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None of the Above: the UK House of Commons Votes on Reforming the House of Lords, February 2003
d:/1polq/74-3/mclean.3d ^ 24/6/3 ^ 16:6 ^ bp/sh None of the Above: The UK House of Commons Votes on Reforming the House of Lords, February 2003 IAIN MCLEAN, ARTHUR SPIRLING AND MEG RUSSELL The preamble to the UK's Parliament Act cent) of the members of a future house be 1911 (1 & 2 Geo. 5 c.13) states that that Act elected, but rejected the Royal Com- is a temporary measure only: mission's proposal that all appointed members be chosen by an independent Whereas it is intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second appointments commission. Chamber constituted on a popular instead of This White Paper had a poor reception. hereditary basis, but substitution cannot be The Lord Chancellor's Department, immediately brought into operation . which issued it, later analysed the re- sponses to it. Of the 82 per cent of Attempts to bring the substitution into respondents who discussed election, operation in 1949 and 1968 failed. The 89 per cent `called for a house that was Labour Party's 1997 manifesto states: 50per cent or more elected'. Of the 17 per The House of Lords must be reformed. As an cent of respondents who discussed the initial, self-contained reform, not dependent future of the Church of England bishops, on further reform in the future, the right of 85 per cent opposed their continued pre- hereditary peers to sit and vote in the House sence in the house. Of the 12 per cent of of Lords will be ended by statute. -
A Modern Parliament in a Modern Democracy
A Modern Parliament in a Modern Democracy State of the Union Annual Lecture by Rt Hon. Robin Cook MP Leader of the House December 2001 Published by The Constitution Unit School of Public Policy UCL (University College London) 29–30 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU Tel: 020 7679 4977 Fax:020 7679 4978 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/ ©The Constitution Unit, UCL 2001 This report is sold subject to the condition that is shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. First Published December 2001 A Modern Parliament in a Modern Democracy State of the Union Annual Lecture Rt Hon. Robin Cook MP, Leader of the House Chancellor’s Hall, Senate House, University of London It is an honour to be invited to give this lecture to the Constitution Unit on the publication of their report on the State of the Nations. One of the unequal contests between government and opposition is the difficulty of an opposition to obtaining quality advice in preparing its plans for government. It is for that reason that after taking office in 1997 we trebled the amount of Short Money available to the opposition parties. It has long been clear that a high priority for the incoming Labour Government would be constitutional reform. Indeed our first Parliament witnessed a degree of constitutional reform which probably has no match in terms of breadth or significance since the great reform acts of the nineteenth century. -
The Conservative Parliamentary Party the Conservative Parliamentary Party
4 Philip Cowley and Mark Stuart The Conservative parliamentary party The Conservative parliamentary party Philip Cowley and Mark Stuart 1 When the Conservative Party gathered for its first party conference since the 1997 general election, they came to bury the parliamentary party, not to praise it. The preceding five years had seen the party lose its (long-enjoyed) reputation for unity, and the blame for this was laid largely at the feet of the party’s parliamentarians.2 As Peter Riddell noted in The Times, ‘speaker after speaker was loudly cheered whenever they criticised the parliamentary party and its divisions’.3 It was an argument with which both the outgoing and incoming Prime Ministers were in agreement. Just before the 1997 general election, John Major confessed to his biographer that ‘I love my party in the country, but I do not love my parliamentary party’; he was later to claim that ‘divided views – expressed without restraint – in the parliamentary party made our position impossible’.4 And in his first address to the massed ranks of the new parliamentary Labour Party after the election Tony Blair drew attention to the state of the Conservative Party: Look at the Tory Party. Pause. Reflect. Then vow never to emulate. Day after day, when in government they had MPs out there, behaving with the indiscipline and thoughtlessness that was reminiscent of us in the early 80s. Where are they now, those great rebels? His answer was simple: not in Parliament. ‘When the walls came crashing down beneath the tidal wave of change, there was no discrimination between those Tory MPs. -
The House of Commons Modernisation Committee: Who Needs It?
