCloud channels

“Как да се общува с ЕС? Мнението на Нели (София)”, video “The impact of the populist parties in the next European produced within the Horizon EU project, December Parliament”, analysis from Yves Bertoncini, February

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2.2. Our Team and Our Governing Bodies

2.2.1. Our Team

In 2014 the Jacques Delors Institute team, which comprised twelve permanent members of six different nation- alities (Belgian, French, German, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish), also benefited from regular contributions by five advisers and an associate research fellow, and from the invaluable input of António Vitorino, Pascal Lamy and Jacques Delors.

The Jacques Delors Institute also took in six interns in 2014 (Giorgio Garbasso, Emanuel Gyger, Maria Eugenia Le Gourriérec, Martina Menghi, Thibault Paulet and Jordan Rowell).

The team also benefited from the temporary recruitment of Stefan Bössner, who made an effective contribution to the preparation and drafting our energy works, and of Virginie Timmerman, who helped to promote the European elections and citizenship by organising events and publishing summaries with our partners, in particular with Daniel Debomy and his Optem network, with Europartenaires, EuroCité and the Mouvement européen – France.

Also in 2014 we opened our branch office in Germany, the Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin, in partnership with the Hertie School of Governance. Office Director Henrik Enderlein was assisted by a team comprising three research fellows, Nicole Koenig, Jörg Haas and Jekaterina Grigorjeva, an associate research fellow, Valentin Kreilinger, and an executive assistant, Gabriele Brühl. Our offices in Paris and Berlin have developed a form of integrated cooperation in the fields of both production and dissemination, an effort which they plan to pursue in greater depth throughout 2015.

The team of the Jacques Delors Institute, December 2014

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2.2.2. Our Board of Trustees

The Jacques Delors Institute’s Board of Trustees is tasked with ensuring the continuity of its functioning and development in compliance with its corporate purpose and its founding principles.

Martine Aubry, a former cabinet minister, the mayor of Lille and the daughter of Jacques Delors, joined the Board of Trustees in 2013, while the other board members’ mandates were renewed in May 2014 for a period of four years (see member list below).

António Vitorino sits on the Board of Trustees in his capacity as president of the Jacques Delors Institute even though he is not a member of the board in formal terms. And the same applies to Pierre Lepetit in his capacity as vice-president and treasurer.

The Board of Trustees is assisted by a secretariat comprising director Yves Bertoncini and Ute Guder, our officer in charge of development.

The Board of Trustees during its meeting on 29 November 2013

Our Board of Trustees (31/12/2014)

Martine Aubry, Mayor of Lille, former Minister Étienne Davignon, Belgian Minister of State, former Vice-President of the European Commission Jacques Delors, President of the Board of Trustees, Founding President of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute, former President of the European Commission, former French Minister Philippe Lagayette, President of the Fondation de France, Vice-President and Senior Advisor to Barclays Capital Bank Pascal Lamy, President emeritus of the Jacques Delors Institute, Former Director General of the WTO, former European Commissioner Pedro Solbes, President of the Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE), former Spanish Minister, former European Commission

2.2.3. Our Board of Directors

The Board of Directors, which is responsible for managing the Jacques Delors Institute and for steering and supplying input for its work programme, met on three separate occasions in the course of 2014: on 22 March, 28 June and 12 December.

In the course of its meeting on 22 March, the Board adopted a declaration entitled “Europe: union is an opportunity and a struggle!”, which was published in May by Le Figaro (France), To Vima (Greece), La Razón (Spain), Le Temps (Switzerland) and on EurActiv.com.

Two new members joined the board in 2014: Gérard Andreck, a former president of the Groupe Macif, and Enrico Letta, an member of Italian Parliament and a former Italian prime minister. Jean Pisani-Ferry, who was appointed to the post of commissioner general with France Stratégie, decided to resign from the board in 2014. 28 / 38 ANNUAL REPORT 2014

Thus on 31 December 2014, our Board comprised 26 members (see member list below) of nine different nation- alities (Belgian, British, French, German, Italian, Polish, Portuguese, Spanish and Swedish).

