MORDAN POLITICAL THOUGHT, THEORY & CONTEMPORARY IDEOLOGIES(201) TOPIC NAME-LENINISM Introduction
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Ho Chi Minh's Ideology on National Unity in Vietnam's Revolution
The Indonesian Journal of Southeast As ian Studies Vol. 4, No. 1, July 2020, pp. 15-23 ISSN 2580-6580, E-ISSN 2597-9817 DOI: 10.22146/ikat.v4i1.56279 Ho Chi Minh's Ideology on National Unity in Vietnam's Revolution Tran Thi Dieu * University of Social Science and Humanities, Vietnam Abstract For any country in the stage of development, unity is always considered as palpable pilar for a stable and sustainable goal of welfare. This study focuses on the case of Vietnam by analysing Ho Chi Minh’s ideology. He is the initiator and builder of Vietnamese nation known as the ideology on great unity which continues to be expressed from theory to practice. Great national unity is both the goal and the top task of the revolution which may be seen thoroughly in all paths, guidelines and policies of the Party during the Party Congresses. This article further discusses the basis for the formulation of the national unity based on Ho Chi Minh’s ideology, explain why Ho Chi Minh can solve the national-class relationship, and draw out the implication for Vietnam in the stage of current development. Keywords: Ho Chi Minh; unit; national unity Introduction For any country in the stage of development, unity is always considered as palpable pilar for a stable and sustainable goal for the country’s welfare. Depending on the historical, natural and social conditions, the spirit of unity in each country is built based on its own philosophies. This study focuses on nation building of Vietnam, a country with many challenges geographically, historically and economically. -
Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change. -
Stalin General Secretary (Annotated and Highlighted)
Joseph Stalin : General Secretary In 1921 Lenin became concerned with the activities of Alexandra Kollontai and Alexander Shlyapnikov, the leaders of the Workers' Opposition group. In 1921 Kollantai published a pamphlet The Workers' Opposition, where she called for members of the party to be allowed to discuss policy issues and for more political freedom for trade unionists. She also advocated that before the government attempts to "rid Soviet institutions of the bureaucracy that lurks within them, the Party must first rid itself of its own bureaucracy." (49) The group also published a statement on future policy: "A complete change is necessary in the policies of the government. First of all, the workers and peasants need freedom. They don't want to live by the decrees of the Bolsheviks; they want to control their own destinies. Comrades, preserve revolutionary order! Determinedly and in an organized manner demand: liberation of all arrested Socialists and non-partisan working-men; abolition of martial law; freedom of speech, press and assembly for all who labour." (50) At the Tenth Party Congress in April 1922, Lenin proposed a resolution that would ban all factions within the party. He argued that factions within the party were "harmful" and encouraged rebellions such as the Kronstadt Rising. The Party Congress agreed with Lenin and the Workers' Opposition was dissolved. Stalin was appointed as General Secretary and was now given the task of dealing with the "factions and cliques" in the Communist Party. (51) (as a result of his extreme organizational skills) Stalin's main opponents for the future leadership of the party failed to see the importance of this position and actually supported his nomination. -
Revolution in Russia and the Formation of the Soviet Union
CLASSROOM COUNTRY PROFILES Revolution in Russia and the Formation of the Soviet Union The Russian Revolution often refers to two events that took place in 1917. The first, known as the February Revolution, forced Tsar Nicholas II to abdicate and led to the formation of a provisional government. During the second event, commonly known as the October Revolution or Bolshevik Revolution, Vla- dimir Lenin’s Bolshevik Party seized power and began seven decades of one-party rule. Some scholars and Soviet critics have argued that the second event was actually a coup by Lenin and his supporters and not a true revolution. The Russian Empire in 1914. Date confusion—The February Revolution actually In the early 1900s, cracks were beginning to appear in the tsar’s control took place in early March. Because the Russian Em- over the Russian Empire. An attempted revolution in 1905, which saw pire followed the Julian Calendar, which is 13 days mass worker strikes and peasant revolts, shook the monarchy and forced behind the Gregorian Calendar, the events are referred Tsar Nicholas II to implement political reform, including the establishment to as the February Revolution. Likewise, the October of a parliament and a new constitution. Revolution actually took place in early November. Reform temporarily quieted the unrest, but the new policies proved inef- Soviet—The word means “council” in Russian. Soviets fective and the parliament, known as the State Duma, was largely unable were workers’ councils made up of various socialist to override the Tsar’s decrees. parties at the end of the Russian Empire. -