The House of Commons Modernisation Committee: Who Needs It? British Journal of Politics and International Relation (2007), vol.9, no.1, pp.138-157. Alexandra Kelso Department of Politics and International Relations, School of Social Sciences, University of Southampton, Southampton, SO17 1BJ, UK. [email protected] Abstract Modernisation has been rhetorically important for the Labour government since 1997, and it found a dedicated outlet through the House of Commons Modernisation Committee. This committee has pursued a particular type of modernisation, which this article seeks to explore. It does this by focusing on three issues. First, it examines the role of the Leader of the House of Commons in the chair of the Modernisation Committee. Second, it looks at the work of the Modernisation Committee in comparison to that of the Procedure Committee. Finally, it contextualises the discussion of modernisation with reference to the distinction between efficiency reforms and effectiveness reforms, and explores what this reveals about the complexity of executive–legislative relations at Westminster, and about the course of the modernisation debate since 1997. Introduction New Labour came to power in 1997 committed to a modernising agenda informed by its adherence to the so-called Third Way, and its promise of renewing social democracy (Giddens 1998 and 2000; Clift 2001). The discourse of the Third Way signified a ‘reconfiguration of relationships between economy and state, public and private, government and people’, in which ‘modernisation was a label attached to a wide-range of institutional reforms, including those of government, party and the political process itself’ (Newman 2001, 40). -
Holders of Ministerial Office in the Conservative Governments 1979-1997
Holders of Ministerial Office in the Conservative Governments 1979-1997 Parliamentary Information List Standard Note: SN/PC/04657 Last updated: 11 March 2008 Author: Department of Information Services All efforts have been made to ensure the accuracy of this data. Nevertheless the complexity of Ministerial appointments, changes in the machinery of government and the very large number of Ministerial changes between 1979 and 1997 mean that there may be some omissions from this list. Where an individual was a Minister at the time of the May 1997 general election the end of his/her term of office has been given as 2 May. Finally, where possible the exact dates of service have been given although when this information was unavailable only the month is given. The Parliamentary Information List series covers various topics relating to Parliament; they include Bills, Committees, Constitution, Debates, Divisions, The House of Commons, Parliament and procedure. Also available: Research papers – impartial briefings on major bills and other topics of public and parliamentary concern, available as printed documents and on the Intranet and Internet. Standard notes – a selection of less formal briefings, often produced in response to frequently asked questions, are accessible via the Internet. Guides to Parliament – The House of Commons Information Office answers enquiries on the work, history and membership of the House of Commons. It also produces a range of publications about the House which are available for free in hard copy on request Education web site – a web site for children and schools with information and activities about Parliament. Any comments or corrections to the lists would be gratefully received and should be sent to: Parliamentary Information Lists Editor, Parliament & Constitution Centre, House of Commons, London SW1A OAA. -
The 'Dispossessed', The'never-Possessed' and The
The ‘Dispossessed’, and the ‘Bastards’ the ‘Never-Possessed’ ‘Dispossessed’, The the‘Never-Possessed’ The ‘Dispossessed’, and the‘Bastards’ Debunking Major’s Myths of the Eurosceptics the‘Never-Possessed’ Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party has been growing steadily since the Maastricth Rebellion of 1993. And yet the lessons of those turbulent months have yet to be learned properly. This book sets out clearly the reasons why some MPs rebelled and the‘Bastards’ and others did not - and points the way to the future. Debunking Major’s Myths of the Eurosceptics Between 1992 and 1993 the Maastricht Rebellion tore apart John Major’s Conservative Government. An ever-shifting group of Eurosceptic rebels consumed hours of Parliamentary time, derailed legislation and brought the government to the brink of collapse. Major denounced the rebels as the ‘Dispossessed’, the ‘Never-Possessed’ and the ‘Bastards’. This paper rebuts the myths about the Maastricht rebels. Luke Stanley Debunking Major’s Myths of the Eurosceptics Myths of Debunking Major’s With Prime Minister Cameron’s proposed renegotiation and referendum on EU The Bruges Group membership set to take place in 2017 recognising the factors affecting MPs’ willingness to defy the party line is vital. Should Cameron secure re-election at the head of a minority or slim-majority government, the ensuing Europe debate within the Conservative Party is likely to be even more divisive than Maastricht. Understanding MPs’ behaviour on Europe will allow the pro-withdrawal faction to assess the optimum methods of convincing MPs to side with them, as well as how to counter the Europhile faction’s attempts to poach their followers. -
Procedures for Debates, Private Members' Bills and the Powers Of