Our Board Of Directors (31/12/2014)

António Vitorino, President of the Board of Directors, Lawyer, former European Commissioner, former Portuguese Minister Gérard Andreck, former President of the Macif Group Erik Belfrage, Adviser to the President of the Marcus Wallenberg Foundation and of the Board of the Swedish International Affairs Institute (SIIA), member of the International Chamber of Commerce and of the Trilateral Commission Yves Bertoncini, Director of the Jacques Delors Institute, Administrator of the European Commission Joachim Bitterlich, Ambassador (Ret.), Professor at the ESCP Europe Paris Josep Borrell Fontelles, former President of the European Parliament, Former President of the European University Institute in Florence Jean-Louis Bourlanges, Associate Professor at Sciences Po Paris, former MEP Jerzy Buzek, MEP, former President of the European Parliament, former Polish Prime Minister Laurent Cohen-Tanugi, International lawyer and writer Jacques Delors, Founding President of Notre Europe – Jacques Delors Institute, former President of the European Commission, former French Minister Jonathan Faull, Director General of DG Financial Stability, Financial Services And Capital Markets Union, European Commission Nicole Gnesotto, Vice-President of the Board of Directors, Titular Professor of the European Union Chair at the CNAM, President of the Board of Directors of the French Institute For Higher National Defence Studies (IHEDN) Élisabeth Guigou, member of the French Assemblée nationale, President of the Foreign Affairs Committee, former French Minister Eneko Landaburu, former Ambassador and head of the European Union Delegation to the Kingdom of Morocco Pierre Lepetit, Vice-President of the Board of Directors, Treasurer of the Jacque Delors Institute, Inspecteur Général des Finances Enrico Letta, member of the Italian Parliament, associate Professor at Sciences Po Paris, former President of the Italian Council Sophie-Caroline de Margerie, member of the Conseil d’État Riccardo Perissich, former European Commission Director General For Industry, Executive Vice-President of the Italian branch of the Council for the United States and Italy Julian Priestley, former Secretary General of the European Parliament Gaëtane Ricard-Nihoul, Acting Head of the European Commission Delegation in France, former Secretary General of the Jacques Delors Institute Maria João Rodrigues, MEP, former Portuguese Minister Philippe de Schoutheete, former Belgian Ambassador to the EU, member of the Board of the Egmont Institute Daniela Schwarzer, Director of the Europe Programme at the German Marshall Fund Javier Solana, President of the ESADEgeo, distinguished Senior Fellow in foreign policy at Brookings Institution, former High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Christian Stoffaës, President of the Cercle Des Ingénieurs-Économistes, member of the board of the French Research Centre In International Economics (CEPII) Christine Verger, Director of the Directorate for Relations with national parliaments at the Directorate-General for the presidency of the European Parliament, former Secretary General of the Jacques Delors Institute

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2.2.4. Our European Steering Committee

Our European Steering Committee (ESC) convened a meeting of ranking European personalities in Paris on 12 and 13 December 2014, as indeed it does every year, to debate issues of crucial importance for the EU’s future (see list of participants below).

The dinner debate on 12 December gave rise to speeches by Emma Bonino, Jean-Louis Bourlanges and Javier Solana on the topic: “New Decision-Makers, New Challenges”.

The following day’s debates, on 13 December, were held in two sessions: • The first session, addressing the question “What Strategies for the External Challenges Facing the EU?”, was introduced by Élisabeth Guigou, president of the French National Assembly’s Foreign Affairs Committee, and by Javier Solana, a former High Representative for a Common Foreign and Security Policy; • The second session, addressing the question “What Internal Priorities for the Juncker Commission (Growth, the Social Dimension, Subsidiarity etc.)?”, was introduced by Étienne Davignon, a former vice-president of the European Commission and the president of Friends of Europe, and by Enrico Letta, a member of the Italian Parliament and a former Italian prime minister.

After the debates, a common declaration offering Europe’s new decision-makers a road map under the title “Giving Europe a New Boost... Fast!” was adopted and subsequently published by a variety of different European media sources in late 2014 and early 2015: La Libre Belgique (Belgium), Le Figaro (France), Handelsblatt (Germany), To Vima (Greece), La Repubblica (Italy), Le Jeudi (Luxembourg), Público (Portugal), La Vanguardia (Spain); and on the Euractiv.com (EU) and HuffingtonPost Québec (Canada) websites.

