Die Burger Se Rol in Die Suid-Afrikaanse Partypolitiek, 1934 - 1948

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Die Burger Se Rol in Die Suid-Afrikaanse Partypolitiek, 1934 - 1948 DIE BURGER SE ROL IN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE PARTYPOLITIEK, 1934 - 1948 deur JURIE JACOBUS JOUBERT voorgelê luidens die vereistes vir die graad D. LITT ET PHIL in die vak GESKIEDENIS aan die UNIVERSITEIT VAN SUID-AFRIKA PROMOTOR: PROFESSOR C.F.J. MULLER MEDE-PROMOTOR: PROFESSOR J.P. BRITS JUNIE 1990 THE PRESENCE GF DIE BURGER IN THE PARTYPOLITICS DF SOUTH AFRICA, 1934 - 1948 by JURIE JACOBUS JOUBERT Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY in the subject HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA PROMOTER : PROFESSOR C.F.J. MULLER JOINT PROMOTER : PROFESSOR J.P. BRITS JUNE 1990 U N f S A BIBLIOTPPK AS9U .1 a Class KÍas ..J & t e Access I Aanwin _ 01326696 "Ek verklaar hiermee dat Die Burger se rol in die Suid-Afrikaanse Partypolitiek, 1934 - 1948 my eie werk is en dat ek alle bronne wat ek gebruik of aangehaal het deur middel van volledige verwyeyigs aangecfyi en erken het" lU t (i) SUMMARY During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent editorial staff and management team. The way in which it effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland. The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relation­ ship, entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly by the involvement of Dr. D.F. Malan with Die Burger. Of cardinal importance also was the part played by two editors, A.L. Geyer and P.A. Weber, in the period 1934 to 1948. Their personal support of Dr. Malan in establishing and consolidating the National Party during the years 1934 to 1948 had a decisive influence on South African political history. The role assumed by Die Burger in the period of Coalition and Fusion, as well as the close bond it had established with its readership, made it a potent political force, particu­ larly in the Cape Province. At the same time it gained for itself an important position of power within the National Party of South Africa. In all of this Geyer was a central figure - officially as editor, but more particularly also in a personal capacity. Die Burger's efforts over the years in advancing the cultural cause of Afrikaners led the paper to become a co-founder of the National Party's philosophy of apartheid. The implemen­ tation of this ideology was regarded as the only way in which the cultural and political rights of Afrikaners could be safeguarded and maintained. (ii) After 1939 the paper proved instrumental in bringing the National Party to power in the election of 1948. It regularly attacked General J.C. Smuts and his United Party on a wide political front, pointing out their shortcomings in various areas. Especially during and immediately after World War II it severely criticized the Smuts government for being incompetent, and it undoubtedly achieved political success with this strategy. (iii) OPSOMMING In die perswese van Suid-Afrika het Die Burger gedurende die dertiger- en veertigerjare ’n besondere plek beklee. A1 was dit nie ’n koerant met reusesirkulasiesyfers nie, is dit gerespekteer omdat dit onder meer ’n besonder bevoegde redaksie en bestuurspan gehad het. Die wyse waarop hy sy direkte teenstander, Die Suiderstem, in die stof laat byt het, lewer bewys van Die Burger se krag en invloed, veral in sy hinterland. Die Burger en die Nasionale Party van Kaapland se noue verbinte- nis het tot gevolg gehad dat hulle ’n gedugte span gevorm het. Die verbintenis, wat wedersydse voordele ingehou het, is grootliks versterk