House of Commons Procedure Committee Procedures for Debates, Private Members’ Bills and the Powers of the Speaker Fourth Report of Session 2002–03 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 19 November 2003 HC 333 Published on 27 November 2003 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £18.50 The Procedure Committee The Procedure Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to consider the practice and procedure of the House in the conduct of public business, and to make recommendations. Current membership Sir Nicholas Winterton MP (Conservative, Macclesfield) (Chairman) Mr Peter Atkinson MP (Conservative, Hexham) Mr John Burnett MP (Liberal Democrat, Torridge and West Devon) David Hamilton MP (Labour, Midlothian) Mr Eric Illsley MP (Labour, Barnsley Central) Huw Irranca-Davies MP (Labour, Ogmore) Eric Joyce MP (Labour, Falkirk West) Mr Iain Luke MP (Labour, Dundee East) Rosemary McKenna MP (Labour, Cumbernauld and Kilsyth) Mr Tony McWalter MP (Labour, Hemel Hempstead) Sir Robert Smith MP (Liberal Democrat, West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) Mr Desmond Swayne MP (Conservative, New Forest West) David Wright MP (Labour, Telford) Powers The powers of the committee are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 147. These are available on the Internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including press notices) are on the Internet at http://www.parliament.uk/parliamentary_ committees/procedure_committee.cfm. -
Conservative Party Leadership Strategy and the Legacy of Thatcherite Conservatism, 1997-2005
Conservative Party Leadership Strategy and the Legacy of Thatcherite Conservatism, 1997-2005 A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Richard Hayton Department of Politics, University of Sheffield September 2008 Acknowledgements Doctoral studies are wasted on PhD students. It is a great privilege to spend three (or even four!) years of one's life in academic self-indulgence, an honour not fully appreciated until one re-emerges, slightly bleary-eyed, back into the real world. It is an even greater privilege to get paid for it. For that I am most grateful to the anonymous referees at the University of Sheffield, who deemed a proposal on contemporary conservatism of sufficient value to award me a University Studentship, ahead, I suspect, of much more worthy applications. Sarah Cooke was instrumental in putting together the original funding application whilst I was thousands of miles away, and I am most grateful for her hard-work then and for all of her assistance since. Friends and colleagues in the Department of Politics at Sheffield have helped to make it a most conducive place to pursue postgraduate study. Too numerous to list in full here, those that spring to mind particularly include (in alphabetical order) Craig Berry, Matt Bishop, Dion Curry, Glenn Gottfried, Carissa Honeywell, Olalla Linares Segade, Vas Leontitsis, Robert McIlveen, Tim Montgomerie, Andrew Mumford, Bona Muzaka, Michael Neu, Ben Richardson, Louise Strong, and Adam White. Mike Kenny has been an invaluable intellectual support over the past three years, both directly through his comments on sections of this thesis, and much more widely through the other research projects we have pursued together. -
Minutes of Proceedings
House of Lords House of Commons Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments Minutes of Proceedings Session 2005–06 Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments The Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments (JCSI) is appointed to consider all statutory instruments made in exercise of powers granted by Act of Parliament. Instruments not laid before Parliament are included within the Committee's remit; but local instruments and instruments made by devolved administrations do not fall to be considered by JCSI unless they are required to be laid before Parliament. The Joint Committee is empowered to draw the special attention of both Houses to an instrument on any one of a number of grounds specified in the Standing Order under which it works; or on any other ground which does not impinge upon the merits of the instrument or the policy behind it. Membership during 2005-06 Session House of Lords Lord Brougham and Vaux CBE (Conservative) Lord Dykes (Liberal Democrat) Baroness Gale (Labour) Baroness Goudie (Labour) (discharged 15.2.06) Lord Gould of Brookwood (Labour) (added 15.2.06) Lord Greenway (Cross Bench) Lord Howard of Rising (Conservative) Lord Mancroft (Conservative) House of Commons David Maclean MP (Conservative, Penrith and The Border) (Chairman) (added 12.6.06) Dr Roberta Blackman-Woods MP (Labour, City of Durham) Mr Peter Bone MP (Conservative, Wellingborough) Mr Jeffrey M. Donaldson MP (Democratic Unionist, Lagan Valley) (discharged 24.10.05) Mr Eric Forth MP (Conservative, Bromley and Chislehurst) (Chairman) (died: 17.05.06) Michael Jabez Foster MP (Labour, Hastings and Rye) Mr David Kidney MP (Labour, Stafford) Mr John MacDougall MP (Labour, Central Fife) David Simpson MP (Democratic Unionist, Upper Bann) (added 24.10.05) Powers The full constitution and powers of the Committee are set out in House of Commons Standing Order No. -
Sessional Diary 2003–04