Meeting of our European Steering Committee, Paris, 13 December 2014

Our European Steering Committee Paris, 13 December 2014 – List of participants

António Vitorino, President of the Board of Directors of the Jacques Delors Institute, Lawyer, former European Commissioner, former Portuguese Minister Joaquín Almunia, former Vice-President of the European Commission and former Commissioner in charge of Competition Pascale Andréani, Ambassador, Permanent Representative of France to the OECD Enrique Barón-Crespo, former President of the European Parliament, former President of the European Socialists’ Parliamentary Group Erik Belfrage, Adviser to the President of the Marcus Wallenberg Foundation and of the Board of the Swedish International Affairs Institute (SIIA), member of the International Chamber of Commerce and of the Trilateral Commission

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Pervenche Berès, MEP, President of the European Parliament’s Employment and Social Affairs Committee Yves Bertoncini, Director of the Jacques Delors Institute, administrator of the European Commission Emma Bonino, former Foreign affairs minister of Italy Josep Borrell Fontelles, former President of the European Parliament, former President of the European University Institute in Florence Jean-Louis Bourlanges, Associate Professor at Sciences Po Paris, former MEP Laurent Cohen-Tanugi, International lawyer and writer Étienne Davignon, Belgian Minister of State, former Vice-President of the European Commission Renaud Dehousse, Director of the Centre d’études européennes, Sciences Po Paris Isabelle Durant, member of the Parliament of the Brussels-Capital region, former Vice-President of the European Parliament Henrik Enderlein, Director of the Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin, Associate Dean and Professor of political economy at the Hertie School of Governance Emilio Gabaglio, former General Secretary of the European Trade Union Confederation Nicole Gnesotto, Vice-President of the Board of directors, Titular Professor of the European Union Chair at the CNAM, President of the Board of Directors of the French Institute for Higher National Defence Studies (IHEDN) Élisabeth Guigou, Member of the French Assemblée nationale, President of the Foreign Affairs Committee, former French Minister Pascal Lamy, President emeritus of the Jacques Delors Institute, former Director General of the WTO Eneko Landaburu, former Ambassador and Head of the European Union Delegation to the Kingdom of Morocco Enrico Letta, member of the Italian Parliament, associate Professor at Sciences Po Paris, former President of the Italian Council Pierre Lepetit, Vice-President of the Board of Directors, Treasurer of the Jacque Delors Institute, Inspecteur général des finances Florence Mangin, Director of the institutional relations and the European and international cooperation at the “Caisse des dépôts” Sophie-Caroline de Margerie, Member of the Conseil d’État Vitor Martins, Advisor on European Affairs to the President of the Portuguese Republic, former Portuguese Cabinet Minister Riccardo Perissich, former European Commission Director General for Industry, Executive Vice-President of the Italian branch of the Council for the United States and Italy Alojz Peterle, MEP, former Prime minister of Slovenia Gaëtane Ricard-Nihoul, Acting head of the European Commission Delegation in France, former Secretary General of the Jacques Delors Institute Maria João Rodrigues, MEP, former Portuguese Minister Philippe de Schoutheete, former Belgian Ambassador to the EU, member of the board of the Egmont Institute Javier Solana, President of the ESADEgeo, distinguished Senior Fellow in foreign policy at Brookings Institution, former High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Pedro Solbes, President of the Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE), former Spanish Cabinet Minister, former European Commissioner Christian Stoffaës, President of the Cercle des ingénieurs-économistes, member of the Board of the French Research Centre in International Economics (CEPII) Frank Vandenbroucke, Professor at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuvenn (KU), former Belgium Minister of Social Affairs Christine Verger, Director of the Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments at the Directorate-General for the Presidency of the European Parliament, former Secretary General of the Jacques Delors Institute Jean-Arnold Vinois, adviser at the Jacques Delors Institute for European energy policy issues

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2.3. Our Funding in 2014

Our overall budget in 2014 amounted to approximately 1.4 million euro, showing a slight increase by comparison with the previous year despite the particularly tense financial climate.