Georg Lukács and Organizing Class Consciousness / by Robert Lanning
Georg Lukács and Organizing Class Consciousness Georg Lukács and Organizing Class Consciousness by Robert Lanning MEP Publications MEP Publications University of Minnesota 116 Church Street S.E. Minneapolis, MN 55455-0112 Copyright © 2009 by Robert Lanning All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lanning, Robert. Georg Lukács and organizing class consciousness / by Robert Lanning. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-930656-77-5 1. Lukács, György, 1885-1971--Criticism and interpretation. 2. Philosophy, Marxist. 3. Social conflict. 4. Class consciousness. I. Title. B4815.L84L36 2009 335.4’11 -- dc22 2009015114 CONTENTS Chapter One Class Consciousness and Reification 1 Chapter Two Historical Necessity as Self-Activity 31 Chapter Three The Concept of Imputed Class Consciousness 55 Chapter Four Common Sense and Market Rationality in Sociological Studies of Class 77 Chapter Five Being Determines Consciousness 109 Chapter Six Consciousness Overemphasized? 125 Chapter Seven Class Experience, “Substitution,” and False Consciousness 143 Chapter Eight Imputed Class Consciousness in the Development of the Individual 165 Conclusion 193 Reference List 197 Index 205 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank David S. Pena for his thorough editing of the manuscript, and Erwin and Doris Grieser Marquit for seeing this project through its stages of development. I would also like to acknowledge Erwin’s editing of twenty volumes of Nature, Society, and Thought (1987–2007), a journal that exhibited an important balance between politics and scholarship. Chapter One Class Consciousness and Reification To be scientific, sociologists must ask not merely what some member of a social group thinks today about refrigerators and gadgets or about marriage and sexual life, but what is the field of consciousness within which some group can vary its ways of thinking about all these problems. -
Title: Black Consciousness in South Africa : the Dialectics of Ideological
Black Consciousness in South Africa : The Dialectics of Ideological Resistance to White title: Supremacy SUNY Series in African Politics and Society author: Fatton, Robert. publisher: State University of New York Press isbn10 | asin: 088706129X print isbn13: 9780887061295 ebook isbn13: 9780585056890 language: English Blacks--South Africa--Politics and government, Blacks--Race identity--South Africa, South Africa-- Politics and government--1961-1978, South subject Africa--Politics and government--1978- , South Africa--Social conditions--1961- , Blacks--South Africa--Social cond publication date: 1986 lcc: DT763.6.F37 1986eb ddc: 305.8/00968 Blacks--South Africa--Politics and government, Blacks--Race identity--South Africa, South Africa-- Politics and government--1961-1978, South subject: Africa--Politics and government--1978- , South Africa--Social conditions--1961- , Blacks--South Africa--Social cond Page i Black Consciousness in South Africa Page ii SUNY Series in African Politics and Society Henry L. Bretton and James Turner, Editors Page iii Black Consciousness in South Africa The Dialectics of Ideological Resistance to White Supremacy Robert Fatton Jr. State University of New York Press Page iv Published by State University of New York Press, Albany © 1986 State University of New York All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information, address State University of New York Press, State University Plaza, Albany, N.Y., 12246 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Fatton, Robert. Black consciousness in South Africa. (SUNY series in African politics and society) Revision of the author's thesis (Ph.D)University of Notre Dame. -
Trotsky and the Problem of Soviet Bureaucracy
TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY by Thomas Marshall Twiss B.A., Mount Union College, 1971 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1972 M.S., Drexel University, 1997 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Thomas Marshall Twiss It was defended on April 16, 2009 and approved by William Chase, Professor, Department of History Ronald H. Linden, Professor, Department of Political Science Ilya Prizel, Professor, Department of Political Science Dissertation Advisor: Jonathan Harris, Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Thomas Marshall Twiss 2009 iii TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY Thomas Marshall Twiss, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 In 1917 the Bolsheviks