SINATRA SINGS for APARTHEID by JOE HAMILL Independent Journalist

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

SINATRA SINGS for APARTHEID by JOE HAMILL Independent Journalist AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA 198 Broadway, New York, NY 10038 (212) 962.1210 SINATRA SINGS FOR APARTHEID By JOE HAMILL Independent Journalist per cent of the most arid and resourceless land in , OLD"darkest BLUE Africa"EYES' venturedfor his first into professional the heart of South Africa. According to South Africa's apartheid appearance there in July, and if his image (separate development) policies, they are supposed came out alive, it certainly didn't come out to be the "homelands" of the black Africans, who unscathed. make up over 80 per cent of the population. The Frank Sinatra sang from July 24 to August 2, in South African government has been busily bulldoz the Sun City Hotel Casino and Country Club in the ing dozens of black townships in the "white" areas to so-called "Republic of Bophuthatswana," a "coun force Africans to "return" to "homelands" they have try" that the United Nations refuses to recognize or never even seen. There they are given homeland seat, and which has diplomatic relations with only citizenship, thereby depriving them of citizenship one country, the one that surrounds its six frag and all political rights in the rest of South Africa. mented pieces on all sides: South Africa. Most Africans contend that all of South Africa is "He is trying to pretend that he's going into a their homeland, and that they have the right to share seperate state, which it is not," said Victor Mashabela in the fabulous wealth that they have produced, but of the African National Congress of South Africa which only the whites enjoy. They point to the total (ANC). "We don't recognize Bophuthatswana as a domination of the bantustans by South Africa to seperate state from South Africa, and our policy is disprove their "independence," and criticize them as the same as if he had agreed to perform in South nothing but forced labor reserves, opened or closed Africa. Therefore we will continue to protest against at will, to serve the labor needs of industry and farms such behavior." The ANC, and the Pan Africanist in the "white" areas. Congress of Azania (PAC), are recognized as repre "Sinatra is playing there," said Solters, "because sentatives of the black people of South Africa by the we were in the Republic of Bophuthatswana and Organization of African Unity and the United Na were entirely satisfied with the condition of civil tions. They have observer status in both rights, integration and the like. It is not a question of organizations. defending Frank Sinatra going there, but an effort to When Lee Solters, Sinatra's press agent, make known to the world, especially those concerned announced the engagement, he echoed that country's with civil rights, the importance of the independence apartheid logic, saying, "Sinatra's appearance at Sun of Bophuthatswana. We think that the establishment City could strongly influence other entertainers who of Bophuthatswana as an independent country is the may be reluctant to perform there because they right step for their future development." assume that Bophuthatswana is in South Africa." Sinatra was unavailable for reply to the African The reaction was immediate. "What Sinatra has organizations who objected to him going there, but overlooked," said Harold Head, co-ordinator of PAC Solters said, "I couldn't give a shit about the African initiated United Artists International Campaign for organizations' opinions." Human Decency in South Africa, "is that the major This raises the more general question of whether a ity of the people in South Africa, and the world at performer should be concerned with the politics of a large, do not accept bantustans as a satisfactory country when deciding whether to play there. Boxer political idea. In fact, his visit to Bophuthatswana Mike Weaver fought at Sun City Casino, and John will only serve to perpetuate the illusion of the Tate fought in Pretoria, decisions opposed by almost bantustan as a legitimate nation-state." all South African blacks polled by The Post, South Until then, Sinatra had not -,layed to segregated Africa's leading black-read newspaper. Black tennis audiences and had on occasion supported civil rights star Arthur Ashe went there, but returned horrified causes in America. Sinatra's lawyer and manager, at apartheid. He was said to be instrumental in Mickey Rudin, made sure to point out to a press convincing Wimbledon champ John McEnroe to turn conference of South African journalists that Sinatra down the reportedly largest tennis purse ever had "always rejected South African offers" to per offered, to play Bjorn Borg at Sun City. Ray Charles form there, because, according to Solters, he didn't ignored pleas by black South Africans to cancel his want to be associated with that country's racist tour of South Africa, only to be met by organized apartheid policies. But by accepting the independ- boycotts by blacks there that led to cancellations in ence of the bantustan, which is the cornerstone of Soweto and Welkom. the whole South African apartheid policy, Sinatra Actor Ben Vereen, and singer Gladys Knight had finally agreed to perform in what is the most originally signed contracts to perform there, but universally reviled racist state in the world. cancelled out. Phyllis Hyman, currently playing in Aside from South Africa, every other country, "Sophisticated Ladies," also turned down a South including the United States, officially views African offer on the grounds that morals were more Bophuthatswana as a fictional creation of South important than money to her. On the other hand, the Africa. It is one of thv ten arbitrarily drawn bantus South African government doesn't welcome every tans-the result of colonial conquest and robbery of American entertainer. In