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Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Berberes D'aujourd'hui By Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Berbères d'aujourd'hui by Salem Chaker Berbères d'aujourd'hui by Salem Chaker. Harzoune Mustapha. Salem Chaker Berbères aujourd'hui L'Harmattan. In: Hommes et Migrations , n°1219, Mai-juin 1999. Connaître et combattre les discriminations. pp. 128-130. BibTex RefWorks RIS (ProCite, Endnote, . ) Berbères aujourd'hui _. � Salem Chaker est professeur de berbère à l'Inalco, où il diri¬ ge le Centre de recherche ber¬ bère qu'il a créé en 1990. Ensei¬ gnant à l'université d'Alger puis d'Aix-en-Provence, il est depuis les années 70 engagé en faveur de la reconnaissance de la. Les Berbères de France veulent être vus, entendus, reconnus Abonnés. « Deux millions de franco-berbères sont totalement oubliés ou occultés par les pouvoirs publics en France », s´indigne Mustapha Saadi, président de la Coordination des Berbères de France, qui regroupe 50 associations. « Si 2 000 élèves préparent l´épreuve de berbère au bac, aucun cours de langue n´est dispensé par l´éducation nationale. Nous n´avons ni centre culturel ni radio communautaire. Bref, nous sommes invisibles. » Les associations mobilisées par la préparation des assises de mars 2004 - dont l´objectif est de « permettre l´émergence de la sensibilité franco- berbère dans l´espace public » - ne revendiquent rien d´autre que « la possibilité pour les Français d´origine berbère de pouvoir accéder à leur culture ». Pour elles, il est essentiel de savoir « qui l´on est et d´où l´on vient pour être un bon Français ». D´origine kabyle, Salima Iklef, chorégraphe à Marseille, ne dit pas autre chose. Cette jeune femme de 38 ans est née et a grandi dans le sud de la France. Comme beaucoup de Kabyles de sa génération, son père, aujourd´hui octogénaire, a travaillé toute sa vie sur le port autonome de Marseille. « Par souci d´intégration, mes parents ont choisi de ne pas me parler kabyle, raconte-t-elle. Mais, de mon côté, j´ai souhaité connaître mes racines, me rapprocher de la culture berbère. Quand j´ai compris d´où je venais, j´ai vraiment réalisé que je me sentais française avant tout. » Le souci d´intégration peut nuire à l´identité berbère. Beaucoup de parents kabyles, par souci d´intégration, n´ont pas transmis leur patrimoine culturel à leurs enfants. Les associations de la coordination le déplorent et craignent que leur culture, si elle n´est pas valorisée, finisse par s´éteindre. « L´écueil à éviter à tout prix est l ´acculturation, la perte de l´identité berbère », s´inquiète une autre responsable associative. Pour Leilla Kerchouche, avo cate et présidente de l´association des juristes berbères de France. « un petit Français d´origine berbère doit pouvoir avoir accès à son histoire à l´école ». « Les politiques d´intégration doivent être fondées sur la connaissance des populations à intégrer, renchérit Yazid Ikmani, responsable de l´association Awal Grand Lyon. Si la dimension identitaire des per sonnes issues de l´immigration n´est pas prise en compte par l´État français, ce sont d´autres qui s´en chargeront : les pays d´origine, les religieux. » Le responsable de la Coordination des Berbères de France va plus loin. Pour Mustapha Saadi, « il n´est pas normal que les Maghrébins de France soient appréhendés par le prisme de l´islam uniquement » : « Parmi les personnes issues de l´immigration maghrébine, beaucoup comme les Berbères sont laïcs et portent des valeurs qui sont très proches des valeurs de la République, mais on ne parle jamais d´elles. » Yazid Ikmani renchérit : « Nous sommes inquiets de cette résurgence du religieux. Inquiets que nos enfants se fassent réprimander par leurs camarades d´école quand ils ne font pas le Ramadan, inquiets de voir nos filles surveillées par les garçons du quartier. Nos parents ont migré pour fuir le contrôle social et trouver la liberté. Ce que nous vivons aujourd´hui en France est une régression. » Solenn de ROYER. Plus d´un million de Berbères en France. Selon le chercheur berbère Salem Chaker, professeur à l´Inalco, la communauté berbère en France compte 1,2 million de personnes, dont la majorité est de nationalité française. Pour la Coordination des Berbères de France, la communauté compterait entre 1,5 et 2 millions de personnes. La présence berbère en France remonte à plus d´un siècle. La majorité vient de Kabylie, en Algérie ; les autres sont issus du Rif marocain. Kabylia: Between Colonial Myths and Algerian Realities. [ La genèse de la Kabylie. Aux origines de l’affirmation berbère en Algérie (1830-1962) , by researcher and journalist Yassine Temlali was published by Barzakh (Alger). The excerpt we are publishing below is an extract from the chapter entitled “La politique berbère (kabyle) de la France en Algérie : mythes et réalités.”] [. ] The image that French colonizers had of the indigenous Algerians was determined, first, by the pseudoscientific and racialist dogma that professed