HOUSE OF COMMONS SESSIONAL DIARY 2003–04 26 November 2003 to 18 November 2004 Prepared in the Journal Office of the House of Commons INTRODUCTION 1. This diary records the business on which the House spent its time in Session 2003–04, analysed into categories, and similar information for sittings in Westminster Hall. It is intended mainly to provide information in response to statistical inquiries, and in using it the following points should be borne in mind: (a) The diary does not include business which took little or no time, such as presentations of bills, unopposed private business, and motions agreed to without debate or division. (b) Divisions are normally included with the business to which they relate. (c) Timings are taken from the Official Report, using the printed times where available, and otherwise taking a column of debate to last three minutes. Daily prayers are assumed to last a standard five minutes (and are not itemised in the analysis), and the time at which the House rose is taken from the Votes and Proceedings. (d) Periods of suspension are included in the total sitting time, and are listed in section 14h of the analysis (Miscellaneous). However, the 2½-hour suspension from 11.30 to 14.00 in Westminster Hall on most Tuesdays and Wednesdays (introduced on 1 January 2003) is shown in brackets in the “Duration” column and is left out of the totals. Other suspensions in Westminster Hall are included in the totals and in the analysis under section 5. (e) The times in the column headed “After appointed time” refer to business taken after the time appointed as the “moment of interruption”. -
The Conservatives in Crisis
garnett&l 8/8/03 12:14 PM Page 1 The Conservatives in crisis provides a timely and important analysis incrisis Conservatives The of the Conservative Party’s spell in Opposition following the 1997 general election. It includes chapters by leading academic experts The on the party and commentaries by three senior Conservative politicians: Lord Parkinson, Andrew Lansley MP and Ian Taylor MP. Having been the dominant force in British politics in the twentieth century, the Conservative Party suffered its heaviest general Conservatives election defeats in 1997 and 2001. This book explores the party’s current crisis and assesses the Conservatives’ failure to mount a political recovery under the leadership of William Hague. The Conservatives in crisis includes a detailed examination of the reform of the Conservative Party organisation, changes in ideology in crisis and policy, the party’s electoral fortunes, and Hague’s record as party leader. It also offers an innovative historical perspective on previous Conservative recoveries and a comparison with the revival of the US Republican Party. In the conclusions, the editors assess edited by Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch the failures of the Hague period and examine the party’s performance under Iain Duncan Smith. The Conservatives in crisis will be essential reading for students of contemporary British politics. Mark Garnett is a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Politics at the University of Leicester. Philip Lynch is a Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Leicester. Lynch Garnett eds and In memory of Martin Lynch THE CONSERVATIVES IN CRISIS The Tories after 1997 edited by Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Copyright © Manchester University Press 2003 While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester University Press, copyright in individual chapters belongs to their respective authors. -
Nationhood and Identity in Conservative Politics
10 Philip Lynch Nationhood and identity Nationhood and identity in Conservative politics Philip Lynch Identification with the nation and nation state has been a central theme in Conservative politics for over a century. The party’s status as a patriotic party safeguarding the constitution, Union and, for much of its history, the Empire was an important factor in its political success. The appeal of the Conservative politics of nationhood rested upon three main pillars: (i) a coherent vision of nationhood and conservative state patriotism; (ii) effective use of a patriotic discourse, which portrayed the Conservatives as a national rather than sectional party, popularised its vision of nationhood and ques- tioned the patriotic credentials of its rivals; and (iii) a political strategy which accorded the defence of the nation state and national identity a leading place.1 But the politics of nationhood has also proved divisive periodically – tariff reform, the Irish question and European integration produced damaging intra-party divisions over British identity and party strategy in the last century. This chapter examines the Conservative politics of nationhood under William Hague, focusing on the ‘English Question’ and the politics of ‘race’. Policy towards the European Union (EU) is examined in Chapter 8. The end of Empire, moves towards membership of the European Com- munity (EC), devolution and immigration posed significant challenges to the dominant One Nation perspective in the 1960s. Two contrasting positions on how to adapt the Conservative politics of nationhood emerged. Edward Heath proposed EC membership, Scottish devolution and a liberal perspective on race relations. Enoch Powell offered a post-imperial, Tory nationalist strategy that aimed to safeguard parliamentary sovereignty and national identity from the perceived threats posed by European integration, devolution and immigration.