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1 Preliminary Proceedings
Notes 1 Preliminary proceedings 1. Jane McDermid, ‘Women and Education’, Women’s History: Britain, 1850–1945, ed. June Purvis (London: UCL, 1995), pp. 107–30 (p. 107). 2. Arthur Marwick, The Deluge: British Society and the First World War, 2nd edn (London: Macmillan, 1991), p. 134. 3. Ibid. 4. Jane Humphries, ‘Women and Paid Work’, Women’s History, ed. Purvis, pp. 15–105 (p. 89). 5. Penny Tinkler, ‘Women and Popular Literature’, Women’s History, ed. Purvis, pp. 131–56. 6. Ibid., p. 145. 7. Ibid., p. 146. 8. Alison Light, Forever England: Femininity, Literature and Conservatism Between the Wars (London: Routledge, 1991), pp. 9–10. 9. Ibid. 10. Earl F. Bargainnier, The Gentle Art of Murder: The Detective Fiction of Agatha Christie (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green Press, 1980), p. 37. 11. Ann Heilmann, New Woman Fiction (London: Macmillan, 2000), p. 34. 12. Ibid., p. 35. 13. Patricia Marks, Bicycles, Bangs and Bloomers: The New Woman and the Popular Press (Lexington: University of Kentucky, 1990), p. 184. 14. Agatha Christie: An Autobiography (London: Fontana, 1977), p. 335. 15. Jared Cade, Agatha Christie and the Eleven Missing Days (London: Peter Own, 1998). 16. Lyn Pyket, Engendering Fictions (London: Arnold, 1995), p. 15. 17. Jane Elderidge Miller, Rebel Women: Feminism, Modernism and the Edwardian Novel (London: Virago, 1994), p. 4. 18. Agatha Christie’s Miss Marple: The Life and Times of Miss Jane Marple, first published in the US by Dodd Mead, 1985 (London: HarperCollins, 1997). 19. Ibid., p. 71. 20. Ibid., p. 45. 21. Anne Hart, Agatha Christie’s Poirot: The Life and Times of Hercule Poirot (London: Pavilion Books, 1990). -
Stewart2019.Pdf
Political Change and Scottish Nationalism in Dundee 1973-2012 Thomas A W Stewart PhD Thesis University of Edinburgh 2019 Abstract Prior to the 2014 independence referendum, the Scottish National Party’s strongest bastions of support were in rural areas. The sole exception was Dundee, where it has consistently enjoyed levels of support well ahead of the national average, first replacing the Conservatives as the city’s second party in the 1970s before overcoming Labour to become its leading force in the 2000s. Through this period it achieved Westminster representation between 1974 and 1987, and again since 2005, and had won both of its Scottish Parliamentary seats by 2007. This performance has been completely unmatched in any of the country’s other cities. Using a mixture of archival research, oral history interviews, the local press and memoires, this thesis seeks to explain the party’s record of success in Dundee. It will assess the extent to which the character of the city itself, its economy, demography, geography, history, and local media landscape, made Dundee especially prone to Nationalist politics. It will then address the more fundamental importance of the interaction of local political forces that were independent of the city’s nature through an examination of the ability of party machines, key individuals and political strategies to shape the city’s electoral landscape. The local SNP and its main rival throughout the period, the Labour Party, will be analysed in particular detail. The thesis will also take time to delve into the histories of the Conservatives, Liberals and Radical Left within the city and their influence on the fortunes of the SNP. -
The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland
Polish Political Science Yearbook vol. 45 (2016), pp. 85–98 DOI: 10.15804/ppsy2016007 PL ISSN 0208-7375 Tomasz Czapiewski University of Szczecin (Poland) The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland Abstract: The article describes and explains the phenomenon of the politi- cal myth of Margaret Thatcher – her anti-Scottish attitude and policies and its impact on the process of decomposition of the United Kingdom. The author indicates that the view of Margaret Thatcher’s dominance in Scotland is simpli- fied, stripped of complexity, ignoring significant information conflicting with the thesis, but that also plays an important role in current politics, legitimizing seces- sionist demands and strengthening the identity of the Scottish community. In the contemporary Scottish debate with its unequivocal defence policy of Thatcher is outside of the discourse, proving its sanctity status. Thatcher could see this special Scottish dimension within the United Kingdom, but treated it rather as a delay in the reforms needed in the country. There are many counterarguments to the validity of the Thatcher myth. Firstly, many negative processes that took place in the 80s were not initiated by Thatcher, only accelerated. Secondly, the Tory decline in popularity in the north began before the leadership of Thatcher and has lasted long after her dismissal. The Conservative Party was permanently seen in Scotland as openly English. Thirdly, there is a lot of accuracy in the opinion that the real division is not between Scotland and England, only between south- ern England and the rest of the country. Widespread opinion that Thatcher was hostile to Scotland is to a large extent untruthful. -
