Then Let Him Be a God: the Origin of the Hellenistic Ruler Cult John
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
How 'Great' Was Alexander?
Historical Site of Mirhadi Hoseini http://m-hosseini.ir ……………………………………………………………………………………… IRANIAN HISTORY: POST-ACHAEMENIDS How ‘Great’ Was Alexander? By: Professor Ian Worthington1[1] (University of Missouri-Columbia) Why was Alexander II of Macedon called 'Great'? The answer seems relatively straightforward: from an early age he was an achiever, he conquered territories on a superhuman scale, he established an empire until his times unrivalled, and he died young, at the height of his power. Thus, at the youthful age of 20, in 336, he inherited the powerful empire of Macedon, which by then controlled Greece and had already started to make inroads into Asia. In 334 he invaded Persia, and within a decade he had defeated the Persians, subdued Egypt, and pushed on to Iran, Afghanistan and even India. As well as his vast conquests Alexander is credited with the spread of Greek culture and education in his empire, not to mention being responsible for the physical and cultural formation of the Hellenistic kingdoms — some would argue that the Hellenistic world was Alexander's legacy.[2[2]] He has also been viewed as a philosophical idealist, striving to create a unity of mankind by his so-called fusion of the races policy, in which he attempted to integrate Persians and Orientals into his administration and army. Thus, within a dozen years Alexander’s empire stretched from Greece in the west to India in the far east, and he was even worshipped as a god by many of his subjects while still alive. On the basis of his military conquests contemporary -
Embodied Liturgy
1 Bodies and Liturgy A. Bodies Created to Worship God This is an introductory journey in liturgy. As such, we will cover many of the basics of liturgics and the repertoire of liturgical rites. However, our journey will proceed, as far as possible, from the perspective of the human body engaged in acts of worship. The premise is that we have nothing else with which to worship God than our bodily selves. This is something that should be self-evident, but worship as a bodily act hasn’t been given a great deal of attention. Most of us, especially Westerners, think of ourselves as minds with a body attached. Our religion, too, is primarily a matter of thought and feeling rather than bodily actions. In fact, we tend to look down on those whose religion is just “going through the motions,” forgetting that we must start somewhere—such as getting out of bed on Sunday morning to go to church. In a time when more and more people in Western societies get out of bed on Sunday morning to go jogging or biking or to take their kids to soccer practice because they generally find worship boring and unengaging, perhaps we need to give some attention to the role of the body in worship. 1 EMBODIED LITURGY Many of us need to begin giving some attention to the body. Unless we are athletes or singers or make our living by using our bodies, we don’t pay a lot of attention to our bodies until we are sick. This is what happened to me. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
Persianism in Antiquity
Oriens et Occidens – Band 25 Franz Steiner Verlag Sonderdruck aus: Persianism in Antiquity Edited by Rolf Strootman and Miguel John Versluys Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2017 CONTENTS Acknowledgments . 7 Rolf Strootman & Miguel John Versluys From Culture to Concept: The Reception and Appropriation of Persia in Antiquity . 9 Part I: Persianization, Persomania, Perserie . 33 Albert de Jong Being Iranian in Antiquity (at Home and Abroad) . 35 Margaret C. Miller Quoting ‘Persia’ in Athens . 49 Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones ‘Open Sesame!’ Orientalist Fantasy and the Persian Court in Greek Art 430–330 BCE . 69 Omar Coloru Once were Persians: The Perception of Pre-Islamic Monuments in Iran from the 16th to the 19th Century . 87 Judith A. Lerner Ancient Persianisms in Nineteenth-Century Iran: The Revival of Persepolitan Imagery under the Qajars . 107 David Engels Is there a “Persian High Culture”? Critical Reflections on the Place of Ancient Iran in Oswald Spengler’s Philosophy of History . 