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"Oui, Dieu le Veut": The Life and Times of Amanda Viger, Soeur Jean-de-Goto

No one contnbuted more to the social welfare of the people of northeast New Bnuiswick than the religious communities of women who served there. Yet very ofien they have been marginalised in histories, their identities hidden in the depths of their institutions. The pious aura that surrounded hem, and kept outsiders at a respectful distance, has sewed to shut out historiaos as weil. The Reli@etrses Hospitalières de Saint or Hospitaliers were one of the htwomen's religious communities to corne to New Brunswick, one of the most successfùl, and certainly one of the most numerous. Amanda Viger was a founder of the order's primary and most precarious New Brunswick foundation. Her life, in many ways, was a typical religious life. Her story is the story of the congregation itself and of the women who ran it. It is the story of their expansion and it is the story of their contribution, and, above dl, it is the story of their faith. This thesis traces the life of Amanda Viger from her birth in Bouche~lle,, in 1845, to her death in the Hôtel-Dieu, Arthabaska, Quebec, in 1906. The major part of the work centers on her career in Tracadie, where she and five others established a foundation in 1868. The Hospitallers were called to look after leprosy victims sequestered in a lazaretto hospital. Viger, a trained pharmacist, remained in Tracadie for 34 years, and occupied nearly al1 of the highest offices in that community. She was etected mother superior five times. The work examines the extent to which the deeply Catholic spirituality which infused her Life from her eariiest days also directed her in her choice of vocation, and detennined her success. It demonstrates that, while much of what Amanda Viger did in religious life was motivated by Catholic spirituality, she also was often influenceci by her own perceptions of what was right and what should happen. Most of the research for this thesis was conducted in the RHSJ Archives, Maison Provinciale, Notre-Dame de L'Assomption, Bathurst. Soeur Nicole Buissiéres, Archivist, Maison Générale des RHSJ, , and Soeur Corinne LaPlante, Archivist, Maison Provinciale des RHSJ, Bathurst, not only opened their archives, but were enomously helpfbi in amwering questions, and in interpreting the niles and customs of religious life, during the time period of this thesis. The interviews were idormal and took place nom 1989 to 1995, sometimes during archival visits and, sometimes, as documents and letters warranted explanations, over the telephone. Soeur Florence Bertrand, CND, Directrice du Service des Archives, Les Soeurs de la Congrégation de Nôtre-Dame, Montréai, kindly provided the documents relating to Amanda Viger's experience as a boarding school snident. Soeur Claire Perrault, Archivist, RHSJ, Arthabaska, provided some of the articles relating to the final phase of Viger's life and career, when she was the Mother Superior of that foundation. C. N. Lanctot, married to Hermine Demers, granddaughter of Orpha Viger, Amanda Viger's sister, sent a detailed genealogy of the Viger farnily. M. and Mme. Lanctot also met with research assistants Eugénie Doucet and Thérèse Lafond on 10 January 1990, and talked about the Viger family in a recorded inte~ew,conducted in their home in St.- Lambert Quebec. 1am merindebted to these two senior citizens, Doucet and Lafond, who visited the Maison Générale des RHSJ, Montreal, on my behalf, where they recorded, on tape, the letters fiom the Hospitallers of the Hôtel-Dieu in Tracadie, fiom 1875- 1902, and those from the Hospitallers of l'Hôtel-Dieu in Arthabaska fiom 1902- 1906. Later, these tapes were transcribed by Mme. Doucet. I also have to thank rny husband, J. Aldéo Losier for his critical and frank appraisal of my work, my thesis advisor Dr. Gai1 Campbell for her excellent judgment, her carefid analysis, and her attention to detail, as well as Dr. Giliian Thompson for her encouragement. Dieu le Veut

Amanda Viger: Soeur Saint Jean-de-Goto: Her Life and Times

M. J. Losier TabIe of Contents

An Introduction ...... Chapter 1 ...... Chapter 2 ...... Chapter 3 ...... Chapter 4 ...... Chapter 5 ...... Chapter6 ...... Epilogue ...... B ibliography ...... An Introduction

Dieu le veuf sweet words that give me strength and courage, yes, God's will, it shall be my motto and my rallying cry. Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto R. H-de St.-Joseph le 3 septembre 1875.