Breaking out of Britain's Neo-Liberal State
cDIREoCTIONmFOR THE pass DEMOCRATIC LEFT Breaking out of Britain’s Neo-Liberal State January 2009 Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett 3 4 r Tr hink e b m m u N PIECES 3 4 Tr hink e b m u N PIECES Breaking out of Britain’s Neo-Liberal State Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett “In the big-dipper of UK politics, the financial crisis suddenly re-reversed these terms. Gordon Brown excavated a belief in Keynesian solutions from his social democratic past and a solidity of purpose that was lacking from Blair’s lightness of being” Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. Breaking out of Britain’s Neo-Liberal State www.compassonline.org.uk PAGE 1 Breaking out of Britain’s reduced for so many, is under threat with The British Empire State Building Neo-Liberal State no state provisions in place for them. The political and even military consequences England’s “Glorious Revolution” of 1688 Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett could well be dire. created a framework of compromise between monarchy and Parliament. It was Nonetheless we should celebrate the followed by the union of England with possible defeat of one aspect of neo- Scotland of 1707, which joined two he world we have lived in, liberal domination. It cheered the different countries while preserving their created from the twin oil-price destruction of a communist world that distinct legal traditions. Since then the T shockwaves of 1973 and 1979 was oppressive and unfree. -
ELECTING the FIRST PARLIAMENT Party Competition and Voter Participation in Scotland
PARTY POLITICS VOL 10. No.2 pp. 213–233 Copyright © 2004 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com ELECTING THE FIRST PARLIAMENT Party Competition and Voter Participation in Scotland Steven E. Galatas ABSTRACT Theory regarding turnout in elections suggests that voters are more likely to vote when their vote could be decisive. The article provides a generalized test of the relationship between the likelihood of turning out and the closeness of elections. Data are single-member district (first- past-the-post) and regional (party list) constituency-level results from the Scottish Parliament election of 1999. Scotland provides an excellent case because the 1999 Scottish Parliament was elected using a combi- nation of single-member districts, plus an additional member, regional list alternative vote system. In addition, the Scottish Parliament election was characterized by regional, multiparty competition. Controlling for other factors, the article finds that closeness counts and relates to higher levels of voter participation in the Scottish Parliament elections. This finding holds for single-member district (first-past-the-post) constituen- cies and additional member regional lists. KEY WORDS electoral competition Scottish Parliament voter turnout In 1999, Scottish voters went to the polls for the first time to elect a Scottish Parliament. Although Scotland had a legislative body prior to the Treaty of Union of 1707, the new Parliament created in 1999 was the first democrat- ically elected Scottish Parliament. Elections to the Scottish Parliament featured a deviation from the single-member district-plurality system (SMD-P) familiar to Scottish voters from other electoral contests. Instead, voters selected Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) using an additional member system (AMS). -
Scottish Nationalism
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses The Graduate School Summer 2012 Scottish nationalism: The symbols of Scottish distinctiveness and the 700 Year continuum of the Scots' desire for self determination Brian Duncan James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019 Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Duncan, Brian, "Scottish nationalism: The symbols of Scottish distinctiveness and the 700 Year continuum of the Scots' desire for self determination" (2012). Masters Theses. 192. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019/192 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Scottish Nationalism: The Symbols of Scottish Distinctiveness and the 700 Year Continuum of the Scots’ Desire for Self Determination Brian Duncan A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts History August 2012 Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….…….iii Chapter 1, Introduction……………………………………………………………………1 Chapter 2, Theoretical Discussion of Nationalism………………………………………11 Chapter 3, Early Examples of Scottish Nationalism……………………………………..22 Chapter 4, Post-Medieval Examples of Scottish Nationalism…………………………...44 Chapter 5, Scottish Nationalism Masked Under Economic Prosperity and British Nationalism…...………………………………………………….………….…………...68 Chapter 6, Conclusion……………………………………………………………………81 ii Abstract With the modern events concerning nationalism in Scotland, it is worth asking how Scottish nationalism was formed. Many proponents of the leading Modernist theory of nationalism would suggest that nationalism could not have existed before the late eighteenth century, or without the rise of modern phenomena like industrialization and globalization. -