anticipated, on the basis of the Marxist classics, that the proletarian revolution would put an end to bureaucracy. However, soon after the revolution many within the Bolshevik Party, including Trotsky, were denouncing Soviet bureaucracy as a persistent problem. In fact, for Trotsky the problem of Soviet bureaucracy became the central political and theoretical issue that preoccupied him for the remainder of his life. This study examines the development of Leon Trotsky’s views on that subject from the first years after the Russian Revolution through the completion of his work The Revolution Betrayed in 1936. In his various writings over these years Trotsky expressed three main understandings of the nature of the problem: During the civil war and the first years of NEP he denounced inefficiency in the distribution of supplies to the Red Army and resources throughout the economy as a whole. -
The Bolshevik Revolution and Its Aftermath
The Historical Journal, 24, 4 (1981), pp. 997-1002. Printed in Great Britain OCTOBER AND THE WORLD: THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION AND ITS AFTERMATH October igiy: A Social History of the Russian Revolution. By Marc Ferro. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980. Pp. xiv + 345. £13.50. The Debate on Soviet Power. Edited by John L. H. Keep. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979. Pp. xiv + 465. £15.00. Les premiers communistes frangais: formation des cadres et bolchevisation. By Danielle Tartakowsky. Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1980. Pp- 215- October and the World: Perspectives on the Russian Revolution. By Paul Dukes. London: The Macmillan Press, 1979. Pp. vii + 224. £10.00. The history of the bolshevik revolution has long been overshadowed by the continuing topicality of the issues it raises. It is therefore not surprising to find that historians are still fighting the same battles as did the bolsheviks and their rivals, albeit with the pen rather than the sword, spilling ink rather than blood. In Britain, of course, the debate has been somewhat more oblique. On the one side (in favour of the revolution) stands E. H. Carr, stating cautiously though none the less controversially: It may well have been true, as the rapid disintegration of the February revolution seemed to show, that bourgeois democracy and bourgeois capitalism on the western model, which was what the Mensheviks wanted and expected, could not be rooted in Russian soil, so that Lenin's policy was the only conceivable one in the empirical terms of current Russian politics. To reject it as premature was to repeat, as Lenin once said, 'the argument of the serf-owners about the unpreparedness of the peasants for freedom'.1 On the other side stands Schapiro, angered by what he sees as this unnecessary determinism and absorbed in demonstrating how 'a small, unpopular minority'2 (the bolsheviks) seized power and set up a totalitarian regime. -
Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: an Analysis
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 4-1967 Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis Christine Deichsel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Deichsel, Christine, "Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis" (1967). Master's Theses. 3240. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3240 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. YUGOSLAV IDEOLOGY AND ITS IMPORTANCE TO THE SOVIET BLOC: AN ANALYSIS by Christine Deichsel A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo., Michigan April 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing this thesis I have benefited from the advice and encouragement of Professors George Klein and William A. Ritchie. My thanks go to them and the other members of my Committee, namely Professors Richard J. Richardson and Alan Isaak. Furthermore, I wish to ex press my appreciation to all the others at Western Michi gan University who have given me much needed help and encouragement. The award of an assistantship and the intellectual guidance and stimulation from the faculty of the Department of Political Science have made my graduate work both a valuable experience and a pleasure. -
Stalin's Show Trials