121 Part II: The Hellenistic World . 145 Damien Agut-Labordère Persianism through Persianization: The Case of Ptolemaic Egypt . 147 Sonja Plischke Persianism under the early Seleukid Kings? The Royal Title ‘Great King’ . 163 Rolf Strootman Imperial Persianism: Seleukids, Arsakids and Fratarakā . 177 6 Contents Matthew Canepa Rival Images of Iranian Kingship and Persian Identity in Post-Achaemenid Western Asia . 201 Charlotte Lerouge-Cohen Persianism in the Kingdom of Pontic Kappadokia . The Genealogical Claims of the Mithridatids . 223 Bruno Jacobs Tradition oder Fiktion? Die „persischen“ Elemente in den Ausstattungs- programmen Antiochos’ I . von Kommagene . 235 Benedikt Eckhardt Memories of Persian Rule: Constructing History and Ideology in Hasmonean Judea . -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
The Cambridge Companion to Age of Constantine.Pdf
The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine offers students a com- prehensive one-volume introduction to this pivotal emperor and his times. Richly illustrated and designed as a readable survey accessible to all audiences, it also achieves a level of scholarly sophistication and a freshness of interpretation that will be welcomed by the experts. The volume is divided into five sections that examine political history, reli- gion, social and economic history, art, and foreign relations during the reign of Constantine, a ruler who gains in importance because he steered the Roman Empire on a course parallel with his own personal develop- ment. Each chapter examines the intimate interplay between emperor and empire and between a powerful personality and his world. Collec- tively, the chapters show how both were mutually affected in ways that shaped the world of late antiquity and even affect our own world today. Noel Lenski is Associate Professor of Classics at the University of Colorado, Boulder. A specialist in the history of late antiquity, he is the author of numerous articles on military, political, cultural, and social history and the monograph Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century ad. Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S Edited by Noel Lenski University of Colorado Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao˜ Paulo Cambridge University Press 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521818384 c Cambridge University Press 2006 This publication is in copyright. -
From Kottabos to War in Aristophanes' Acharnians Ross Scaife
SCAIFE, ROSS, From "Kottabos" to War in Aristophanes' "Acharnians" , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 33:1 (1992:Spring) p.25 From Kottabos to War In Aristophanes' Acharnians Ross Scaife r THE CENTER of a much-discussed speech in Acharnians ~(524-29), Aristophanes makes Dicaeopolis present the fol lowing aetiology of the Peloponnesian War: certain young Athenians, who were J.l(81)o01(o't'tu~ol-drunk from playing kottabos at a symposium-went to Megara and stole a whore named Simaitha. Then in turn the Megarians, whom Dicaeopolis describes as 7t£<puoryyroJ.l£vol-inflamed like fighting cocks from eating too much garlic-came to Athens and stole two whores from the brothel of Aspasia. So although there had been tit for tat, it was the Athenians who started the war, and somehow it was a game of kottabos that provoked them to vent their animal instincts so fatefully.l Elsewhere Aristophanes treats this game as just one among the many lighthearted diversions that his characters typically en joy, and thus as quite lacking any menacing aspect. At Pax 339-45, Trygaeus tries to restrain the Chorus by reminding them of the pleasures that a little more patience will soon bring them: a'A'A' o'tuv 'Aa~roJ.l£v U'\hftv, 't11VlKUU'tU xuip£'t£ KUt ~u't£ KUt y£'Au't'· 11- 811 yap £~£o'tat 'toe' UJ.ltV 7tAEtV J.l£VElV ~tv£'iv Ku8£1J8Elv, £~ 7tuv11yUPEt~ 8£rop£tv, EO'ttuo8ul Ko't'tu~i~Etv, 1 For Aristophanes' literary debts in this passage see J. -
The Delimitation of Fragments in Jacoby's Fgrhist: Some Examples
