Shamanism Influence in Inuit Art-Dorset Period
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Journal of Literature and Art Studies, April 2015, Vol. 5, No. 4, 271-281 doi: 10.17265/2159-5836/2015.04.005 D DAVID PUBLISHING Shamanism Influence in Inuit Art-Dorset Period Bogliolo Bruna Giulia Centre d’Etudes Arctiques, Paris, France; Centro Studi Americanistici “Circolo Amerindiano” Perugia, Italy Native Inuit developed a complex system of shamanic-oriented thinking. They filled the frozen immensities of the Arctic with a number of omnipresent ghosts and spirits. In its shamanic-religious dimension, the Dorset art (circa 1000 B.C. to circa 1000 A.D.), stemming from a culture moulded by shamanic practices and burial rites, kept memory of the Times of Origins, shaped a very rich symbolic universe, suggested, and outsourced the secret correspondences between the micro and macro cosmos. The present paper investigates the thigh correspondence and relationship between the Inuit-Dorset shamanic view of the world and their miniaturized art. Keywords: Arctic, Inuit, Dorset, Sananguaq, shamanism, art Introduction The paper investigates the Dorset-period Inuit art, crossing ethnohistory, anthropology, and sociology of religion. The native Inuit art, at the time techne, mimesis, and objectivation of a magic real, is inspired with a “useful beauty”, which does not dissociate the estetich pleasure from the functional efficiency. The miniaturisation of native Inuit objects allows their transportation by these nomad hunters. The objects serve as a chamanic support to complex rituals of transformation founded on the correspondences linking the microcosm to the macrocosm. As the polyvalent transposition of a cosmovision, of shared values, and of knowledge into carved objects, the artistic language of Dorset turns out a chamanic thinking which is founded on the assuption of the connaturallity of realms and the matamorfism. A Shamanic View of the World Native Inuit developed a complex system of shamanic-oriented thinking. They adopted an original perception of the space-time1 and they felt themselves an “instant of eternity”, an infinitesimal part of a pulsing universe undergoing a continuous metamorphosis. Within their immanent pantheism, these men imbedded in the sacred privileged an empathetic apprehension of the cosmos: Through a sensitive and intuitive approach, they were willing to decrypt the occult language of a Nature governed by a hidden order to be enforced. In syntony with a conception of a living and organic cosmos, they trusted the transmigration and reincarnation of souls: “[…] life is eternal. But nobody knows under which form he is to be born again” told Kivkarjuk to the ethnologist Knud Rasmussen (Rasmussen, 1994, p. 104). Bogliolo Bruna Giulia, doctor, Centre d’Etudes Arctiques, Paris; Centro Studi Americanistici “Circolo Amerindiano” Perugia. 1 For an extensive analysis on the Inuit shamanism and its embeddedness in anarcho-communalist morphology of Inuit traditional communities, we refer to Bruna’s (2012) Chapter 3 and chapter 6. 272 SHAMANISM INFLUENCE IN INUIT ART-DORSET PERIOD Under the mark of ambivalence and metamorphosis, native Inuit filled the frozen immensities of the Arctic with a number of omnipresent ghosts and spirits—both protecting and hostile, originating from the heavens and the hell, supporting and pathogen, who surrounded, protected and/or harassed these “nomads of the cold deserts”, who feared, as claimed by the shaman Aua: […] the dead men as well as the souls of killed animals […], the spirits of the land and the air… whatever is unknown… whatever surrounds us… and whatever we know through the stories and the myths. That is why we have got our practices. That is why we are to respect our taboos. (Rasmussen, 1994, pp. 182-183) Despite the absence of a right codified under a written form, the empire of the norm governed the native Inuit society. It was passed through oral tradition, sublimated in the mythology and consecrated by the shamanic rituals. The contravention of the atavistic rules, which enabled the cosmos “to ‘stand’ and not to crash destroying the men” (Malaurie, 2003a, pp. 109-110), caused disorder and engendered the risk, so dreaded by the Inuit people, to come back to the primeval chaos. The rejection of any formal hybridism, such as the hanging status of the “in-between”—expression of a non-achieved process rich of ambivalent potentialities, which could have produced the deregulation of the ecological system and eventually the anomy—originated from that fear. Thus, infringing ancestral taboos—which obeyed a complex logic—and breaking the weak environmental equilibrium were interpreted as insane and fateful acts of hybris. They were felt as socially dangerous, because they were able to trigger a deregulation engendering dreadful natural