On 29 September 1868,23 year old Amanda Viger (Soeur Saint-Jean-de-Goto), accompanied by five other members of her order, left Bishop James Rogers' residence in Chatham, New Brunswick, and set out for the settlement of Tracadie, 50 miles norttieast. She was the youngest of the group of six bcophone sisters, members of the Les Religieuses Hospitalières de , a Montreal based cornmunity which traced its mots to the very foundation of that city in 1642.2 This was the final stage of a journey which had been set in train neariy eight months earlier, when their Mother Supenor had received urgent requests for help fiom rnembers of New Brunswick's Roman Catholic clergy: the Vicar General of the diocese of Chatham, Joseph-Marie Paquet, and the Chaplain of the Tracadie Lazaretto, Father Ferdinand Gauvreau. Officially, Viger, a trained pharmacist, came to New Brunswick to look after

leprosy victims incarcerated in the lazaretto hospital, a provincially nui institution established by the government.3 And she was excited by the prospect of caring for people

Les Religieuses Hospiiroièéres de Saint Joseph [RHSJJ Archives de la Province Noire-Damede- l'Assomption, maison provinciale, Bathurst, NB., Sr, St. Jean-de-Goto à la Mère Supérieure Hôtel-Dieu de Mont Sainte-Famille, Montreal, le 3 septembre 1875. Four of the six were Soeurs de choeur or choir sisters, one was a soeur converse and the other was a soeur tourière. The Soeurs de choeur generaiiy assurned the most important fùnctions in the congregation, attended aiI the choir offices and took the fiillest part in reiigious senrices and celebrations. They made up the soeurs vocales or voting sisters, those who made decisions for the congregation, or for the local community. The soeur converses, or lay sisters, attended only some offices and were assigned the more menial hctions in the congregation. The voting sisters and lay sisters were both subject to cloister. Oniy the soeur tourières or non-cloistered sisters, whose functions were dyentirely secular, were permitteci to enter and have dealings with the outside world. In this thesis, the temi soeur de choeur is translated as choir sister and the tem soeur vocale is translated as voting sister, The tenn soeur converse is transfated as Lay sister, and the tenn soeur towiere is translateci as non-cloistered sister. Unles quoting direetly fiom a document, in this work the terms "leprosy victims" or "the sick" will whose condition chailenged the medical community. But Viger, fidl of religious ardour, enthusiasm and energy, was detennined to do more. She wanted to open her own apothecary and bring medical care to a region so obviously in need of her skills. And, newly elected to the office of Mistress of Novices. she eagerly lwked forward to welcoming the fhtNew Brunswick postulants into the order.

Few groups of people contributed more to the development of Northeast New Brunswick than the religious communities of women who served here. Yet, very often they have been marginalisai in histories, their identities hidden in the depths of their institutions. The pious aura that surrounded them, and kept outsiders at a respectable distance, served to shut out historiaus as well. The Hospitallers were one of the first to corne, one of the most successful, and certainiy one of the most numerous. Amanda Viger was a founder in the order's primary and most precarious New Brunswick foundation. Her life, in many ways, was typical of that of her sisters in religion. Amanda's writings dow us to appreciate the intelligence, talents, resourcefulne~s~courage and detennination which they possessed. Through her letters, reports and chronicles we have an excellent record of her work in Tracadie, and the growth and development of the institution her order founded there. This thesis focuses on Viger's life and her career as a hospitalier, especially the 34 years that she spent in Tracadie. By analysing the life course of one member of the order, from her childhood in Bouchenrille, through her experience as a convent school boarder, her professional development, to the four years, dlshortly before her death, which she spent directing the Hôtel-Dieu d'Atthabaska, it seeks to illuminate the nature of religious life, and the contribution made by one religious cornmunity. The approach taken in this thesis should complement other works which have sought to provide a general overview of the history of the Hospitallers and their work in