mid June a white student African land by the white minority-that make up 13 named Sammy Adelman was put under a five-year banning order (house arrest) after inviting Jane children born in the bantustan, 175 died at birth. A Fonda to speak at Witwatersrand University in typical African woman, whose husband had been Johannesburg. Her visa application was rejected. forced to work in a gold mine 500 miles away because And as Head pointed out, "If Gil Scott Heron or Bob of the 76 per cent unemployment rate in Bophuthats Marley had gone to play in South Africa they wana, may have risen slowly from weeding a little probably would have been executed on the spot. patch of land. But it is unlikely that as she leaned on What is it about Sinatra that made him different?" her hoe, glanced off in the distance at the harsh, Mashabela ventured an answer, saying, "Culture is sparkling reflection of Sun City Casino, she sighed, very much a part of politics. And especially now that "Ooh!...Franke!" we have made the request internationally that people "This call for a boycott," Mashabela added, "is a not participate, to participate is no longer a question demand that came from the people themselves. They of 'art for art's sake,' or just 'entertaining.' But it don't want anybody to come to perform and 'enter actually takes a stand on whether or not to fight with tain' them in the midst of their oppression. The the demands of the people of South Africa, or to side people don't take too kindly to 'entertaining' apar with the rulers of the fascist regime, and to weaken theid, as it were." their isolation." The boycott is intended to deny South Africa the international legitimacy it badly needs to maintain HIS QUESTION OF political choices by en foreign economic aid to bolster apartheid in the face of rising black rebellion. tertainers is not new. Maurice Chevalier cre "We appeal to the international community," said ated a storm when he collaborated in perfor Mashabela, "to use every means at their disposal to ming in Nazi-occupied France, which led to his isolate South Africa, using, for instance, sanctions. post-war chagrinned apology. We view this as the last means of getting our freedom The analogy to Nazi Germany is apt. South without as much bloodshed as if people continue to African is fighting an active war in its illegally held arm the fascist regime to the teeth." territory of Namibia; it has launched terror raids into There has been a lot of unsubstantiated talk of neighboring states; it has been conducting a massive, very large under-the-table payoffs to such perfor repressive crackdown on black student, community mers. Their presence appears important enough to and labor leaders in recent months. Nevertheless, South Africa to take such talk seriously. Sinatra Rudin stepped into Bophuthatswana and warily certainly did not need under-the-table payments; concluded, "I know that whatever the motives of according to the South African press, he expected to South Africa were in establishing this country, the gross $1.79 million for the nine concerts. Even more result is right." important to the South Africans is their effort to South Africa's motives, which Solters said "should garner international support for the foundation of not be examined," are clear. The architect of apartheid-the "independence" of the bantustans. bantustanization, former South African Prime Minis "Sinatra is accepting the bantustan policy," said ter, Dr. H. F. Verwoerd, spoke of why blacks must be Mashabela. "He is saying that the black people of denied citizenship in "white" areas. He reasoned that South Africa should be living in 13 per cent of the the Africans should not be allowed to gaze out on the land!" green pastures that will never be theirs. This is what made the decision of someone of Whites from around South Africa flocked to Sun Sinatra's staure to play there so important.
Recommended publications
  • Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M.
    [Show full text]
  • Sports, Race, and Politics: the Olympic Boycott of Apartheid Sport
    Western Illinois Historical Review © 2017 Volume VIII, Spring 2017 ISSN 2153-1714 Sports, Race, and Politics: The Olympic Boycott of Apartheid Sport Matt Bersell Western Illinois University In the article “Hitting Apartheid for Six? The Politics of the South African Boycott,” Douglas Booth writes that during the second half of the twentieth century, the international community regarded the South African government as a “pariah” due to its racially restrictive apartheid laws that denied equal economic, political, and social rights to the nation’s nonwhite majority. According to Booth, “foreign governments, multinational corporations, churches, the media, campaign groups, and individuals” increasingly condemned apartheid and joined international actions against the South African government through organized boycotts, sanctions, and embargoes.1 One specific form of international solidarity was the movement against apartheid sport which resulted in South Africa’s suspension from the 1964 and 1968 Olympic Games and its eventual expulsion from the premier international athletic competition in 1970. As a result of its commitment to racial segregation in sport and the exclusion of blacks from international competition, South Africa was not allowed to participate at the Olympics until 1992.2 Through the historical examination of the relationship between sports, politics, and race, it is evident that the boycott of South African sports, specifically the ban levied by the International Olympic Committee, had significant political and social ramifications. Sports, Politics, and Race Despite countless attempts to separate the two fields, sports and politics have been linked since ancient times.3 Barrie Houlihan finds the “the interweaving of sport and politics” at the international, national, and regional/local levels.4 According to Roger I.