The Delimitation of Fragments in Jacoby’s FGrHist: Some Examples from Duris of Samos Christopher A. Baron ELIX JACOBY’S Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker provides an indispensable tool for the study of Greek historical writing in all periods and for nearly every F 1 historian. The authority and convenience of Jacoby’s col- lection remain unparalleled, as evidenced by the fact that his seventeen volumes of texts, commentary, and notes are now available in two online versions, including the ongoing Brill’s New Jacoby project (BNJ).2 While his volumes make it easier to 1 On Jacoby’s work see most recently Carmine Ampolo (ed.), Aspetti dell’opera di Felix Jacoby (Pisa 2006); John Marincola (ed.), A Companion to Greek and Roman Historiography I (Malden 2007) 5–7; and the relevant essays in Glenn Most (ed.), Collecting Fragments/Fragmente sammeln (Göttingen 1997). That Jacoby accomplished what he did before the existence of the TLG and searchable databases is incredible, and humbling; that it took several dec- ades and an international team of scholars to re-commence the project after his death in 1959 shows the enormity of his achievement. His original project continues under the auspices of Guido Schepens and Jan Bollansée: see Schepens’ “Prolegomena” in FGrHist IV A 1 (1998) vii–xxi. At the same time, an Italian project is underway to publish a new collection of Greek historical fragments, led by Eugenio Lanzilotta (http://frammstorgr. uniroma2.it); five volumes have been published to date. 2 In 2006 Brill converted Jacoby’s original work (with apparatus criticus and German commentary and notes) to an online format: Brill Online Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker. -
Frances Anne Skoczylas Pownall
FRANCES POWNALL (March 2017) Department of History and Classics e-mail: [email protected] 2-28 H.M. Tory Building telephone: (780) 492-2630 University of Alberta (780) 492-9125 (fax) Edmonton, AB T6G 2H4 EDUCATION 1987–93 PhD in Classics, University of Toronto Major Field: The Greek Historiographical Tradition Before Alexander the Great Minor Field: Roman History Thesis: UnThucydidean Approaches: The Moral Use of the Past in Fourth-Century Prose Supervisor: Professor M. B. Wallace 1990 Vergilian Society, Summer Study Program Villa Vergiliana, Cuma, Italy 1989 American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Summer Archaeological Program 1985–87 MA in Classics, University of British Columbia Thesis: The Concept of Sacred War in Ancient Greece Supervisor: Professor Phillip Harding 1985 French Summer School, McGill University 1981–85 BA (Honours) in Classics, McGill University Thesis: The Cult of Artemis Tauropolos at Halae Araphenides and its Relationship with Artemis Brauronia Supervisor: Professor Albert Schachter SCHOLARLY AND RESEARCH INTERESTS • Greek historiography (Archaic through Hellenistic) • Greek history (especially Classical and Hellenistic) • Philip and Alexander of Macedon • Greek prose (history and oratory) ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS 2008– University of Alberta (Professor) 1999–2008 University of Alberta (Associate Professor) 1993–99 University of Alberta (Assistant Professor) 1992–93 Memorial University of Newfoundland (Lecturer) 1991–92 Mount Allison University (Crake Doctoral Fellow/Instructor) NB: I took maternity -
Euripides and Gender: the Difference the Fragments Make
Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Ruby Blondell, Chair Deborah Kamen Olga Levaniouk Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2013 Melissa Karen Anne Funke University of Washington Abstract Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Ruby Blondell Department of Classics Research on gender in Greek tragedy has traditionally focused on the extant plays, with only sporadic recourse to discussion of the many fragmentary plays for which we have evidence. This project aims to perform an extensive study of the sixty-two fragmentary plays of Euripides in order to provide a picture of his presentation of gender that is as full as possible. Beginning with an overview of the history of the collection and transmission of the fragments and an introduction to the study of gender in tragedy and Euripides’ extant plays, this project takes up the contexts in which the fragments are found and the supplementary information on plot and character (known as testimonia) as a guide in its analysis of the fragments themselves. These contexts include the fifth- century CE anthology of Stobaeus, who preserved over one third of Euripides’ fragments, and other late antique sources such as Clement’s Miscellanies, Plutarch’s Moralia, and Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae. The sections on testimonia investigate sources ranging from the mythographers Hyginus and Apollodorus to Apulian pottery to a group of papyrus hypotheses known as the “Tales from Euripides”, with a special focus on plot-type, especially the rape-and-recognition and Potiphar’s wife storylines. -