deur D.F. Malan se betrokkenheid by Die Burger. Die rol wat die twee redakteurs A.L. Geyer en PJA. Weber in die tydperk 1934 tot 1948 gespeel het, moet as van kardinale belang beskou word. Veral die persoonlike ondersteuning wat hulle aan D.F. Malan gegee het in sy opbou van die Nasionale Party in die jare 1934 - 1948, het ’n deurslag- gewende uitwerking op die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis gehad. Die rol wat Die Burger gedurende die koalisietydperk en daarna tydens samesmelting gespeel het, asook sy besonder noue verbinte­ nis met sy lesers, het die koerant veral in Kaapland ’n baie belangrike politieke faktor gemaak. Dit het aan hom ook ’n besondere posisie van mag binne die Nasionale Party van Suid- Afrika laat inneem. Hierin het Geyer as redakteur, maar veral in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid, ’n groot rol gespeel. Die Burger se jarelange bydrae as kultuurbouer van die Afrikaans- sprekendes het meegewerk dat die koerant as mede-skepper van die Nasionale Party se apartheidsfilosofie opgetree het. Die filosofie is beskou as die enigste wyse waarop die Afrikaans- sprekende se kulturele en politieke regte beskerm en bestendig kon word. (iv) As praktiese instrument het dit veral ná 1939 ook meegehelp om die Nasionale Party aan bewind te bring in 1948. Die koerant het J.C. Smuts en die Verenigde Party gereeld aangeval en op alle gebiede aan die kaak probeer stel. Veral gedurende en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die koerant die Smuts-bewind as ’n onbevoegde regering aan sy lesers voorgehou, 'en het sekerlik sukses daarmee behaal. (v) AFKORTINGS A.G. Adjudant-Generaal A.-B. Afrikaner-Broederbond A.T.K.v. Afrikaanse Taal- en Kultuurvereniging A.E.K. Afrikaner-Eenheidskomitee A.H.I. Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut F.A.K. Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge F.V.B. Federale Volksbeleggings L.V. Lid van die Volksraad L.P.R. Lid van die Provinsiale Raad N.P. Nasionale Party O.B. Ossewa-Brandwag R.D-B. Reddingsdaadbond S.A.P. Suid-Afrikaanse Party S.A.P.A. Suid-Afrikaanse Pers-Assosiasie U.R. Uitvoerende Raad V.P. Verenigde Party **** **** **** LYS VAN SPOTPRENTE SAME SMELTING P- 11 3 I TOOK MY HARP TO APARTHEID P- 319 SCARICATURE P- 320 VOORWAARTS TOT DIE STRYD! P • 340 26 ME I 1948 P- 342 KROONPRINS HOFMEYR P- 343 HET DAGHET OVERAL P • 354 **** **** *#** (vii) INHOUDSOPGAWE Bladsy SUMMARY OPSQMMING AFKORTINGS SPOTPRENTE VOORWOORD HOOFSTUK 1 DIE PERS IN SUID-AFRIKA, 1930 - 1950 1.1 Die doel van ’n koerant 1 1.2 Die aard van die pers gedurende die 3 dertiger- en veertigerjare 1.3 Die Engelstalige pers in die Unie 9 ' 1.4 Beheer van die Afrikaanse pers 12 1.5 Die verspreiding van nuus 15 2 DIE BURGER EN DIE NASIONALE PARTY: ’n TWEELING? 2.1 Die Nasionale Party 2.1.1 Party en koerant: Wie is die baas? 17 2.1.2 Die Nasionale Party se organisasie 22 2.2 Het Dagbet Overal 2.2.1 Nasionale Pers Beperk 2.2.1.1 Stinting en groei 27 2.2.1.2 Die Direksie 29 2.2.1.3 Hoofbestuurder 30 2.2.2 Die werk van Die Burger 2.2.2.1 Redaksie en drukpers 31 2.2.2.2 Taal en inkleding 35 2.2.2.3 Tegniese versorging 36 2.2.2.4 Spotprente 36 2.2.3 Beleid en samewerking 38 (viii) 2.3 Die Burger se "hinterland" 42 2.4 Die "Ysterman" 48 2^5 "Om geskiedenis te help maak, is lekker" 57 2.6 D.F. Malan en Die Burger; ’n hegte vriendskap 60 2.7 Die Burger en die ander Nasionale Party- 62 spreekbuise 2.8 Die Burger en sy Kaapse teenstanders 67 2.9 Nasionale Pers teen die Nasionale Party van Kaapland 2.9.1 F.C. Erasmus krap die verhoudinge om 75 2.9.2 Canossa: Party swig voor pers 80 2.9.3 Die Kruithoring teen Die Burger, 1946 84 3 VAN REGERINGS TOT OPPOSISIEKOERANT 3.1 Inleiding 90 3.2 Koalisie en Die Burger 94 3.3 Verbete teenstander van samesmelting 103 3.4 Hertzog daag die Nasionale Pers uit 113 4 DIE REORGANISASIE VAN DIE NASIONALE PARTY 4.1 Inleiding 119 4.2 Stigting van die Nasionale Party 120 4.3 Wie was die Nasionale Party-ondersteuners? 