catastrophes, starvation, famines, and extended suffering, which were to affect the whole group, because within a communalist society the responsibility of individual faults was to be assumed by the whole community. The angakkoq—the shaman—only was allowed to restoring the infringed harmony. The shaman was able to connect the worlds of the dead and alive: He can open the doors of the dreams, he heartens to the trance and to the overcoming, he can connect the visible to the invisible, the animal to the human worlds; he is common breathing, pulsation, hypnosis. (Geoffroy-Schneiter, 2006, pp. 325-326) As a powerful intercessor among the world of humans and the forces of the Nature, the dead and the alive, the game and the hunters, a medium and a healer, this marginal person, often different by his sexual orientation, showed the apparent attributes which established his charisma and legitimized his social status. Spiritual guide of the whole community and medicine-man, the angakkoq spoke the taartaq, the exoteric and sacred language of the spirits (and mainly the auxiliary ones, the toornat, and the personal ones, the toornaarsuk), with whom he was able to communicate. This language, punctuated with archaic, old-fashioned, and mysterious words and terms,2 was fully unintelligible to laymen. Undergoing an initiatory route punctuated with very hard ordeals, including the experience of a symbolic death-resurrection process, the novice shaman acquired a subtle intelligence of the matter, a penetrating vision of things (Bogliolo Bruna, 2007). The wisdom opened and cleared the angakkoq the way to a sort of interior view. Through a process of carnal dispossession and detachment from the perceptible world, the shaman 2 According to Talbitzer’s the “language of the spirits is made with archaic words which are reserved to the priests. I established a friendly relationship with Mitsuarnianga, an angakkoq, who had been baptised […], he taught me a thousand words of the sacred language” (Thalbitzer, 1930, p. 75). SHAMANISM INFLUENCE IN INUIT ART-DORSET PERIOD 273 succeeded to drop out his formal dressing as well as his perishable envelope of flesh and blood. During his 274 SHAMANISM INFLUENCE IN INUIT ART-DORSET PERIOD adopting a large set of stylistic canons: naturalistic, symbolic, figurative, and surrealist ones, essential and baroque as well. No “esthetical gratuitousness” was allowed in this original and inventive language, which nested, with grace, beauty, and utilitarian pragmatism. Within the Infinitesimal, the Totality of the World: The “Power” of a “Useful Beauty” The native Inuit’s “oneiric seeing” built the image of a world where natural and supernatural were tightly nested and overlapped: The miniatures were the tangible manifestation of this image. As nomads, the Inuit carved small anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and hybrid figures, which were voluntarily miniaturized to easy their transportability. Far from seeking for an abstract beauty, these animist hunters adopted with both dexterity and virtuosity, an audacious and cryptic carving mode, which embedded in the matter an extremely rich symbolic universe and a roving imaginary.4 The choice of materials was not banal: A tight correlation held between the brute and row materials and the final artefacts: The symbolic relationship among the antler, the land, the summer and the man opposes to the one which links the ivory, the sea, the winter and the woman; thus, the hunters hunt the land-mammals during the summertime with antler-pointed weapons and the sea-animals in the wintertime with ivory-pointed harpoons. (Blodgett, 2001, p. 99) Worrying the wondering souls of the dead and the killed game, the ancestors and the malevolent spirits, who spied upon them and bewitched their nightmares, the Inuit lived embeddedly in an ambivalent “dreamy Nature”, fascinans and terrifying, at the time. They were to strictly obey the prescriptions and the taboos of hunting, which turned out a very stringently codified and ritualized activity. Any transgression was to stimulate the hostility of the invisible spirits and to stop the availability of the game. To appease their fear and protect them, the angakkoq carved their ivory and bone amulets. The profane watches in admiration these small, extremely well-shaped, Lilliputian handicrafts: They speak the dumb, ambiguous tongue of an art which is not intended to be such an art which challenges the tricky appearances. To address them, he is to free himself from a preformed form of seeing which secularizes the reality to meander in the plastic labyrinth of the “treacherous appearances”. As the watchable metamorphosis of a magic thinking, and also the miniaturized copies of a magic, at the time visible and invisible, these handicrafts5 are, from many viewpoints, the emblematic