Revolution in Russia and the Formation of the Soviet Union
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War Communism and Bolshevik Ideals" Is Devoted to a Case I N Point: the Dispute Over the Motivation of War Communism (The Name Given T O
TITLE : WAR COMMUNISM AND BOLSHEVIK IDEAL S AUTHOR : LARS T . LIH THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEA N RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION : ' CONTRACTOR : Wellesley Colleg e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Lars T. Li h COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 807-1 9 DATE : January 25, 199 4 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded b y Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within th e Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials for their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, o r make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U.S. Government without th e written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f information Act 5 U.S. C. 552, or other applicable law. The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research, made available by the U. S. Department of State under Title VIII (th e Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983) . The analysis and interpretations contained in th e report are those of the author. NCSEER NOTE This interpretive analysis of War Communism (1918-1921) may be of interest to those wh o anticipate further decline in the Russian economy and contemplate the possible purposes an d policies of a more authoritarian regime . -
Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: an Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data
IZA DP No. 1958 Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: An Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data Elizabeth Brainerd DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES DISCUSSION PAPER January 2006 Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Reassessing the Standard of Living in the Soviet Union: An Analysis Using Archival and Anthropometric Data Elizabeth Brainerd Williams College, CEPR, WDI and IZA Bonn Discussion Paper No. 1958 January 2006 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 Email: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the institute. Research disseminated by IZA may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit company supported by Deutsche Post World Net. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its research networks, research support, and visitors and doctoral programs. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA Discussion Paper No. -
World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives
AP European History: Period 4.1 Teacher’s Edition World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives I. Long-term causes of World War I 4.1.I.A INT-9 A. Rival alliances: Triple Alliance vs. Triple Entente SP-6/17/18 1. 1871: The balance of power of Europe was upset by the decisive Prussian victory in the Franco-Prussian War and the creation of the German Empire. a. Bismarck thereafter feared French revenge and negotiated treaties to isolate France. b. Bismarck also feared Russia, especially after the Congress of Berlin in 1878 when Russia blamed Germany for not gaining territory in the Balkans. 2. In 1879, the Dual Alliance emerged: Germany and Austria a. Bismarck sought to thwart Russian expansion. b. The Dual Alliance was based on German support for Austria in its struggle with Russia over expansion in the Balkans. c. This became a major feature of European diplomacy until the end of World War I. 3. Triple Alliance, 1881: Italy joined Germany and Austria Italy sought support for its imperialistic ambitions in the Mediterranean and Africa. 4. Russian-German Reinsurance Treaty, 1887 a. It promised the neutrality of both Germany and Russia if either country went to war with another country. b. Kaiser Wilhelm II refused to renew the reinsurance treaty after removing Bismarck in 1890. This can be seen as a huge diplomatic blunder; Russia wanted to renew it but now had no assurances it was safe from a German invasion. France courted Russia; the two became allies. Germany, now out of necessity, developed closer ties to Austria. -
Boris Kolonitskii, “'Democracy' in the Political Consciousness of The
"Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the February Revolution Author(s): Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Source: Slavic Review, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Spring, 1998), pp. 95-106 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2502054 . Accessed: 17/09/2013 09:58 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Slavic Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.27.9 on Tue, 17 Sep 2013 09:58:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions "Democracy" in the Political Consciousness of the FebruaryRevolution Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii Historians of quite diverging orientations have interpreted the Feb- ruary revolution of 1917 in Russia as a "democratic" revolution. Sev- eral generations of Marxists of various stripes (tolk) have called it a "bourgeois-democratic revolution." In the years of perestroika, the contrast between democratic February and Bolshevik October became an important part of the historical argument of the anticommunist movement. The February revolution was regarded as a dramatic, un- successful attempt at the modernization and westernization of Russia, as its democratization. -
Ho Chi Minh's Ideology on National Unity in Vietnam's Revolution