Nicholas Brooke Phd Thesis
THE DOGS THAT DIDN'T BARK: POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND NATIONALISM IN SCOTLAND, WALES AND ENGLAND Nicholas Brooke A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2016 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8079 This item is protected by original copyright The Dogs That Didn't Bark: Political Violence and Nationalism in Scotland, Wales and England Nicholas Brooke This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 30th June 2015 1 Abstract The literature on terrorism and political violence covers in depth the reasons why some national minorities, such as the Irish, Basques and Tamils, have adopted violent methods as a means of achieving their political goals, but the study of why similar groups (such as the Scots and Welsh) remained non-violent, has been largely neglected. In isolation it is difficult to adequately assess the key variables behind why something did not happen, but when compared to a similar violent case, this form of academic exercise can be greatly beneficial. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying ‘negative cases’ - nationalist movements that abstain from political violence - particularly with regards to how the state should respond to minimise the likelihood of violent activity, as well as the interplay of societal factors in the initiation of violent revolt. This is achieved by considering the cases of Wales, England and Scotland, the latter of which recently underwent a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom (accomplished without the use of political violence) and comparing them with the national movement in Ireland, looking at both violent and non-violent manifestations of nationalism in both territories. -
Narrative, Agency, and Mood: on the Social Construction of National History in Scotland
Edinburgh Research Explorer ‘Narrative, Agency and Mood: On the Social Construction of National History in Scotland’ Citation for published version: Hearn, J 2002, '‘Narrative, Agency and Mood: On the Social Construction of National History in Scotland’', Comparative Studies in Society and History , vol. 44(4), pp. 745-769. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417502000348 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0010417502000348 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: Comparative Studies in Society and History Publisher Rights Statement: ©Hearn, J. (2002). ‘Narrative, Agency and Mood: On the Social Construction of National History in Scotland’. Comparative Studies in Society and History , 44(4), 745-769doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0010417502000348 General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 24. Sep. 2021 Narrative, Agency, and Mood: On the Social Construction of National History in Scotland JONATHAN HEARN School of Social and Political Studies, University of Edinburgh introduction It is a commonplace in the study of nationalism that the construction of national identity inevitably relies on the creation and use of narratives—part history, part myth—that imbue nations and nationalist projects with coherence and pur- pose. -
The 'Radical Current': Nationalism and the Radical Left In
H-Nationalism The Left and Nationalism Monthly Series: “The ‘Radical Current’: Nationalism and the Radical Left in Scotland, 1967-1979” by Rory Scothorne Discussion published by Emmanuel Dalle Mulle on Friday, May 25, 2018 H-Nationalism is proud to publish here the seventh post of its “The Left and Nationalism Monthly Series”, which looks at the relationship between nationalism and left-wing movements and thinking in a multi-disciplinary perspective. Today’s contribution, by Rory Scothorne (University of Edinburgh), inquires into the relationship between the radical Left and the rise of Scottish nationalism between the end of the 1960s and the late 1970s. In 1998, summarising decades of campaigns for the Scottish Parliament which had been endorsed in a referendum a year earlier, Lindsay Paterson wrote that ‘at its most rational, the debate has been about good and effective government, how best to manage the affairs of Scotland and, more widely, the UK or Europe.’[1] He noted that devolution ‘would have got nowhere’ had it simply been about good government: ‘the emotional fuel on all sides has come from some version of politicised national identity.’[2] This ‘emotional fuel,’ he suggested, came largely from a ‘radical current’ on the left which ‘gained its sustenance, not from the Labour movement, but from a wholesale shift towards nationalism in Scottish intellectual culture.’[3] This association of the left – or, more specifically, some formulation of theradical left – with the ‘emotive’ or ‘utopian’ aspects of the campaigns for some measure of Scottish self-government is a common, if consistently underexplored, theme in scholarship and broader commentary on devolution and Scottish nationalism.[4] Amongst the various ways in which radical and Scottish identities are yoked together, the most common is to present their relationship as a powerful national myth.[5] It is important, however, to distinguish between myth and narrative. -