CHRISTOPHER A. BARON University of Notre Dame 249 O’Shaughnessy Hall, Notre Dame, in 46556 +1-574-631-2802 [email protected]
April 2021 CHRISTOPHER A. BARON University of Notre Dame 249 O’Shaughnessy Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556 +1-574-631-2802 [email protected] ACADEMIC POSITIONS EDUCATION 2014–present: Associate Professor of Classics, Ph.D., Ancient History, University of University of Notre Dame Pennsylvania, May 2006 Concurrent in History, 2015–present - Fellow, Nanovic Institute for European M.A., Social Sciences (Roman History), - Studies University of Chicago, March 2000 2007–2014: Assistant Professor of Classics, B.A., History, summa cum laude, Illinois University of Notre Dame Wesleyan University, May 1995 2006–2007: Visiting Assistant Professor of LANGUAGES: Classics, University of Notre Dame Expert: Ancient Greek, Latin, French Intermediate: Italian, German 2003 –2006: Summer Instructor, Classical Basic: Spanish, Biblical Hebrew Studies, University of Pennsylvania MONOGRAPHS Timaeus of Tauromenium and Hellenistic Historiography. Cambridge University Press, 2013. Reviews: L.M. Yarrow, BMCR 2013.12.23; R. Vattuone, Sehepunkte 13 (2013) no. 9; J. Stronk, Classical Review 64.1 (2014), 81-83; P. Nývlt, Eirene 50 (2014), 355–57; M. Mari, Mediterraneo Antico 19 (2016), 403-12. In Progress: Greek Historians under the Roman Empire (30 BCE–340 CE). My goal in this book is twofold. First, I intend to analyze the Greek historians writing under the Roman Empire (from Dionysius of Halicarnassus to Eusebius) through the lens of their common condition – Greek intellectuals, living under a world empire, engaging in a traditional elite activity which had arisen under different political/social circumstances. This will allow me to judge their similarities, producing a richer picture of Greek historical writing, but also highlight their differences (choice of subject, historical method and outlook, style and narrative voice) and the development of the genre over time. -
Porphyry on Pythagoras V
Porphyry on The Life of Pythagoras Porphyry on Pythagoras v. 12.11, www.philaletheians.co.uk, 3 April 2018 Page 1 of 15 BUDDHAS AND INITIATES SERIES PORPHYRY ON PYTHAGORAS From Porphyrius, Vita Pythagorae, 17. Translated by Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie. Alpine, New Jer- sey: Platonist Press, c. 1919. This biography should not to confused with the another work bear- ing the same title by Iamblichus, thought to be Porphyry’s disciple. ANY THINK THAT PYTHAGORAS WAS THE SON OF MNESARCHUS, but they differ as to the latter’s race; some thinking him a Samian, while Neanthes, M in the fifth book of his Fables states he was a Syrian, from the city of Tyre. As a famine had arisen in Samos, Mnesarchus went thither to trade, and was natu- ralized there. There also was born his son Pythagoras, who early manifested studi- ousness, but was later taken to Tyre, and there entrusted to the Chaldeans, whose doctrines he imbibed. Thence he returned to Ionia, where he first studied under the Syrian Pherecydes, then also under Hermodamas the Creophylian who at that time was an old man residing in Samos. 2. Neanthes says that others hold that his father was a Tyrrhenian, of those who in- habit Lemnos, and that while on a trading trip to Samos was there naturalized. On sailing to Italy, Mnesarchus took the youth Pythagoras with him. Just at this time this country was greatly flourishing. Neanthes adds that Pythagoras had two older brothers, Eunostus and Tyrrhenus. But Apollonius, in his book about Pythagoras, affirms that his mother was Pythais, a descendant, of Ancaeus, the founder of Sa- mos.