Subject Support History Teaching the case study, Stalin’s show trials: exploring causation with students February, 2014 Efforts have been made to trace and acknowledge copyright holders. In cases where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the Cultural and Environmental Education Administrator, Angie Grogan, [email protected] © 2014 Cultural and Environmental Education, Professional Development Service for Teachers (PDST), Dublin West Education Centre, Tallaght, Dublin 24 01-4528018, 01-4528010, [email protected], www.pdst.ie © PDST, 2014 1 Professional Development Service for Teachers (PDST) Subject Support History Contact details Administrator Angie Grogan Telephone 01-4528018 Fax 01-4528010 E-mail [email protected] Address Dublin West Education Centre, Tallaght, Dublin 24. Note: Every effort has been made to ensure the accuracy of the historical data contained herein. Any inadvertent errors are regretted. © PDST, 2014 2 CONTENTS Page Stalin’s show trials: exploring causation with students 4 The enquiry-focused approach 4 Linking your work on the case study to the National Literacy Strategy 5 A contextual overview of the case study 6 Glossary of important terms 7 Biographical notes 9 Timeline of important developments 15 Maps of Russia and the Soviet Union 16 Stalin’s show trials: possible lines of enquiry 17 A possible hook: an online film clip 17 Transcript of the film clip 18 Worksheet: analysis of the film clip 19 Enquiry, Step 1: What prompted the holding of the first show trial in Moscow in August 1936? 20 Enquiry, Step 2: Why was a second show trial held in Moscow in January 1937? 26 Enquiry, Step 3: What factors lay behind the holding of the ‘Great Purge Trial’ in March 1938? 31 A critical skills exercise 38 Historians’ views about Stalin’s show trials 42 Interrogating the historians 43 Your conclusions on the enquiry 44 © PDST, 2014 3 Stalin’s show trials: exploring causation with students In exploring the case study, “Stalin’s show trials”, students are following a narrative of events. -
Hotel Bristol” Question in the First Moscow Trial of 1936
New Evidence Concerning the “Hotel Bristol” Question in the First Moscow Trial of 1936 Sven-Eric Holmström Leon Sedov Leon Trotsky John Dewey 1. Introduction The purpose of this essay is to introduce new evidence regarding the Hotel Bristol in Copenhagen, the existence of which was questioned after the First Moscow Trial of August, 1936. The issue of Hotel Bristol has perhaps been the most used “evidence” for the fraudulence of the Moscow Trials. This essay examines the Hotel Bristol question as it was dealt with in the Dewey Commission hearings of 1937 in Mexico by carefully examining newly uncovered photographs and primary documents. The essay concludes that • There was a Bristol located where the defendant in question said it was. This Bristol was in more than one way closely connected to a hotel. • Leon Trotsky lied deliberately to the Dewey Commission more than once. • Trotsky’s son Leon Sedov and one of Trotsky’s witnesses also lied. • The examination of the Hotel Bristol question made by the Dewey Commission can at the best be described as sloppy. This means that the credibility of the Dewey Commission must be seriously questioned. Copyright © 2008 by Sven-Eric Holmström and Cultural Logic, ISSN 1097-3087 Sven-Eric Holmström 2 • The author Isaac Deutscher and Trotsky’s secretary, Jean Van Heijenoort, covered up Trotsky’s continuing contact with his supporters in the Soviet Union. • It was probably Deutscher and/or Van Heijenoort who purged the Harvard Trotsky Archives of incriminating evidence, a fact discovered by researchers during the early 1980s. • This is the strongest evidence so far that the testimony in the 1936 Moscow Trial was true, rather than a frame up. -
October Revolution and Today's World
Marxist, XXXIII, 3, July-September 2017 SITARAM YECHURY October Revolution and Today’s World The year 2017 marks the centenary of the triumph of the great October Socialist Revolution.1 This event deeply influenced the course of world history in the 20th century, qualitatively shifting the trajectory of human civilisational advance. It was an epoch-making event that resoundingly vindicated the creative science of Marxism and its assertion of the inevitable march of human civilization towards the establishment of a social order free from human exploitation. In this lies its eternal relevance. Soon after the death of Karl Marx, in a moving Preface to the German edition of the Communist Manifesto, in 1883, Friedrich Engels notes: “The basic thought running through the Manifesto – that economic production and the structure of society of every historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom constitute the foundation for the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently (ever since the dissolution of the primeval communal ownership of land) all history has been a history of class struggles, of struggles between exploited and exploiting, between dominated and dominating classes at various stages of social development; that this struggle, however, has now reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie), without at the same time for ever freeing the whole of society from exploitation, oppression and class struggles – this basic thought belongs solely and exclusively to Marx.” (Emphasis added). This is precisely what the October Revolution achieved: “freeing the whole of society from exploitation.” The success of the October Revolution resoundingly vindicates every single postulate that Marx and Marxism advance.