121 4.4 Die Nasionale Party as opposisie in die 124 Parlement 4.5 Aanvanklike plan van aksie 126 4.6 Organisasie 129 4.7 Die Nasionale Party begin vuis wys 130 5 S0SIALE EN EKONOMIESE TOESTANDE, 1934-1939 5.1 Inleiding 1^4 5.2 Die Armblankevraagstuk 136 5.3 Die Afrikaner en die ekonomie vanaf 1930 tot voor die Eerste Ekonomiese Kongres 141 5.4 Landbou , 145 (ix) 6 KULTUURPOl.ITIEK 6.1 Staatkundige ontvoogding van Brittanje 6.1.1 Inleiding 149 6.1.2 Die koning 151 6.1.3 ’n Suid-Afrikaanse goewerneur- 153 generaal? 6.2 1938: ’n Waterskeidingsjaar vir Afrikaner- nasionalisme 6.2.1 Die 1938-verkiesing 155 6.2.2 Die Voortrekkereeufees: Die Burger en die opwelling van Afrikaneremosies 161 6.3 Oorlog of neutraliteit? 168 6.4 Kultuur of politiek? 6.4.1 Die Afrikaner-Broederbond 181 6.5 Slotbeskouing 189 7 AFRIKANERS HERENIG QF VERDEEL? 7.1 Hereniging 190 7.2 Nasionaal-Sosialisme: Vir of teen Afrikanereenheid? 7.2.1 Die Burger en die Europese Nasionaal- 200 Sosialisme 7.2.2 Ontstaan en groei van die Ossewa- 203 Brandwag 7.2.3 Die Van Rensburg-faktor 207 7.2.4 Beslegting van Afrikanerprobleme? 7.2.4.1 Pirow krap gemoedere verder 212 om 7.2.4.2 Spanning neem toe 214 7.2.5 Die Nasionale Pers en die O.B. 220 8 DIE RASSEVRAAGSTUK 8.1 Inleiding 224 8.2 Joodse immigrasie 224 8.3 Die Kleurvraagstuk 230 (x) 8.3.1 Voor die Tweede Wereldoorlog 230 8.3.2 Tydens en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog 8.3.2.1 Smuts se "Laat-maar-loop"- 242 beleid 8.3.2.2 Apartheid: ’n Oplossing? 251 9 DIE BURGER EN DIE VERENIGDE PARTY-BEWIND, 1939 - 1947 9.1 Smuts, sy kabinet en Die Burger 258 9.2 Die oorlog krap Die Burger om 9.2.1 Die Unie se betrokkenheid daarby 261 9.2.2 Die Burger buit brood en botter- 266 kwessies uit 9.2.3 Gekleurdes en die oorlogspoging 270 9.2.4 Die Burger verset horn teen Smuts 272 se "onderdrukkende" oorlogmaat- reëls 9.3 Die 1943-verkiesing 276 9-4 Die Burger en ,-jie Verenigde
Recommended publications
  • The Restoration of Tulbagh As Cultural Signifier
    BETWEEN MEMORY AND HISTORY: THE RESTORATION OF TULBAGH AS CULTURAL SIGNIFIER Town Cape of A 60-creditUniversity dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree of Master of Philosophy in the Conservation of the Built Environment. Jayson Augustyn-Clark (CLRJAS001) University of Cape Town / June 2017 Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment: School of Architecture, Planning and Geomatics The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town ‘A measure of civilization’ Let us always remember that our historical buildings are not only big tourist attractions… more than just tradition…these buildings are a visible, tangible history. These buildings are an important indication of our level of civilisation and a convincing proof for a judgmental critical world - that for more than 300 years a structured and proper Western civilisation has flourished and exist here at the southern point of Africa. The visible tracks of our cultural heritage are our historic buildings…they are undoubtedly the deeds to the land we love and which God in his mercy gave to us. 1 2 Fig.1. Front cover – The reconstructed splendour of Church Street boasts seven gabled houses in a row along its western side. The author’s house (House 24, Tulbagh Country Guest House) is behind the tree (photo by Norman Collins).
