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The Dutch Great Stink: the End of the Cesspit Era in the Pre-Industrial Towns of Leiden and Haarlem

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The Dutch Great Stink: the End of the Cesspit Era in the Pre-Industrial Towns of Leiden and Haarlem European Journal of Archaeology 19 (4) 2016, 704–727 The Dutch Great Stink: The End of the Cesspit Era in the Pre-Industrial Towns of Leiden and Haarlem ROOS VAN OOSTEN Faculty of Archaeology, University of Leiden, Leiden, The Netherlands In the nineteenth century, the continuous discharge of sewage from millions of Londoners into the River Thames caused a notorious, unbearable stench during the summer, which reached a climax in 1858 and became known as The Great Stink. In this article it is argued that such a ‘Great Stink’ also occurred in the booming and heavily populated pre-industrial town of Leiden, because cesspits were being replaced by sewers draining directly into canals. Flawed as cesspits may have been, the new, hygienic sewer infrastructure meant the advent of unsanitary conditions normally only associated with the era of the Industrial Revolution. How and why the cesspit was killed off is explained by comparing Leiden with the seventeenth-century boom town of Haarlem, where cesspits remarkably survived the ‘Golden Age’ of the seventeenth century. Using the stakeholder model it becomes clear that the shift in hygienic infra- structure was not the outcome of a single stakeholder calling the shots but was the result of interactions between tenants, housing developers, local government, and textile entrepreneurs (in the case of Leiden), or brewers (in Haarlem). Keywords: Early Modern era, seventeenth century, Holland, sanitation, hygienic infrastructure, cesspits, stakeholder model, Great Stink, body social, urban archaeology INTRODUCTION polluted and contaminated, with privies and latrines draining directly into them. How human excrement was processed in Furthermore, the waste from the burgeon- the industrial period has been remarkably ing factories was also discharged into the well researched by historians.1 Van der canals. As a result, many towns experi- Woud in Koninkrijk vol sloppen (A enced outbreaks of epidemics, not only of Kingdom of Urban Slums, 2010) makes it traditional diseases such as smallpox and crystal clear that Dutch towns in the nine- measles but also, from1832, of waterborne teenth century were overcrowded, had Asiatic cholera (Houwaart, 1991: 98; poor public hygiene, and tolerated filth Meijer, 2005). In several towns doctors everywhere. The water in urban canals was compiled distribution maps to record deaths from cholera (see Meijer, 2005 for 1 This article is an adaptation of part of my PhD dissertation Leiden; see Johnson, 2006 for London). written in Dutch (defended in 2014; commercial edition Van Although the cause of cholera was not Oosten, 2015). For this article, I selected two of the seven towns studied in my dissertation for application of the stake- properly understood, such distribution holder model. maps made the strong correlation between © 2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group DOI 10.1080/14619571.2016.1147677 Manuscript received 23 June 2015, accepted 4 November 2015, revised 8 October 2015 This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDer- ivatives License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, Downloaded fromand https://www.cambridge.org/core reproduction in any medium,. IP provided address: the170.106.35.229 original work, on 26 is Sep properly 2021 at cited, 20:20:48 and, subject is not altered,to the Cambridge transformed, Core terms or built of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/termsupon in any way. https://doi.org/10.1080/14619571.2016.1147677 van Oosten – The Dutch Great Stink 705 living in urban slums and dying of cholera question will therefore be: when did the obvious. Progressive doctors in the Neth- sanitation system shift from cesspits to erlands who followed the so-called drains and canals? Hygienist Movement (1840–1890) Although it is obvious that in the nine- implored local governments to intervene teenth century canals clogged with human and institute a better sanitary infrastruc- faeces served neither the urban community ture. Local authorities were slow to nor the common good, the shift from respond, but after decades of lobbying the drains and canals to the tonnenstelsel public sanitary infrastructure was even- system did not happen overnight. It is also tually improved. Contaminated canals evident that in the nineteenth century this were filled in one after another, and in the transition in hygienic infrastructure 1870s more than thirty towns instituted reflected a social confrontation between systems for collecting human waste invol- different stakeholders, the principal stake- ving portable toilets or commodes and pail holders being the local government, the closets (Van Zon, 1986: 85), known in the hygienists, and the industrialists. Industri- Netherlands as tonnenstelsel or fosses alists, and to some extent