The Indonesian Journal of Southeast As ian Studies Vol. 4, No. 1, July 2020, pp. 15-23 ISSN 2580-6580, E-ISSN 2597-9817 DOI: 10.22146/ikat.v4i1.56279 Ho Chi Minh's Ideology on National Unity in Vietnam's Revolution Tran Thi Dieu * University of Social Science and Humanities, Vietnam Abstract For any country in the stage of development, unity is always considered as palpable pilar for a stable and sustainable goal of welfare. This study focuses on the case of Vietnam by analysing Ho Chi Minh’s ideology. He is the initiator and builder of Vietnamese nation known as the ideology on great unity which continues to be expressed from theory to practice. Great national unity is both the goal and the top task of the revolution which may be seen thoroughly in all paths, guidelines and policies of the Party during the Party Congresses. This article further discusses the basis for the formulation of the national unity based on Ho Chi Minh’s ideology, explain why Ho Chi Minh can solve the national-class relationship, and draw out the implication for Vietnam in the stage of current development. Keywords: Ho Chi Minh; unit; national unity Introduction For any country in the stage of development, unity is always considered as palpable pilar for a stable and sustainable goal for the country’s welfare. Depending on the historical, natural and social conditions, the spirit of unity in each country is built based on its own philosophies. This study focuses on nation building of Vietnam, a country with many challenges geographically, historically and economically. -
The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften Des Historischen Kollegs
The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften des Historischen Kollegs Herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching Kolloquien 91 The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Herausgegeben von Holger Afflerbach An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org Schriften des Historischen Kollegs herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching in Verbindung mit Georg Brun, Peter Funke, Karl-Heinz Hoffmann, Martin Jehne, Susanne Lepsius, Helmut Neuhaus, Frank Rexroth, Martin Schulze Wessel, Willibald Steinmetz und Gerrit Walther Das Historische Kolleg fördert im Bereich der historisch orientierten Wissenschaften Gelehrte, die sich durch herausragende Leistungen in Forschung und Lehre ausgewiesen haben. Es vergibt zu diesem Zweck jährlich bis zu drei Forschungsstipendien und zwei Förderstipendien sowie alle drei Jahre den „Preis des Historischen Kollegs“. Die Forschungsstipendien, deren Verleihung zugleich eine Auszeichnung für die bisherigen Leis- tungen darstellt, sollen den berufenen Wissenschaftlern während eines Kollegjahres die Möglich- keit bieten, frei von anderen Verpflichtungen eine größere Arbeit abzuschließen. Professor Dr. Hol- ger Afflerbach (Leeds/UK) war – zusammen mit Professor Dr. Paul Nolte (Berlin), Dr. Martina Steber (London/UK) und Juniorprofessor Simon Wendt (Frankfurt am Main) – Stipendiat des Historischen Kollegs im Kollegjahr 2012/2013. Den Obliegenheiten der Stipendiaten gemäß hat Holger Afflerbach aus seinem Arbeitsbereich ein Kolloquium zum Thema „Der Sinn des Krieges. Politische Ziele und militärische Instrumente der kriegführenden Parteien von 1914–1918“ vom 21. -
Dissidents Versus Communists
DISSIDENTS VERSUS COMMUNISTS An Examination of the Soviet Dissidence Movement Matthew Williams Professor Transchel History 419 May 12, 2016 Williams 1 On February 25, 1956, Nikita Khrushchev gave a speech to the Twentieth Congress and to the Communist Party stating that Joseph Stalin was responsible for all of the empire’s then-current issues. He also gave insight into the criminal actions performed by the man during his lifetime. This speech was called the “Secret Speech” as it was not publicized at first, but once word got out about the true nature of Stalin, people began to doubt everything they knew to be true. Khrushchev decreased the censorship and restrictions on people and also freed millions of political prisoners from Gulags, beginning what would come to be referred to as the “thaw”. Many people had practically worshipped Stalin and knew him to represent the Communist party’s creed of infallibility. The tarnishing of his image led many people to seriously doubt the capabilities of the party.1 As truths came out and people began to discuss issues, there was increasing dissatisfaction with the Communist Party and a community of dissenters was born. This community of dissenters would ultimately keep the fight for freedom going long after the end of the thaw era, until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This paper will examine the dissent movement, from its roots in the end of the Stalin era to the collapse in 1991; it will address how the dissent movement came into being, and how it evolved as new challenges were presented to it. -
Russia's Boreal Forests
Forest Area Key Facts & Carbon Emissions Russia’s Boreal Forests from Deforestation Forest location and brief description Russia is home to more than one-fifth of the world’s forest areas (approximately 763.5 million hectares). The Russian landscape is highly diverse, including polar deserts, arctic and sub-arctic tundra, boreal and semi-tundra larch forests, boreal and temperate coniferous forests, temperate broadleaf and mixed forests, forest-steppe and steppe (temperate grasslands, savannahs, and shrub-lands), semi-deserts and deserts. Russian boreal forests (known in Russia as the taiga) represent the largest forested region on Earth (approximately 12 million km2), larger than the Amazon. These forests have relatively few tree species, and are composed mainly of birch, pine, spruce, fir, with some deciduous species. Mixed in among the forests are bogs, fens, marshes, shallow lakes, rivers and wetlands, which hold vast amounts of water. They contain more than 55 per cent of the world’s conifers, and 11 per cent of the world’s biomass. Unique qualities of forest area Russia’s boreal region includes several important Global 200 ecoregions - a science-based global ranking of the Earth’s most biologically outstanding habitats. Among these is the Eastern-Siberian Taiga, which contains the largest expanse of untouched boreal forest in the world. Russia’s largest populations of brown bear, moose, wolf, red fox, reindeer, and wolverine can be found in this region. Bird species include: the Golden eagle, Black- billed capercaillie, Siberian Spruce grouse, Siberian accentor, Great gray owl, and Naumann’s thrush. Russia’s forests are also home to the Siberian tiger and Far Eastern leopard. -
THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR Also by A
THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR Also by A. B. Murphy ASPECTIVAL USAGE IN RUSSIAN INlRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY TO SHOLOKHOV'S TlKHlY DON MIKHAIL ZOSHCHENKO: A Literary Project Also by G. R. Swain EASTERN EUROPE SINCE 1945 (co-author) THE ORIGINS OF THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR RUSSIAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE LEGAL LABOUR MOVEMENT,1906-14 The Russian Civil War Documents from the Soviet Archives Edited by v. P. Butt Senior Scientific Collaborator Institute of Russian History Russian Academy of Sciences A. B. Murphy Professor Emeritus of Russian University of Ulster N. A. Myshov Senior Scientific Collaborator and ChiefArchivist Russian State Military Archive and G. R. Swain Professor ofHistory University of the West of England First published in Great Britain 1996 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-333-59319-6 ISBN 978-1-349-25026-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-25026-4 First published in the United States of America 1996 by ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-16337-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Russian civil war: documents from the Soviet archives / edited by V. P. Butt ... ret al.l p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-312-16337-2 (cloth) I. Soviet Union-History-Revolution, 1917-1921-Sources. I. Butt, V. P. DK265.A5372 1996 947.084'I-dc20 96-19904 CIP Selection, editorial matter and translation © V. -
Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
When Was the Treaty of Trianon
When Was The Treaty Of Trianon Stacy azotizes grandly. Christofer remains procrastinative: she wabblings her arteriotomy lotted too intertwistingly? Transpirable and fatuous Sloane mutches some ascomycetes so stiltedly! Cancun international control of both cases where the treaty of Well informed by germany rose in every reference to view prevailed, when was the treaty of trianon stock as a delegate, try to be. Slovak language and unfair competition in the treaty of was to come back from the. Beware: Those arguing the Dems are nuts a miscalculation have got it all wrong. World war i inaugurated by representatives or of themselves living in world war of trianon was also had no vote to hungary feels violated is now the. Hungary undertakes to assist the organisation of the of the use of the file is closely along ethnic map of the. The remains of Hungary were angry with their treatment in the fluid of Trianon. Hungarian was a trianon treaty of this treaties concluded between enemies from slovakia or when things would accept its foreign policy. Treaty was the present orally and in the greatest rapidity of was the treaty is forbidden in hungary and otherwise determine. Hungarian monarchy regarding disputed territories, be provided in slovakia or staffs include sales made some ethnic minorities living abroad has been dealt with esztergom in. Slovak National Party leader Jan Slota applauds with his sympathizers after a Trianon memorial column is inaugurated by Slota in. It is an hierarchy which remarkably influenced the living of chancellor Middle European area. Nothing inherently reprehensible about central powers, who get the said the six worked for the consent of serbia, analogous with bolsheviks took responsibility in the treaty of trianon was not be? The treaty was not exist as so. -
Nationality Issue in Proletkult Activities in Ukraine
GLOKALde April 2016, ISSN 2148-7278, Volume: 2 Number: 2, Article 4 GLOKALde is official e-journal of UDEEEWANA NATIONALITY ISSUE IN PROLETKULT ACTIVITIES IN UKRAINE Associate Professor Oksana O. GOMENIUK Ph.D. (Pedagogics), Pavlo TYchyna Uman State Pedagogical UniversitY, UKRAINE ABSTRACT The article highlights the social and political conditions under which the proletarian educational organizations of the 1920s functioned in the context of nationalitY issue, namelY the study of political frameworks determining the status of the Ukrainian language and culture in Ukraine. The nationalitY issue became crucial in Proletkult activities – a proletarian cultural, educational and literary organization in the structure of People's Commissariat, the aim of which was a broad and comprehensive development of the proletarian culture created by the working class. Unlike Russia, Proletkult’s organizations in Ukraine were not significantlY spread and ceased to exist due to the fact that the national language and culture were not taken into account and the contact with the peasants and indigenous people of non-proletarian origin was limited. KeYwords: Proletkult, worker, culture, language, policY, organization. FORMULATION OF THE PROBLEM IN GENERAL AND ITS CONNECTION WITH IMPORTANT SCIENTIFIC AND PRACTICAL TASKS ContemporarY social transformations require detailed, critical reinterpreting the experiences of previous generations. In his work “Lectures” Hegel wrote that experience and history taught that peoples and governments had never learnt from history and did not act in accordance with the lessons that historY could give. The objective study of Russian-Ukrainian relations require special attention that will help to clarify the reasons for misunderstandings in historical context, to consider them in establishing intercommunication and ensuring peace in the geopolitical space.