- -- be used in place of the word "Iepers." "The Lazaretto7*or "'hospital"wil1 refer to the site of their confinement, On occasion, where appropriate, the Acadian term for the affliction, "Ia maladie" wiii be used instead of "leprosy". 3 New Brunswick Thus, for example, Les Reiigious Hospitaiières de Saint-Joseph et leur Oeuvre en Acadie, by Father Antoine Bernard, is a useful historical synthesis of the community and its evolution in the province. And Robert Pichette has recently published a brief composite history of seven female religious congregations who founded institutions in the Acadian cornmunity. The Hospitailers, as weii as the CNDs, are included among thern. However, the scope of this small book is too broad to be much more than a cursory overview of their workv4Aside fiom a few rare exceptions, historians have not seriously examined the unique lives of religious women in a way that would illuminate their motivation, religious spirit, background, social condition or level of professional expertise. Corinne LaPlante has written a number of articles about the Lves of individual HospitaIIers, which deal with various aspects of community Life. As well as an article which provides an excellent summary of Viger's work as a pharmacist, secretary, educator and administrator, LaPlante has published an annotateci interview with Hospitalier Marie-Isabelle Landry, who entered the Tracadie foundation as a lay sister in 1880. The latter offers a number of usefûl insights concerning the routines of community life in that period.5 In analyshg the contri'butions made by female religious, whether individually, or as a group, historians have seldom considered their contributions to education, health, cornrnunity growth, the arts and culture. Few histones of religious institutions have been written, and there are many questions about these that historians have yet to address. This thesis will consider issues that cannot be addressed in a general overvie~xaminingnot only the individual

Antoine Bernard. Les Religieuses Hospitalières de SaintJoseph et leur oewre en Acadie. (MontRal: RHSJ 1958). Robert Pichette Les Religieuses pionnieres en Acadie (Moncton: Michel Henry éditeur, 1990). Pichette traces each of these institutions to its origins in the region, going back as far as 1686. See, for example, Soeur Corinne LaPlante. "Soeur Amanda Vigec La Fille d'un Patriote de 1837, véritable fondatrice de 1'H.-D. de Tracadie," La Revue d'hiktuire de la Société histonnqueNicolas-Denys= 12- 1 (jan-mai 1984). "Soeur Delphine Brault: Une Acadienne du Québec au Secours des Acadiens du Noveau- Brunswick," unpublished manuscript, Bathurst: RHSJ Maison Provinciale Notre-Dame de L'Assumption; and "La Vie autrefois, au Lazaret de Tracadie," La Revue d'hisroire de la Société hïstonque Nicolm-Denys: 12-2 (mai-juin 1986). life and career of one Hospitalier, but also the nature of community iife and the intemal administration system.

Previous case studies of the Tracadie mission have focused on the lazaretto and the

leprosy patients derthan on the community of nuns who took charge of it in 1868. Father F. M. Lajat, for example, deals with the early history of the lazaretto, but offers little information about the individual lives of the religi~us.~Mary Jane Losier and Céline Pinet detail the hardships the Hospitallm endured, together with their patients, during the ht years of the Tracadie foundation. But dthough their book discusses Amanda Vigefs (Soeur Saintlem&-Goto) work with the si& little attempt was made to examine her life and the lives of the other HospitaIIers, apart f?om that.7 In other studies, the disease itself has emerged as the main theme. Thus, for example, Laurie Stanley-Blackwell's Ph. D. thesis is an analysis of leprosy and its treatment in New Brunswick, with particular

emphasis on the ways in which attitudes towards the disease influenced how authonties responded to the care of the victims. While the author does devote one chapter to a

consideration of the relationship the sisters had with their patients, she tends to overlook important aspects of that association, particularly their genuine nursing skius, their professional training, their affection for the sick, and the way the leprosy victims themselves looked upon their care givers. The author also shows a lack of understanding and appreciation for the particular requirements of women in a religious community. The medical care the Hospitaliers gave, not just to the leprosy victims, but to the people of Tracadie and surrounding region, during the many years when they were the only source of health care, is hardly mentioned.8 Stanley-Blackwell's analysis of leprosy cmbe

Dom Félix-M Lajat. Le Lazaret de Tracadie et h Communauté des Religie~~~esHbspitaIières de Saint Joseph (Montreal: L'Action paroissiale 1938). This work is based, in large meastue, on an earlier unpublished rnanuscript on the Tracadie lazaretto written by Father A. Danei, likely in 1902 ddga period of several months when Father Danel, a Jesuic was acting as a temporary chaplain for the comxnunity. Mary Jane Losier & Céline Pinet The Children of Lmaru.s: ne Story of the Luzaretto at Tracadie. (Fredericton: Goose Lane 1984). Laurie Stanley-BlackweU. ULeprosy in New Brunswick 18441910: A Reconsideration.*' PhD thesis, supplemented by Janice Dich McGinnis' analysis of the Canadian reaction to lepers and leprosy and Philip A. Kalisch's comparative study of societal responses to leprosy in New Brunswick and Massachusetts during the late 19th and early 20th centuries9 In contrast to these earlier studies, this case study will focus on the experience of one of the care givers. Such an approach cm allow scope for an analysis of the political realities which so intluenced the growth and development of the comrnunity, considering the responses of the Hospitallers on the one side and the male patriarchy of the church on the other. The sources for such a study, although scattered, are peculiarly rich. Particdarly useful were the numerous letters sent by the Hospitailers in Tracadie to the mother house in Montreal, many of them written by Amanda Viger, herself10 The administrators of the mother house have retained copies of all business correspondence ktten to and received from the Tracadie mission. l Bishop Rogers figures largely in this correspondence, and his letters, both to and about the comrnmity, suggest some of the difficulties the sisters faced in establishg and maintahhg their mission? In Tracadie, the Hospitallers kept careful financial records, both of expenditures and of revenues, specifically donations, grants and investments.l3 These administrative records, examined in conjmction with the extensive