local mobiles (pail system or Rochdale system). government, regarded the draining of In this new system, slop barrels were industrial waste into the canals — the emptied weekly by a newly established largest source of pollution — as a precon- municipal service. dition for the continued presence of In the mid-nineteenth century, human factories in their towns; without these fac- excrement simply drained into the canals. tories, the threat of unemployment Reading Van der Woud’s Koninkrijk vol loomed over the townsfolk. As long as sloppen as a historian, I took this fact for local authorities made no effort to curtail granted; as an archaeologist, however, this this pollution, private individuals had no struck me as somewhat surprising, for in qualms about dumping their waste or Dutch urban excavations, a cesspit can be draining their privies into the canals. The found in nearly every plot.2 There are social ‘battle’ between the stakeholders is various styles and types of cesspit, but in illustrated in Figure 2. towns like Haarlem and Leiden, more The second question addressed here than eighty per cent of the archaeologically consists of identifying the stakeholders recorded cesspits are round, brick-built, involved in this pre-industrial transition, and covered with a brick-built dome in other words: who killed off the cesspit (Figure 1; see also Van Oosten, 2015). and for what reason?3 The consistent type of construction In order to discover when, why, and by suggests that cesspits were built by special- whom sewers were installed, we need to ist tradesmen at the time the adjacent trace the history of sanitation management buildings were being erected. My first in Dutch towns. We shall focus on Haarlem and Leiden, two of the many towns that experienced an economic boom 2For the record, like the Netherlands, in British archaeology ‘many excavators tend to describe all unlined pits — containing either privy waste or general domestic waste — as ‘rubbish pits’ (Evans, 2010: 269–70) rather than as cesspits. Evans (2010: 3The metaphor of killing something inanimate is inspired by 267) rightly pledges to give thought to what we mean by such Latour’s 1996 book Aramis, or the Love of Technology. Aramis terms. In English articles with a historical focus the terms ‘cess- was not a person but a very advanced public transport system in pool’ and ‘latrine’ are more common (Sabine, 1934). In this Paris. Although millions of French francs were spent on the article, I use the term ‘cesspit’ for any lined or unlined pit in eighteen-year project, it never went beyond the test stage. The which human waste was collected and that served as a privy. main question of the book is who killed Aramis? To this end Here cesspit has a functional, not a morphological, meaning. Latour identifies many different actors or stakeholders. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.35.229, on 26 Sep 2021 at 20:20:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1080/14619571.2016.1147677 706 European Journal of Archaeology 19 (4) 2016 Figure 1. Haarlem: a round, domed, brick-built cesspit. By permission of the Municipal Archaeolo- gical Service of Haarlem. in seventeenth-century Holland. Haarlem walled settlements in the thirteenth and and Leiden had a similar socio-economic fourteenth centuries into towns where the history in the pre-industrial period, but, as rural lifestyle had more or less disappeared will be demonstrated, dealt differently and inhabitants increasingly earned their with what in those days was referred to as livelihood in urban occupations [compare ‘the matter of the faeces’.4 Figure 6(a) and (b)]. Both Leiden and Haarlem had important wool-based textile industries, but in Haarlem the textile ASOCIO-ECONOMIC OUTLINE OF industry was of secondary importance, HAARLEM AND LEIDEN outstripped by beer production (Ampzing, 1628: 337). Both Haarlem and Leiden were water-rich The historian Hanno Brand (2008: towns that grew from small, semi-rural, 103) describes Leiden as a typical pre- industrial town that was organized on a 4‘de kwestie der fecaliën’ capitalist footing as early as AD 1500. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.35.229, on 26 Sep 2021 at 20:20:48, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1080/14619571.2016.1147677 van Oosten – The Dutch Great Stink 707 Figure 2. The Stakeholder model applied for the shift from sewers/canals to the pail system c. 1875. The arrows indicate the relationships between stakeholders and their shared vested interest in whichever system was used. Large enterprises distributed raw materials that the extreme poverty in Leiden was and part-finished products to the homes caused by textile entrepreneurs who were of spinners, weavers, and tuckers. This solely motivated by becoming ‘rich, power- system of outsourcing was characterized by ful, and great and never cared about an extensive division of labour (Kaptein, paying their craftworkers a fair wage but 1998: 249; Posthumus, 1908: 269–71, forced their workers into a position of 404; 1910:xv–xvii).
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