    [Show full text]
  • The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics Edited by Clifton Crais and Thomas Mcclendon
    blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/lsereviewofbooks/2014/04/02/book-review-the-south-africa-reader-history-culture-politics/ Book Review: The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics edited by Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon The South Africa Reader represents an extraordinarily rich guide to the history, cultures, and politics of South Africa. With more than eighty absorbing selections, the Reader aims to provide readers with many perspectives on the country’s diverse peoples, its first two decades as a democracy, and the forces that have shaped its history and continue to pose challenges to its future, particularly violence, inequality, and racial discrimination. Jason Hickel finds this gripping reading and a comprehensive treatment of the country’s exciting past and tumultuous present – a must for any eager student of South Africa. The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon. Duke University Press. December 2013. Find this book: If there’s one book that succeeds in drawing the many strands of South Africa’s rich political history together into a single volume, this is it. Historians Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon have accomplished a remarkable feat with The South Africa Reader , which offers more than 80 diverse selections: everything from poetry, folklore, songs and speeches to reportage, scholarly analysis, and a series of powerful photographs that bring it all to life. This symphony of texts and images is laid out in a clear narrative structure that guides readers through the early years of colonial settlement, the mineral revolution, the struggle against apartheid, and the transition to democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Economy of the South African Revolution
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. The Political Economy of the South African Revolution Bernard Magubane The white man in South African Colonies feels that the colony ought to be his and kept up for him, because he, perhaps, with his life in his hand, went forth as a pioneer to spread the civilization of Europe and to cultivate the wilds of the world's surface. If he has not done so himself, his father did it before him, and he thinks that the gratitude of the Mother Country should maintain for him the complete ascenden- cy which his superiority to the black man has given him. I feel confi- dent that he will maintain his own ascendency, and think that the Mother Country should take care that the ascendency be not too complete. Anthony Trollope Preliminary Remarks The study of South Africa continues to pose a dilemma to the social scien- tist. Insofar as it owes its present circumstances to the post-feudal move- ment from Northwestern Europe, the movement that "discovered" North and South America, Australia, and the sea-route to India, South Africa is part of the so-called New World. However, unlike the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, i.e., countries that the Europeans claim as part of the West, South Africa remains an African country and therefore part of the Third World.
    [Show full text]
  • The Local Role of a Wellington Afrikaner Broederbond Branch, 1937–1994
    Historia 55,2, November 2010, pp 121-146 The local role of a Wellington Afrikaner Broederbond branch, 1937–1994 Johan Zaaiman* Introduction The history of the Afrikaner Broederbond (AB) is well documented. Its functioning is closely examined in the books by Ivor Wilkins and H. Strydom,1 and by J.H.P. Serfontein.2 In Hermann Giliomee’s recent work, the influence of the AB has also received attention.3 According to Giliomee it is a misconception, perpetuated by South African historiography, that the Broederbond’s influence was on a par with that of the NP.4 The Afrikaner Broederbond itself has also produced histories of the society,5 and in 2009, Rev Nico Smith published his inside perspective on the AB.6 The aim of this article is to contribute to the discussion on the role of the AB in the politics of South Africa by focusing on the local functioning of the AB. This is done by examining the minutes of one of the oldest AB branches, the branch in Wellington, a Western Cape rural community, from 1937 to 1994.7 It is clear that the results of this study cannot be generalised to include other communities, especially those in the north of the country, because the political orientation of the southern and northern Afrikaners differed significantly, with those in the south being more accommodating, especially towards the coloured population.8 Another unique factor of Afrikaner politics in Wellington was that black people formed a very small minority of the local population; issues on coloureds thus featured more prominently in discussions in this AB branch.