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M.
    [Show full text]
  • DISSERTATION O Attribution
    COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date). The design of a vehicular traffic flow prediction model for Gauteng freeways using ensemble learning by TEBOGO EMMA MAKABA A dissertation submitted in fulfilment for the Degree of Magister Commercii in Information Technology Management Faculty of Management UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG Supervisor: Dr B.N Gatsheni 2016 DECLARATION I certify that the dissertation submitted by me for the degree Master’s of Commerce (Information Technology Management) at the University of Johannesburg is my independent work and has not been submitted by me for a degree at another university. TEBOGO EMMA MAKABA i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I hereby wish to express my gratitude to the following individuals who enabled this document to be successfully and timeously completed: Firstly, GOD Supervisor, Dr BN Gatsheni Mikros Traffic Monitoring(Pty) Ltd (MTM) for providing me with the traffic flow data My family and friends Prof M Pillay and Ms N Eland Faculty of Management for funding me with the NRF Supervisor linked bursary ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to everyone who supported me during the project, from the start till the end.
    [Show full text]
  • Sports, Race, and Politics: the Olympic Boycott of Apartheid Sport
    Western Illinois Historical Review © 2017 Volume VIII, Spring 2017 ISSN 2153-1714 Sports, Race, and Politics: The Olympic Boycott of Apartheid Sport Matt Bersell Western Illinois University In the article “Hitting Apartheid for Six? The Politics of the South African Boycott,” Douglas Booth writes that during the second half of the twentieth century, the international community regarded the South African government as a “pariah” due to its racially restrictive apartheid laws that denied equal economic, political, and social rights to the nation’s nonwhite majority. According to Booth, “foreign governments, multinational corporations, churches, the media, campaign groups, and individuals” increasingly condemned apartheid and joined international actions against the South African government through organized boycotts, sanctions, and embargoes.1 One specific form of international solidarity was the movement against apartheid sport which resulted in South Africa’s suspension from the 1964 and 1968 Olympic Games and its eventual expulsion from the premier international athletic competition in 1970. As a result of its commitment to racial segregation in sport and the exclusion of blacks from international competition, South Africa was not allowed to participate at the Olympics until 1992.2 Through the historical examination of the relationship between sports, politics, and race, it is evident that the boycott of South African sports, specifically the ban levied by the International Olympic Committee, had significant political and social ramifications. Sports, Politics, and Race Despite countless attempts to separate the two fields, sports and politics have been linked since ancient times.3 Barrie Houlihan finds the “the interweaving of sport and politics” at the international, national, and regional/local levels.4 According to Roger I.
