1 Cultural Identity and Heritage Prepared By: Ricardo Serpell, September 2018

EPFL | ENAC | IA Laboratory of construction and architecture Rapa Nui Superstudio 1 Cultural Identity and Heritage Prepared by: Ricardo Serpell, September 2018. A combination of geographic, historic and social factors allowed Chilean society to avoid the multiculturalist debate until very recently. Significant geographic isolation, high concentration of population on a few urban centres, and a steep socio-economic class system dominated by an upper group of strong European ascent favoured a hegemonic homogeneous-nation self-representation in the Chilean state construct. Indigenous population was historically overlooked amidst a dominant narrative of quasi-European white-mestizo nation with no “Indian problem”; an “exception” among “indigenous” and “backward” neighbour South American countries [1]. In such a context, for the Rapanui being granted Chilean citizenship in 1966 meant gaining long-denied fundamental rights, but at the same time adding to their struggle for recognition. 1.1 Worldviews Rapanui worldview has been constantly evolving after first European contact. Unable for most of its history to purposely reach out to other nations, understanding of themselves and the others in the world was challenged and then shaped by successive waves of external contact and intervention. The Rapanui worldview was suddenly required to incorporate the foreign and their everyday concerns forcibly displaced towards the sphere of external contact. Already in 1882, visitors were surprised to find that the Islanders knew accurately currency exchange rates and displayed their curios for sale with price tags on shelves [2]. Collective experience and memory of historical contact made the Rapanui simultaneously attracted and suspicious of the foreign. In many cases, the indigenous population has been divided in their perception and attitude towards incoming outsiders. The relationship with outside authority in particular, has been the source of divisive internal conflict and distrust among the community. Within the Rapanui people, nowadays diverse and dynamic worldviews coexist. They share a similar discourse regarding the respect for the legacy of their ancestors and the need to protect what they have inherited from them through centuries of suffering. They also share concerns for their present difficulties and their future, the relationship with the Chilean state and the destiny of the territory. However, the views and discourses on the later topics differ widely. There is not a single Rapanui way of understanding themselves and the others, and therefore multiplicity and even contradiction characterize their collective worldview. This heterogeneity contrasts with the essentialist and homogeneous global definitions of indigenous culture that have guided most external actions regarding social and cultural needs of the Rapanui. These definitions rely heavily in a construct of an ideal type of “non-modern” indigenous people whose shared worldview, linked to their ancestral past, sets them apart from the others [3]. In this context, re-defining, expressing and preserving cultural, social and historic identity becomes a critical issue for the Rapanui. Accordingly, they construct their idea of the Rapanui nation, inspired by how they imagine their own society in the past, before European contact, and particularly in relation with the territory [3]. Territory is here understood not only as a physical reality but also as a cultural representation, an “ancestral land”. At its core, the conflict with Chile is founded on the fundamental EPFL | ENAC | IA Laboratory of construction and architecture Rapa Nui Superstudio issue of Rapanui rights over their ancestral heritage. For the Rapanui, tradition is good not only because it’s ancestral wisdom, it’s ono tupuna (the richness of the ancestors), but also because it is not Chilean, it is Rapanui property [3]. The ancestral territory and tradition constructs are in turn intertwined with situations, stories, affections and feelings that are shared and experienced together [3]. The connection with the ancestors (the matamuas) allow the Rapanui to perceive themselves as the sovereigns of the territory once inhabited by them. No one else but the descendants of Hotu Matu’a should own the land. The Chilean State is regarded as a usurper, taking the land by way of documents and laws. The Rapanui knowledge of their ancestral past is a mixture of transmitted oral tradition, historic facts and prehistoric knowledge that has been revealed to them in the work of archaeologists and ethnographers. Their understanding of the ancestral past is dynamic as it is interpreted according to the needs of historical moments. What is ancestral is not necessarily the oldest but what appears to be the way of “doing things properly” and the “traditional/own way of doing things”. In this way, ancestral territory and tradition become the basis for the sovereignty, autonomy and independence discourse. 1.2 Cultural landscape Interviewed about the relative relevance of their cultural assets, Rapanui language, oral tradition and archaeology heritage lead the results among the Rapanui respondents [4]. However, the advantage is small as relevance is rather homogeneously distributed across the 18 options proposed. Since the 1990s, immaterial cultural heritage in Rapanui has been significantly activated because of its high economic value in the context of constantly increasing touristic demand [5]. The activation emphasizes Polynesian character in order to differentiate from continental Chile. Language Contemporary Rapanui language is a mixture of the original language spoken by the islanders before European contact and other Polynesian languages, with larger influence coming from Tahitian. The use of the language was heavily discouraged by the Chilean authorities until the 1990s. It was explicitly prohibited in the public schools of the Island to extirpate its use. Legal protection for indigenous culture and language came about with the indigenous law of 1993 [6]. According to the law, the state has the duty to promote the indigenous cultures as constituents of the heritage of the Chilean nation. Nowadays, around 60% of the indigenous population can speak Rapanui [7]. The fraction varies according to the ethnicity of the parents: 85% of the indigenous population whose parents were both Rapanui speaks the language, whereas less than 50% of the population whose parents were of mixed ethnicity does. More than 50% of Rapanui speakers concentrates in the age group between 40 and 64-years old. Another 35% is found on the 20 to 39-years old group, and only 10% corresponds to minors. The language of the elders differs from the current practice of the new generations of Rapanui, who use it less frequently and in different context. The older language has strong metaphoric semantics that are less present in the newer form that is taught on the island [4]. The Lorenzo Baeza Vega School organizes the yearly day of the language, the Mahana o te Re’o, to celebrate Rapanui language. The language is highly valued socially and is revered by the community as a whole, regardless of the individual language knowledge level. EPFL | ENAC | IA Laboratory of construction and architecture Rapa Nui Superstudio Knowledge-wisdoms and practices The Rapanui culture celebrates and treasures oral tradition. The collective memory of recent historic events is also looked after, incorporating and transmitting them from one generation to the other. Likewise, a territorial dimension associated to the belonging to a particular clan forms part of orally transmitted knowledge, including the toponymy of the land and its relation to the ancient history. In the Rapanui culture sacred places, objects, cycles or specific persons are sometimes tapu: subject to prohibition, in order to protect them. The ancient cult of a single creator god, Make-Make, which persisted even during the Birdman-Cult phase, facilitated the conversion of the indigenous population to the Catholic creed in the late 19th century under the spiritual and social leadership of the missionaries. Although nowadays the community displays an active catholic religious life, there is also widespread believe on protecting and guiding spirits, called Varúa. In the Rapanui worldview a person has a power or energy called Mana. Not everyone has the same amount of mana, and it is particularly required for leadership. Elders (koros and nuas) are prestigious people, highly regarded by the community for their wisdom and experience. There are also people that are admired for their unique life philosophy, like the yorgos, traditional country people living out of the land. Ancestral medicine, sexuality and life cycles According to the available ethnographies, disease received little attention in ancient times. There was a lack of etnopharmacologic elements, mostly due to the poor variety of vascular plant species on the island. In historic times, as successive waves of new infectious diseases spread across the population, all forms of disease are progressively regarded as a consequence of the presence of outsiders. Currently, the local population classifies diseases as “foreign” or “local”, ad “ancient” or “new”. According to these categories, the community either seeks remedy on its own medicine or demands “reparation” from the national health system provided by the state. The notion that introduced diseases should find cure in introduced medicine gave birth to a new natural medicine in which some introduced plants are used for

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