THE UNIVERSITY of EDINBURGH Shaping the Way Forward Invitation
THE UNIVERSITY of EDINBURGH Department of British & Irish Studies Academy of Government 27th Freudenstadt Symposium on European Regionalism: Shaping the Way Forward 07-09 July 2017 | Hotel Teuchelwald | Freudenstadt | Black Forest | Germany Invitation We would like to invite you to take part in the 27th Freudenstadt Symposium. Whilst elections in France, Austria and Holland brought relief, the nationalist drift in Poland, Hungary and others causes concern. Will this lead to a European divide? However the 27 governments remaining formed a joint stand on the Brexit negotiations. Nevertheless this unity is unlikely in determining and shaping the way forward for Europe. What options and paths lie ahead? A hard Brexit seems unavoidable, but what does this lead to in the UK and Ireland? What is ‘in it’ for the four nations of Ireland, Northern Ireland, Wales, Scotland and England – the ‘promised land’ or economic collapse? Will the devolved nations put a stress on the UK threatening to break it apart? Where does the European Boat drift? – what is on in Europe? Increasing nationalist tendencies and ‚alternative facts‘ on the one hand and voting to embrace the European idea on the other? Renewing Europe – what visions, scenarios and routes should be taken to bring (which?) Europe on course? What‘s in for us? – the British Islands on their way to a creative or a catastrophic destruction? We are expecting speakers and participants - politicians, diplomats, academics & students, writers & journalists, businesspeople, activists and individuals - from across Europe for a weekend of presentations, informal discussions, good food, and walks in the Black Forest – hallmarks of Freudenstadt for the past twenty-odd years. -
A Wee Bit Different: Socio-Cultural Influences on Scottish Marketing
Published in: Christiane Eisenberg, Rita Gerlach and Christian Handke (eds.). Cultural Industries: The British Experience in International Perspective. 2006. Online. Humboldt University Berlin, Edoc- Server. Available: http://edoc.hu-berlin.de. ISBN 978-3-86004-203-8. A Wee Bit Different: Socio-Cultural Influences on Scottish Marketing Annika Wingbermühle Faculty of Art, University of Passau [email protected] Has the world become the ultimate marketplace? Not really, because resurging nationalism in many European countries indicates that globalisation has still failed to create complete cultural homogeneity. The convergence thesis in cross-cultural marketing therefore appears to be wrong because consumers remain highly susceptible to stimuli that fit their cultural expectations (De Mooij). However, culture as a “whole way of life” (Williams 122) offers predictable social interactions in a post-modern world. Scotland and its quest for an independent identity in particular is a perfect exhibit for this observation. In this country conventional sociological and economic categories turn out to be too wieldy. Therefore, culture is particularly promising as an analytical approach. This paper analyses how cultural differences influence the way the creative industries work. The analysis is based on various works of David McCrone (“Being British”; Understanding Scotland), McCrone et al. (“Who Are We?”), Murray Pittock (Scottish Nationality) and Gerry Hassan (“Anatomy”; “Tales”). Main players in Scottish marketing were interviewed about their views in March 2005. The Scottish trade magazine The Drum offered further insights into the industry. Finally, campaigns were analysed to find out whether or not a ‘Scottish approach’ in marketing exists. All samples are reproduced with kind permission and copyrights remain with the designers. -
Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online
A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details A Moral Business: British Quaker work with Refugees from Fascism, 1933-39 Rose Holmes Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Sussex December 2013 i I hereby declare that this thesis has not been, and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature: ii University of Sussex Rose Holmes PhD Thesis A Moral Business: British Quaker work with Refugees from Fascism, 1933-39 Summary This thesis details the previously under-acknowledged work of British Quakers with refugees from fascism in the period leading up to the Second World War. This work can be characterised as distinctly Quaker in origin, complex in organisation and grassroots in implementation. The first chapter establishes how interwar British Quakers were able to mobilise existing networks and values of humanitarian intervention to respond rapidly to the European humanitarian crisis presented by fascism. The Spanish Civil War saw the lines between legal social work and illegal resistance become blurred, forcing British Quaker workers to question their own and their country’s official neutrality in the face of fascism.