    [Show full text]
  • Die Burger Se Rol in Die Suid-Afrikaanse Partypolitiek, 1934 - 1948
    DIE BURGER SE ROL IN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE PARTYPOLITIEK, 1934 - 1948 deur JURIE JACOBUS JOUBERT voorgelê luidens die vereistes vir die graad D. LITT ET PHIL in die vak GESKIEDENIS aan die UNIVERSITEIT VAN SUID-AFRIKA PROMOTOR: PROFESSOR C.F.J. MULLER MEDE-PROMOTOR: PROFESSOR J.P. BRITS JUNIE 1990 THE PRESENCE GF DIE BURGER IN THE PARTYPOLITICS DF SOUTH AFRICA, 1934 - 1948 by JURIE JACOBUS JOUBERT Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY in the subject HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA PROMOTER : PROFESSOR C.F.J. MULLER JOINT PROMOTER : PROFESSOR J.P. BRITS JUNE 1990 U N f S A BIBLIOTPPK AS9U .1 a Class KÍas ..J & t e Access I Aanwin _ 01326696 "Ek verklaar hiermee dat Die Burger se rol in die Suid-Afrikaanse Partypolitiek, 1934 - 1948 my eie werk is en dat ek alle bronne wat ek gebruik of aangehaal het deur middel van volledige verwyeyigs aangecfyi en erken het" lU t (i) SUMMARY During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent editorial staff and management team. The way in which it effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland. The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relation­ ship, entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly by the involvement of Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Black South African History Pdf
    Black south african history pdf Continue In South African history, this article may require cleaning up in accordance with Wikipedia quality standards. The specific problem is to reduce the overall quality, especially the lead section. Please help improve this article if you can. (June 2019) (Find out how and when to remove this message template) Part of the series on the history of the weapons of the South African Precolonial Middle Stone Age Late Stone Age Bantu expansion kingdom mapungubwe Mutapa Kaditshwene Dutch colonization of the Dutch Cape Colony zulu Kingdom of Shaka kaSenzangakhona Dingane kaSenzangakhona Mpande kaSenzangakhona Cetshwayo kaMpande Dinuzulu kaCetshwayo 1887 Annexation (British) British Colonization Cape Colony Colonia Natal Transvaal Colony Orange River Colony Bur Republic South African Orange Free Republic Natalia Republic Bur War First Storm War Jameson Reid Second World War Union of South Africa First World War of apartheid Legislation South African Border War Angolan Civil War Bantustans Internal Resistance to apartheid referendum after apartheid Mandela Presidency Motlante Presidency of the Presidency of the President zuma The theme of economic history of invention and the opening of the Military History Political History Religious History Slavery Timeline South Africa portalv Part series on Culture History of South Africa People Languages Afrikaans English Ndebele North Soto Sowazi Swazi Tswana Tsonga Venda Xhosa Zulus Kitchens Festivals Public Holidays Religion Literature Writers Music And Performing Arts
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa
    House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee South Africa Fifth Report of Session 2003–04 HC 117 Reports and Evidence from the Foreign Affairs Committee since 2001 The following reports and evidence have been produced in the present Parliament. Session 2003–04 REPORTS Fourth Report Human Rights Annual Report 2003 HC 389 Third Report Iran HC 80 Second Report Foreign Policy Aspects of the War Against HC 81 (Cm 6162) Terrorism First Report Foreign Affairs Committee Annual Report 2003HC 220 First Special Report Implications of the Work of the House and its HC 440 Committees of the Government’s Lack of Co- operation with the Foreign Affairs Committee’s Inquiry into The Decision to go to War in Iraq MINUTES OF EVIDENCE Written Evidence Overseas Territories HC 114 Written Evidence The Biological Weapons Green Paper HC 113 Written Evidence Private Military Companies HC 115 Written Evidence Turkey HC 116 Session 2002–03 REPORTS Twelfth Report Foreign & Commonwealth Office Annual HC 859 (Cm 6107) Report 2003 Eleventh Report Gibraltar HC 1024 (Cm 5954) Tenth Report Foreign Policy Aspects of the War against HC 405 (Cm 5986) Terrorism Ninth Report The Decision to go to War in Iraq HC 813 (Cm 6062) and (Cm 6123) Eighth Report Zimbabwe HC 339 (Cm 5869) Seventh Report Strategic Export Controls: Annual Report for HC 474 (Cm 5943) 2001, Licensing Policy and Parliamentary Scrutiny Sixth Report The Government’s proposals for secondary HC 620 (Cm 5988) legislation under the Export Control Act Fifth Report The Biological Weapons Green Paper HC 671 (Cm 5857) Fourth
    [Show full text]
  • The Relationship Between Economic Development, Ruling Elites and Democratic Consolidation
    THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, RULING ELITES AND DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION. DUMISANI B. BHENGU Student number: 941351884 Supervisor: Miss S. Berry MA Thesis: submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MA degree, in the Department of Politics, University of Natal, Durban February 1999 CONTENTS 1. ABSTRACT 2. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 3. INTRODUCTION 4. CHAPTER ONE: Theoretical framework 5. CHAPTER TWO: The process of transition in South Africa 6. CHAPTER THREE: The relationship between economic development and democracy 7. CHAPTER FOUR: The role of political elites in hindering or facilitating democratic consolidation in South Africa 8. CONCLUSION 9. APPENDICES 10. REFERENCES 2 ABSTRACT The end of the cold war resulted in much optimism in Africa that political and economic problems would be minimised. In line with this optimism a number of countries undertook political and economic reforms. These developments are the reason why I chose the topic of democratic consolidation. There has been a growing interest in the democratisation prospects of these 'fragile states'. The question is, would they succeed in establishing necessary institutions to support democratic norms? In the literature there are diverse opinions, some point to political elites as the main stumbling block to democratic consolidation . They argue that there are no incentives to pursue a democratic path. Modernisation theory has placed more emphasis on economic development as a prerequisite to political stability. As a result some people argue that poor countries have limited chances to consolidate their democracy. This paper focuses upon the prospects of democratic consolidation in South Africa. The study has two main themes that are closely interlinked.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenges of Tradition in Democratic South Africa J