    [Show full text]
  • The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics Edited by Clifton Crais and Thomas Mcclendon
    blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/lsereviewofbooks/2014/04/02/book-review-the-south-africa-reader-history-culture-politics/ Book Review: The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics edited by Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon The South Africa Reader represents an extraordinarily rich guide to the history, cultures, and politics of South Africa. With more than eighty absorbing selections, the Reader aims to provide readers with many perspectives on the country’s diverse peoples, its first two decades as a democracy, and the forces that have shaped its history and continue to pose challenges to its future, particularly violence, inequality, and racial discrimination. Jason Hickel finds this gripping reading and a comprehensive treatment of the country’s exciting past and tumultuous present – a must for any eager student of South Africa. The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon. Duke University Press. December 2013. Find this book: If there’s one book that succeeds in drawing the many strands of South Africa’s rich political history together into a single volume, this is it. Historians Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon have accomplished a remarkable feat with The South Africa Reader , which offers more than 80 diverse selections: everything from poetry, folklore, songs and speeches to reportage, scholarly analysis, and a series of powerful photographs that bring it all to life. This symphony of texts and images is laid out in a clear narrative structure that guides readers through the early years of colonial settlement, the mineral revolution, the struggle against apartheid, and the transition to democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan As Prime Minister, 1948–1954
    An Ageing Anachronism: D.F. Malan as Prime Minister, 1948–1954 LINDIE KOORTS Department of Historical Studies, University of Johannesburg This article tells the behind-the-scenes tale of the first apartheid Cabinet under Dr D.F. Malan. Based on the utilisation of prominent Nationalists’ private documents, it traces an ageing Malan’s response to a changing international context, the chal- lenge to his leadership by a younger generation of Afrikaner nationalists and the early, haphazard implementation of the apartheid policy. In order to safeguard South Africa against sanctions by an increasingly hostile United Nations, Malan sought America’s friendship by participating in the Korean War and British protection in the Security Council by maintaining South Africa’s Commonwealth membership. In the face of decolonisation, Malan sought to uphold the Commonwealth as the preserve of white-ruled states. This not only caused an outcry in Britain, but it also brought about a backlash within his own party. The National Party’s republican wing, led by J.G. Strijdom, was adamant that South Africa should be a republic outside the Commonwealth. This led to numerous clashes in the Cabinet and parliamentary caucus. Malan and his Cabinet’s energies were consumed by these internecine battles. The systematisation of the apartheid policy and the coordination of its implementation received little attention. Malan’s disengaged leadership style implies that he knew little of the inner workings of the various government departments for which he, as Prime Minister, was ultimately responsible. The Cabinet’s internal disputes about South Africa’s constitutional status and the removal of the Coloured franchise ultimately served as lightning conductors for a larger issue: the battle for the party’s leadership, which came to a head in 1954.
    [Show full text]
  • Trouble Flares up at Mabieskraal
    , 8 .~ · le bv si b k ' d" I£tl1l1l1ll1l1l1l1ll1l"""III1I1I11I11I11 I1 " II " II I1I1 I11 I1 " ~l l11 l1 m lll IIIIII III Bantustan IS rue Y slam 0 In Isgulse ... 1• ••• •• ••• 1 Congress reiects the concept of national homes § for Africans ...We claim the whole of South Africa as our home Vol. 5, No, 51 Registered. at the G.P.O. as a Newspaper 6di= _ SOUTHERNEDITION Thursday, October 8, 1959 • 5 ~1I"1II"III11I1I11I11I1I11I11I1 I1I11" nllllll lllllll lll ll ll ll ll ll ll ll lll l lll lll lll lll ll ll ll lll lll lll ll lllll ll ll ll ll lll ll l1 1I 111 11111 11 ~ oWHAT KH USCHOV TOLD THE U.S.A. The verbatim record no other news­ Slap In The Face For E~ic Louw paper in South Africa has printed JOHANNESBURG as their home", Iin South Africa during the last two B~~~~~ aF~:~naft~i~1~~~ whT: ~[r~~e s~b~ftt~J~~~f~:~~~ ye~~~l i n g ~ith so-called Ban.tusta!1s ~r. Eric Louw had mad.e ,bis ~:~~ r:, i ~ s ~~o ~i v~f t~~e A9ri~~~a~i~~: ~o~~r~~~~~l s ~:dt e~~ ~ h~ f ~h~ o~~~I~ ~ .- Pages 4 and 5 big speech to U.N: D., claiming point on trends and developments Continued 011 page 7 that the Bantu territories would 1 -------------------- I(!1:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ eventually form part of a South African Commonwealth toge­ ther with White South Africa, the African National Congress has sent a memorandum to ~;:t~' :he:~ri~i::tu~~~n ~~~~:; as a gigantic fraud.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
    The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition.