2.3.1. Our Resources and Partners

In 2014 we received support from three “major partners”, who pledged multiannual donations equal to or greater than 100,000 euro:

Our activities also received recurring support for two other partners:

We had to cope in 2014 with a substantial decrease in the subsidies dispensed by the European Commission (-30%) and by the French Government (-25%), as well as with the end of the multiannual funding granted by two other partners, the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. Of our major partners, only the Macif left the level of its annual subsidy unchanged by comparison with 2013.

We were, however, able to forge two new partnerships, with the Caisse des Dépôts and the Fondation Crédit Mutuel, in 2014.

A part of our activities in 2014 were implemented on the basis of financial partnerships driven by specific projects (see table below):

• The “Horizon EU” project, co-funded by the European Commission in its “Europe for Citizens” programme, by the Charles Leopold Mayer Foundation and by the Hippocrène Foundation (2013-2014);

• The “Droit d’inventaire – Droit d’inventer” [“Right of Inventory – Right to Invent”] project (in partnership with the Mouvement européen – France) (2013-2014), co-funded by the French Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs;

• The “Demos and Kratos “(2014) project, co-funded by the French Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs;

• Activities designed to promote a European energy community (2014), co-funded by the Caisse des Dépôts;

• A project entitled “On Elected Representatives and Votes”(2014), co-funded by the Fondation Crédit Mutuel.

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We also benefited from the exceptional support of the Fonds Notre Europe, fuelled by fees earned by our President emeritus Pascal Lamy for speeches given in 2013 and 2014, which allowed us to face our challenging financial situation and to curb our operating deficit. This financial support allowed us to launch a project to impart added value to Jacques Delors’ archives, to open the Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin, our branch office in Germany, and to fund our activities in the sphere of external relations.

We also benefited from support in kind, in particular in the shape of an offer of premises to host our events, from the Paris offices of the European Commission and the European Parliament, of the European Economic and Social Committee and of the French National Assembly.

FIGURE 1 Breakdown of our resources

European Commission Fonds Notre Europe French Government Macif GDF Suez Gulbenkian Foundation Caisse des Dépôts Crédit Mutuel Foundation Hippocrène Foundation Charles Leopold Mayer Foundation Subscriptions/Fees Others Charge transfer

2.3.2. Our Expenditure

In 2014, the JDI’s expenditure amounted to approximately 1.4 million euro, showing a slight increase over 2013. This was caused in particular by an increase in our activities connected with the European parliamentary elections in May 2014 and by the launch of two new strategic projects involving structuring and adding value to Jacques Delors’ private archives and opening the Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin, our branch office in Germany.

As in previous years, this expenditure was fairly evenly divided among three areas of activity:

• Expenditure linked to our analytical and research activities, which comprises the remuneration of our research fellows and of the external authors who produce our publications under our guidance, and the expenses that we incurred in organising research seminars;

• Expenditure linked to our dissemination, comprising the remuneration of our team members in charge of dissemination and of the communication, publication, printing and dissemination of our publications, expenses incurred in organising events for the dissemination of our research and translation costs, as well as costs incurred in funding travel, board and lodging;

• Expenditure linked to support activities and to our day-to-day running, chiefly comprising the remuneration of our staff and operating costs, primarily the rent for our offices and depreciation.

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FIGURE 2 Breakdown of our expenditure by areas of activities

RESEARCH - Researcher, external authors, interns, seminars

DISSEMINATION - Team members in charge of disseminiation, publishing, communication, events, translation and printing

SUPPORT - Team members in charge of support functions, costs related to running our premises (mainly rent)

FIGURE 3 Breakdown of our expenditure by main categories

Payroll Authors and translators General costs Communication/Website Edition/print/dissemination Events Travels and accomodation Rent and depreciation

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2.3.3. Our Financial Report

Our balance sheet and income statement (year ended 31 December 2014) are as follows:

