REINTERPRETING AFRIKANER NATIONALISM, C.1850-1900 By
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Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
MAATSKAPPY, STATE, and EMPIRE: a PRO-BOER REVISION Joseph R
MAATSKAPPY, STATE, AND EMPIRE: A PRO-BOER REVISION Joseph R. Stromberg* As we approach the centennial of the Second Anglo–Boer War (Tweede Vryheidsoorlog, or “Second War for Freedom”), reassessment of the South African experience seems in order. Whether the recent surrender by Afrikaner political leaders of their “central theme” and the dismantling of their grandiose Apartheid state will lead to heaven on earth (as some of the Soweto “comrades” expected), or even to a merely tolerable multiracial polity, remains in doubt. Historians have tended to look for the origins of South Africa’s “very strange society” in the interaction of various peoples and political forces on a rapidly changing frontier, especially in the 19th century. APPROACHES TO SOUTH AFRICAN FRONTIER HISTORY At least two major schools of interpretation developed around these issues. The first, Cape Liberals, viewed the frontier Boers largely as rustic ruffians who abused the natives and disrupted or- derly economic progress only to be restrained, at last, by humani- tarian and legalistic British paternalists. Afrikaner excesses, therefore, were the proximate cause and justification of the Boer War and the consolidation of British power over a united South Africa. The “imperial factor” on this view was liberal and pro- gressive in intent if not in outcome. The opposing school were essentially Afrikaner nationalists who viewed the Boers as a uniquely religious people thrust into a dangerous environment where they necessarily resorted to force to overcome hostile African tribes and periodic British harassment. The two traditions largely agreed on the centrality of the frontier, but differed radically on the villains and heroes.1 Beginning in the 1960s and ’70s, a third position was heard, that of younger “South Africanists” driven to distraction (and some *Joseph R. -
Sports, Race, and Politics: the Olympic Boycott of Apartheid Sport
Western Illinois Historical Review © 2017 Volume VIII, Spring 2017 ISSN 2153-1714 Sports, Race, and Politics: The Olympic Boycott of Apartheid Sport Matt Bersell Western Illinois University In the article “Hitting Apartheid for Six? The Politics of the South African Boycott,” Douglas Booth writes that during the second half of the twentieth century, the international community regarded the South African government as a “pariah” due to its racially restrictive apartheid laws that denied equal economic, political, and social rights to the nation’s nonwhite majority. According to Booth, “foreign governments, multinational corporations, churches, the media, campaign groups, and individuals” increasingly condemned apartheid and joined international actions against the South African government through organized boycotts, sanctions, and embargoes.1 One specific form of international solidarity was the movement against apartheid sport which resulted in South Africa’s suspension from the 1964 and 1968 Olympic Games and its eventual expulsion from the premier international athletic competition in 1970. As a result of its commitment to racial segregation in sport and the exclusion of blacks from international competition, South Africa was not allowed to participate at the Olympics until 1992.2 Through the historical examination of the relationship between sports, politics, and race, it is evident that the boycott of South African sports, specifically the ban levied by the International Olympic Committee, had significant political and social ramifications. Sports, Politics, and Race Despite countless attempts to separate the two fields, sports and politics have been linked since ancient times.3 Barrie Houlihan finds the “the interweaving of sport and politics” at the international, national, and regional/local levels.4 According to Roger I. -
The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics Edited by Clifton Crais and Thomas Mcclendon
blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/lsereviewofbooks/2014/04/02/book-review-the-south-africa-reader-history-culture-politics/ Book Review: The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics edited by Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon The South Africa Reader represents an extraordinarily rich guide to the history, cultures, and politics of South Africa. With more than eighty absorbing selections, the Reader aims to provide readers with many perspectives on the country’s diverse peoples, its first two decades as a democracy, and the forces that have shaped its history and continue to pose challenges to its future, particularly violence, inequality, and racial discrimination. Jason Hickel finds this gripping reading and a comprehensive treatment of the country’s exciting past and tumultuous present – a must for any eager student of South Africa. The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon. Duke University Press. December 2013. Find this book: If there’s one book that succeeds in drawing the many strands of South Africa’s rich political history together into a single volume, this is it. Historians Clifton Crais and Thomas McClendon have accomplished a remarkable feat with The South Africa Reader , which offers more than 80 diverse selections: everything from poetry, folklore, songs and speeches to reportage, scholarly analysis, and a series of powerful photographs that bring it all to life. This symphony of texts and images is laid out in a clear narrative structure that guides readers through the early years of colonial settlement, the mineral revolution, the struggle against apartheid, and the transition to democracy. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