the existence of essential differences between ‘races’ in their behavior and ability to develop. On the other hand, it was determined by a profound ignorance of the Muslim world, seen through the narrow scope of conquering orientalism, and imbued by the idea of a European superiority. Ignorance of the ‘Orient,’ stereotyped by writers such as Chateaubriand,[1] was all the more striking when it came to the ‘Barbarian’ world. The latter was only known through the rare stories of travelers and Christian prisoners who had experienced the jails of the Regency. Even the Encyclopedia , regarded in many ways as a masterpiece, echoed these stereotypes. As such, the definition of ‘Azuagues’[2] (the curious result of a double misformation of ‘Azwaw,’ which could be translated as ‘Kabyle’[3] and of ‘Zouagha,’ a Berber tribe) is nothing but an impressive amount of half-truths, idées reçues , and diverse confusions. The ‘Azuagues,’ according to the text of the article drawn-up by Denis Diderot and Jean D’Alembert, are ‘peoples of Africa, widespread in Barbary and Numidia,’ where ‘some are dependent [and] others live free [and] live mainly in the provinces of Tremecen [sic] and Fez [Fes]. It adds: ‘The bravest occupy the land that is between Tunis and Bilidulgerid [the Djérid country, in southern Tunisia]. [. ] Their commander has the title of King of Cuco [the king of Koukou]. They speak the language of the Berbers, and Arabic.’ The two French philosophers were confusing the Kabyle—some of which were leaders in Great Kabylia, bearing, indeed, the title of ‘King of Koukou’—with the Zouagha, a Berber tribe whose territory, in the eighteenth century, straddled Tunisia and the Algerian East, but where a few centuries before, extended, according to medieval chroniclers, from Libya to Morocco, which probably marked the provinces of Tlemcen and Fez. This article from the Encyclopedia can be held as a summary draft of the colonial discourse on the Berbers, especially on the Kabyle: the ‘Azuagues’ it reads, ‘are honored to be Christians of origin [and] hate Arabs and other peoples of Africa [sic].’[4] Scientific exploration of the newly conquered country did not escape the burdens of racialism and ignorance of the ‘Orient.’ Therefore, there will be, from the outset, two dissimilar if not enemy races, the Berbers, and the Arabs: the first had been sedentary since immemorial times, indigenous with a shallow religiosity; the second, unrepentantly nomadic, fundamentally fanatics, and descendants of the Hilalian invaders. Since the beginning of the occupation, the creation of favorable prejudices toward Berbers, namely the Kabyles, could only serve the project of dividing the ‘indigènes.’ This project is one that colonialist zeal, doctor Eugène Bodichon, formulated in 1845, in a way that could not be more explicit: ‘France must develop this disagreeable sentiment between Arabs and Kabyles and put at its use the convenience of two races struggling against one another.’[5] These prejudices were reinforced with the following: the lack of solidarity from a majority of the Berbers with the attacked Regency, and a few years later, the Grand Kabylia tribes` refusal to recognize the authority of Emir Abdelkader in the struggle against the armed troops of the invasion. However, what should have been read in the first case as an unsurprising indifference to the fate of the dreaded Janissaries, and in the second case, as an eloquent manifestation of the Turkish regime`s division of ‘indigènes’ communities, were instead interpreted, in the blinding light of racialism, as a natural Kabyle predisposition to collaborate with the conquerors. This predisposition lends itself even less to ‘Arabs’ who had already revolted against the French, with their territories in the lowlands being the most coveted by the military and early settlers. Colonialist Fantasies. During the first years of the occupation, the scientific observation of the indigenous society, seeking to understand it better in order to ‘erase its ability to resist,’[6] made a decisive contribution in the formation of the ‘Berber’s’ colonial depiction: a peasant rooted in the land, sometimes a clever peddler, so different from the Arab, a bedouin that disdains the ‘vile’ crafts that are agriculture and trade. The Berber myth, which transformed mainly into a Kabyle myth, predates the occupation of Kabylia: In 1841, eight years prior to General Bugeaud’s conquest of the Babors, General Duvivier wrote: ‘The steadiness of this race and its love for work will have to be the strongest pivots of our policy to establish ourselves in Africa.’[7] This myth would be embodied in numerous political endeavors and policies, some of which, properly chimerical, like ‘making Kabyles auxiliaries of colonization’ in Arab land [8], never succeeded. It would play mostly into a Kabylophile discourse, sincere or interested, born with the first studies of the Berbers, belonging to those of military ethnography.
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