BILAN / BALANCE SHEET (en / in €) 2014 2013 Actif / Asset Base Actif immobilisé / Capital assets 52 008 43 813 Actif circulant / Circulating assets Créances / Accounts receivable 300 578 707 574 Valeurs mobilières de placement / Investment securities Disponibilité / Cash 113 258 78 601 Charges constatées d’avance / Prepaid expenses 6 683 9 636 TOTAL 839 625 Passif / Equities Fonds propres / Capital 38 844 64 376 Provisions / Reserves 0 0 Fonds dédiés / Dedicated funds 21 064 6 773 Dettes / Liabilities 412 619 768 476 TOTAL 472 527 839 625

COMPTE DE RÉSULTAT / INCOME STATEMENT (en / in €) 2014 2013 Produit d’exploitations / Operating revenue 1 410 130 1 319 519 dont / including: Contributions structurelles / Structural contributions Commission européenne / European Commission 350 000 500 000 Gouvernement français / French Government 190 000 250 000 Gouvernement luxembourgeois / Government of Luxemburg 0 25 000 Compagnia di San Paolo 0 100 000 Macif 110 000 110 000 Fondation Gulbenkian / Gulbenkian Foundation 60 000 60 000 GDF Suez 70 000 50 000 TOTAL 780 000 1 085 000 Contributions liées à des projets / Project driven contributions Commission européenne / European Commission 120 019 68 397 Parlement européen / European Parliament 0 0 Ministère des Affaires européennes / French Ministry of European Affairs 38 500 62 229 Caisse des Dépôts 40 000 Fonds Notre Europe / Notre Europe fund 215 000 Chancellerie autrichienne / Austrian Chancellery 0 20 667 Fondation Crédit mutuel / Crédit mutuel Foundation 11 0000 Autres projets / Other projects 15 000 23 000 TOTAL 439 519 174 293

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Cotisations et honoraires / Subscriptions and fees 179 040 14 906 Autres revenus / Other income 11 571 45 320 Charges d’exploitation / Operating costs 1 435 661 1 322 006 Salaires et charges / Salaries and charges 726 558 683 574 Honoraires / Fees 98 854 103 163 Publications / Publications 46 299 87 765 Événements / Events 193 739 149 223 Déplacements, réceptions / Travel, Receptions 65 514 48 646 Communication, site web / Communication, Website 19 431 28 106 Fonctionnement / Administrative costs 84 496 76 132 Loyer / Rent 119 297 121 335 Amortissements / Depreciation 67 182 17 289 Provisions / Reserves 14 291 0

Résultat / Result (25 531) (2 487)

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Thank you for having followed our activities in 2014. We invite you to continue in 2015 on: www.delorsinstitute.eu

37 / 38 The Jacques Delors Institute is the European think tank founded by Jacques Delors in 1996 (under the name Notre Europe), at the end of his presidency of the European Commission. Our aim is to produce analyses and proposals targeting European decision-makers and a wider audience, and to contribute to the debate on the European Union.

We publish numerous papers (Tribunes, Policy Papers, Studies & Reports, Syntheses), sounds and videos, organise and take part in seminars and conferences throughout Europe, and make appearances in the European media via our presidents, director and team.

Our work is inspired by the action and ideas of Jacques Delors and guided by the general principles set out in the Charter adopted by our Board of Directors. It is structured around three main axes: “European Union and citizens” – covering political, institutional and civic issues; “Competition, cooperation, solidarity” – deal- ing with economic, social and regional issues; “European external actions” – research with an international dimension. This work is developed by our Paris and Berlin offices (the Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin).

The president of the Jacques Delors Institute is António Vitorino, a former European commissioner and Portuguese minister. He succeeded Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa, Pascal Lamy and Jacques Delors. The director, Yves Bertoncini, leads an international team of around 15 members, who work in close coordination with the members of the Berlin office, led by Henrik Enderlein.

The governing bodies of the Jacques Delors Institute comprise high-profile European figures from diverse backgrounds. Our Board of Trustees takes care of our moral and financial interests. Our Board of Directors is responsible for the management and direction of our works. Our European Steering Committee meets to debate issues of fundamental importance for the future of the EU.

All publications are available free of charge, in French and English, on our website and through the social networks. The Jacques Delors Institute is wholly independent of any political influence or economic interests.

With the support of:

19 rue de Milan, F – 75009 Paris Pariser Platz 6, D – 10117 Berlin [email protected] www.delorsinstitute.eu