Turning Points in History
TTurningurning PPointsoints iinn HHistoryistory Activities for CAPS History Grade 7 – Grade 12 Rob Siebörger and Penny Berens The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation contributes to building fair, democratic and inclusive societies in Africa. The Institute realises its vision and mission through the following key areas of work: • The Policy and Analysis Programme tracks and analyses reconciliation, transformation and development in Southern Africa. • The Building an Inclusive Society Programme focuses on dialogues, education, oral history, memory, culture and arts to promote reconciliation. • The Justice and Reconciliation in Africa Programme supports transitional justice and reconciliation initiatives in partner countries through exchange of context-specific lessons and practices, and building of partnerships. It works in Southern Africa, Central and East Africa and the Greater Horn of Africa. ISBN: 978-1-920219-43-7 Institute for Justice and Reconciliation Wynberg Mews Ground Floor, House Vincent Cnr Brodie and Ebenezer Roads Wynberg 7800 Tel: +27 (0)21 763 7128 Fax: +27 (0)21 763 7138 Website:www.ijr.org,za Compiled for the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation This publication was made possible by funding from Evangelischer Entwicklungsdienst (EED) © 2012 Institute for Justice and Reconciliation. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, this publication or parts thereof may only be reproduced for educational purposes but not with the intent to resell or gain commercial profit. Cover and book design by Adam Rumball, Sharkbuoys Designs CContentsontents Acknowledgements 5 Introduction 6 Activity 1 – What was it like to be a slave? 7 Grade 7, Term 2: The Transatlantic slave trade - How slaves were captured, sold and transported from West Africa. -
Forced Removal of Population the Apartheid Regime Has Sought to Enforce Strict Territorial Segregation of the Different ‘Population Groups’
residence, commercial activities and industry for members of the White, Coloured and Asian groups (each in separate zones). Based on these group areas are segregated local government structures, and a segregated tricameral parliament with separate White, Coloured and Indian chambers, designed to preserve white political power while extending limited participation in central government to small sections of the Indian and Coloured communities. The majority of the population in South Africa is united in rejecting the segregated political structures of apartheid. Forced Removal of Population The apartheid regime has sought to enforce strict territorial segregation of the different ‘population groups’. People are forcibly evicted from their homes if they are in a zone which the government has asigned to another group. The government speaks, not of forced removal or eviction, but of Relocation and Resettlement. The evictions take place in many different kinds of areas and under different laws. In rural areas people are moved on a number of different pretexts. The places in which they live may be designated Black Spots — these are areas of land occupied and owned by Africans which the government has designated for another group, usually white. The occupiers are moved to a bantustan. Others are moved in the course of Consolidation of the bantustans, as the regime attempts to reduce the number of fragments of land which make up the bantustans. Over a million black tenants have been evicted from white owned farms since the 1960s. Tenants who paid cash rent to the farms were called Squatters, implying they had no right to be on the land. -
AFRIKANER NATIONALISM and the JEWS SENATOR LESLIE RUBIN Senator Representing the Africans of the Cape Province
AFRIKANER NATIONALISM AND THE JEWS SENATOR LESLIE RUBIN Senator Representing the Africans of the Cape Province. DR. N. DIEDERICHS is an important member of the Nationalist party. Acknowledged as something of an economic expert, both within and beyond the ranks of his party, he delivers well- prepared and thoughtful speeches. As a rule he sticks to his specialised field. He often talks about industrial matters, and was chosen by the Government, early in the parliamentary session of this year, to move the motion urging an increase in the price of gold. He is thought to be in the running for Minis terial honours if the cabinet should be enlarged. Dr. Diederichs recently had something to say which referred to the Jews in South Africa. He said it in the course of an address to an Afrikaner commercial organisation which received wide publicity. The Afrikaner, he said, could be congratulated upon the progress he had made in recent years in the industrial and commercial