    [Show full text]
  • Ben Schoeman Freeway
    Jurgens Weidemann Technical Director BKS (Pty) Ltd [email protected] Ben Schoeman Freeway BACKGROUND of Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni (East Rand) and Tshwane In 2008 SANRAL launched the Gauteng Freeway (Pretoria region). The project aims to provide a safe and reli- Improvement Project (GFIP) which is a far-reaching up- able strategic road network and to optimise, among others, grading programme for the province’s major freeway traffic flow and the movement of freight and road-based networks in and around the Metropolitan Municipalities public transport. 1 The GFIP is being implemented in phases. The first phase 1 Widened to five lanes per carriageway comprises the improvement of approximately 180 km of 2 Bridge widening at the Jukskei River existing freeways and includes 16 contractual packages. The 3 Placing beams at Le Roux overpass network improvement comprises the adding of lanes and up- 4 Brakfontein interchange – adding a third lane grading of interchanges. Th e upgrading of the Ben Schoeman Freeway (Work Package 2 C of the GFIP) is described in this article. AIMS AND OBJECTIVES Th e upgraded and expanded freeways will signifi cantly re- duce traffi c congestion and unblock access to economic op- portunities and social development projects. Th e GFIP will provide an interconnected freeway system between the City of Johannesburg and the City of Tshwane, this system currently being one of the main arteries within the north-south corridor. One of the most significant aims of this investment for ordinary citizens is the reduction of travel times since many productive hours are wasted as a result of long travel times.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Economy of the South African Revolution
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. The Political Economy of the South African Revolution Bernard Magubane The white man in South African Colonies feels that the colony ought to be his and kept up for him, because he, perhaps, with his life in his hand, went forth as a pioneer to spread the civilization of Europe and to cultivate the wilds of the world's surface. If he has not done so himself, his father did it before him, and he thinks that the gratitude of the Mother Country should maintain for him the complete ascenden- cy which his superiority to the black man has given him. I feel confi- dent that he will maintain his own ascendency, and think that the Mother Country should take care that the ascendency be not too complete. Anthony Trollope Preliminary Remarks The study of South Africa continues to pose a dilemma to the social scien- tist. Insofar as it owes its present circumstances to the post-feudal move- ment from Northwestern Europe, the movement that "discovered" North and South America, Australia, and the sea-route to India, South Africa is part of the so-called New World. However, unlike the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, i.e., countries that the Europeans claim as part of the West, South Africa remains an African country and therefore part of the Third World.
    [Show full text]
  • Fascist Or Opportunist?”: the Political Career of Oswald Pirow, 1915–1943
    Historia, 63, 2, November 2018, pp 93-111 “Fascist or opportunist?”: The political career of Oswald Pirow, 1915–1943 F.A. Mouton* Abstract Oswald Pirow’s established place in South African historiography is that of a confirmed fascist, but in reality he was an opportunist. Raw ambition was the underlying motive for every political action he took and he had a ruthless ability to adjust his sails to prevailing political winds. He hitched his ambitions to the political momentum of influential persons such as Tielman Roos and J.B.M. Hertzog in the National Party with flattery and avowals of unquestioning loyalty. As a Roos acolyte he was an uncompromising republican, while as a Hertzog loyalist he rejected republicanism and national-socialism, and was a friend of the Jewish community. After September 1939 with the collapse of the Hertzog government and with Nazi Germany seemingly winning the Second World War, overnight he became a radical republican, a national-socialist and an anti-Semite. The essence of his political belief was not national-socialism, but winning, and the opportunistic advancement of his career. Pirow’s founding of the national-socialist movement, the New Order in 1940 was a gamble that “went for broke” on a German victory. Keywords: Oswald Pirow; New Order; fascism; Nazi Germany; opportunism; Tielman Roos; J.B.M. Hertzog; ambition; Second World War. Opsomming In die Suid-Afrikaanse historiografie word Oswald Pirow getipeer as ’n oortuigde fascis, maar in werklikheid was hy ’n opportunis. Rou ambisie was die onderliggende motivering van alle politieke handelinge deur hom. Hy het die onverbiddelike vermoë gehad om sy seile na heersende politieke winde te span.
    [Show full text]