    The Challenges of Tradition in Democratic South Africa J. Michael Williams Politics Department Lecture October 14, 2010 J. Michael Williams is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at the University of San Diego ood evening. I would like to thank all of you for coming this evening. Specifically, I would like to G thank Professor Dennis Plane and the Department of Politics for inviting me to visit your beautiful college. It really is a privilege to be here. I am hoping that we can have a conversation tonight about the ways in which tradition has affected the process of democratization in South Africa. By tradition, I am referring to those preexisting indigenous beliefs and values that many South Africans continue to use in their daily lives. As I will discuss later, the South African Constitution and the current South African government recognize and protect many of these traditions. The attempt to incorporate these traditions into its emerging democracy will undoubtedly influence the way in which democracy is practiced and consolidated in the future. As most of you know, South Africa is located on the southern tip of the African continent. For the last twelve years, most of my research has been done in the rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, one of the nine provinces in South Africa. Many of the issues that I will discuss tonight, especially those involving traditional chiefs, as well as many of the slides that I show, come from these rural areas. BACKGROUND ON SOUTH AFRICA While many of us know bits and pieces of South Africa’s history, I think it will be helpful to provide a brief background before beginning our discussion of tradition and democracy in South Africa today.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Theologised Politics of South Africa, the 1913 Land Act and Its Impact on the Flight from the Black Self
    The history of theologised politics of South Africa, the 1913 Land Act and its impact on the flight from the black self Tshepo Lephakga Department of Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa Abstract This article is an attempt to examine the role and impact of the history of theologised politics in South Africa and the 1913 Land Act and its impact on the flight from the black self. This is done specifically to locate the question of land and land dispossession of black South Africans that, according to the author of this article, resulted from the theologised politics of South Africa. It is the contention of the author that land dispossession, which was officialised in South Africa with the passing of the 1913 Land Act, was chiefly responsible for the “flight from the black self”. This is crucial, simply because the author is of the view that land dispossession had a terrible impact on black people’s self-worth. It is for this reason that the author argues that black people in the main have internalised oppression. On the basis of this, the author surmises that Apartheid, which was rationalised as being biblically and theologically sanctioned, precipitated the 1913 Land Act and in turn the flight from the black self. It is in this context of the flight from the black self that we must understand the assertion that there are many South Africans within one South Africa. Introduction The history of Dutch Reformed Church theology in South Africa has been deeply entrenched within politics in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Dispossessed: Land, Law & the Politics of Redistribution In
    Democracy Dispossessed: Land, Law & the Politics of Redistribution in South Africa Amanda Alexander Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2015 Amanda Alexander All rights reserved ABSTRACT Democracy Dispossessed: Land, Law & the Politics of Redistribution in South Africa Amanda Alexander This dissertation concerns the history of land politics in South Africa and, equally, land as a vehicle for understanding the transition from apartheid to the post-apartheid order. In 2004, after a decade in power, the ANC government’s failure to carry out widespread land reform began to test the country’s democratic possibilities. In the lead up to that year’s national election, social movements urged landless people to boycott the polls and occupy land instead as part of a “No Land! No Vote!” campaign. With this clash as its entry point for analysis, this dissertation examines historical factors that have shaped South Africa’s neoliberal democracy and prospects for redistribution. It offers insights into some of the most significant questions facing the country: What is the historical relationship between land dispossession, citizenship, and politics in South Africa? And why, well into the Mbeki years, was the country unable, or unwilling, to reckon with it? Broad in scope, this dissertation examines a number of institutions that shaped the politics of land, economic development, and citizenship in South Africa over the last century. It is particularly focused on period of the 1940s-2004, encompassing the apartheid era and the first ten years of democracy.
    [Show full text]