fields, but other sections of the population still had a disproportionate share of the country's economic wealth, and the Afrikaner must continue the struggle to alter this undesirable state of affairs. (Although the Jews are not mentioned, there is no doubt that the statement refers to them as one of the sections, the other being the English.) This is, of course, an oblique restatement of the familiar thesis of economic anti-Semitism: the Jews are not ordinary citizens of the country, but a distinct competitive group threat ening the rightful economic destiny of Afrikanerdom. For many a discerning South African Jew, the statement recalled memories of those frightening days, in the thirties, when a number of versions of overseas Jew-baiting movements flourished in a greater or lesser degree, in this country; or—what is more important—reminded him that there was a time when the garb worn by the Nationalist Party was quite different from its present post-1948, rather consciously pro-Semitic, new look. -
Copyright © and Moral Rights for This Thesis Are Retained by the Author And/Or Other Copyright Owners
McDonald, Jared. (2015) Subjects of the Crown: Khoesan identity and assimilation in the Cape Colony, c. 1795- 1858. PhD thesis. SOAS University of London. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/22831/ Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Subjects of the Crown: Khoesan Identity and Assimilation in the Cape Colony, c.1795-1858 Jared McDonald Department of History School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) University of London A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in History 2015 Declaration for PhD Thesis I declare that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the thesis which I present for examination. -
Socio-Historical Classification of Khoekhoe Groups
Socio-historical classification of Khoekhoe groups Tom Güldemann & Alena Witzlack-Makarevich (Humboldt University Berlin, University of Kiel) Speaking (of) Khoisan: A symposium reviewing southern African prehistory EVA MPI Leipzig, 14–16 Mai 2015 1 Kolb 1719 Overview • Introduction • Khoekhoe groups • in pre- and early colonial period • in later colonial periods • today • Problems and challenges 2 Introduction • The Khoekhoe played an important role in the network of language contact in southern Africa a) because of their traditionally mobile economies → larger migratory territories b) contact with all language groups in the area . Tuu languages as the earliest linguistic layer . Bantu languages (Herero, Tswana, Xhosa) . colonial languages: Dutch → influencing Afrikaans 3 Introduction • The Khoekhoe played an important role in the network of language contact in southern Africa a) traditionally mobile → larger migratory territories b) contact with all language groups in the area c) fled from the encroaching colonial system carrying with them their Khoekhoe language + Dutch and some cultural features → considerable advantages and prestige vis-à-vis the groups they encounter during their migrations 4 Introduction • The Khoekhoe language played a dual role: o the substratum of groups shifting to other languages (e.g. Dutch/Afrikaans) o the target of language shift by groups speaking other languages • complexity unlikely to be disentangled completely • especially problematic due to the lack of historical linguistic data → wanted: a more fine-grained -
The Struggle for Self-Determination: a Comparative Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Among the Quebecois and the Afrikaners
The Struggle for Self-Determination: A Comparative Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Among the Quebecois and the Afrikaners By: Allison Down This thesis is presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Stellenbosch. Supervisor: Professor Simon B. Bekker Date Submitted: December, 1999 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration I, the undersigned hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and has not previously in its entirety or in part been submitted at any university for a degree. Signature Date Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract This thesis examines the structural factors that precipitate the emergence of ethnicity and nationalism, with a special emphasis on ethno-Iinguistic identity. Nationalist momentum leading to self-determination is also addressed. A historical comparative study of the Quebecois of Canada and the Afrikaners of South Africa is presented. The ancestors of both the Quebecois and the Afrikaners left Europe (France and the Netherlands, respectively) to establish a new colony. Having disassociated themselves from their European homeland, they each developed a new, more relevant identity for themselves, one which was also vis-a-vis the indigenous population. Both cultures were marked by a rural agrarian existence, a high degree of religiosity, and a high level of Church involvement in the state. Then both were conquered by the British and expected to conform to the English-speaking order. This double-layer of colonialism proved to be a significant contributing factor to the ethnic identity and consciousness of the Quebecois and the Afrikaners, as they perceived a threat to their language and their cultural institutions.