Queens University 1988. Janice Dickin McGhnis. "Unclean, Unciean: Canadian Reaction to Lepers and Leprosy," HeaIth Diseme and Medicine: Essays in Canadian History. Charles Roland, Ed. (Hamilton: The Hannay lnstitute for the History of Medicine 1982) and Phiiip A Kalisch, "ïracadie and Penikese Leprosaria, A Comparative Analysis of Social Response to Leprosy in New Brunswick, 1844- 1880 and Massachusetts, 1go+ 1921 ." Bulletin of the History of Medicine. Volume XLVll(1973). Io These letters were aii written in French. Photocopies of some of them are available at the RHSJ Archives, Notre-Dame de L'Assumption, Bathurst. AU of the originals are in the RHSJ Archives, Maison Générale des RHSJ, Montréal. I Business letters, nedy a11 wrinen in French, examineci in the course of research for this thesis, were contemporary copies of the originals and transcribed in a journal titIed: "Lettres D'Mairs des RHSJ de H-D de Tracadie 1 juin- 1868 a 24 Oct, 1902." l2 Letten sent to Bishop James Rogers in Chatham or to the Vicar General, Monseigneur Paqyet, are available on microfilm at the Provincial Archives of New Brunswick [PANB]:"Correspondence Monseigneur James Rogers: Religièuses de Femmes: Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint Joseph de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie," Diocese de Bathurst, microfilm #7686.IV and continueci on microfilm #7687. Most of these letters are written in French. l3 Financial records are entered in a series of registes titled: ''Livres des comptes des de l'Hôtel- Dieu de Tracadie." Donations, grans and investments are listeci in the "Grand Livre de Recette: pensions, viagrères et autres revenues du Monastre des RHSJ Twcadie." business correspondence, can provide usefid insights conceming the routine administration of the mission and the professional lives of the women who ran it. The private and personal lives of these women prove much more elusive. Yet, here, a carefid analysis of the sisters' obihianes, known as 'Tettres Circulaires Necrologies," which not only include detailed information about each woman's education and professional fonnation but also af5ord glimpses of individual personalities, can ofken lead to a better understanding of the nature of the various relationships written between the lines in the correspondence.14 In analyshg the sources, Soeur Saint Jean-de-Goto (Amanda Viger) emerged as the obvious choice as the particular focus for such a study. She was one of the founders of the mission, and the only one to remain in Tracadie for over 30 years. As the chief pharmacist for much of that period, she prepared medications and delivered medical treatment to the leprosy victuns. Through the phmacy she opened, she dispensed dmgs and medicines to thousands of people. As secretary of the community dwing much of the early period, it is through her eyes that one can see how the Tracadie foundation came to play such an important role in the growth and development of the region, and through her correspondence a vivid picture of community iife is cfrawn. As Mother Superior for 15 of her 34 years, her evolving relationship with the male patriarchy is an indication of how important it was for the growth of the foundation and its works that she have their support and confidence. 15

AU of the sisters obituaries, known as '2ettres Circulaires Nécrologies," used in this thesis were or are now part of the archival collection of the Maison Provinciale, Notre-Dame de L'Assumption, Bathmt. l5 Most of the research had been conducted in the RHSJ Archives, Maison Provinciale, Notre-Dame de L'Assumption, Bathurst. Photocopies of many documents were sent or faxed fiom the Maison Générale of the RHSJ in Montreal to the Maison Provinciale, Notre-Dame de L'Assumption, Bathurst, especially for this work. They are now avaiiable in Bathurst for other researchers. My husband, J. Aldéo Losier, and 1visited the Maison Générale des RHSJ in MontréaI in 1989. Here we met with Archivist Soeur Nicole Buissières, and, witb her help, began a detailed search through relevant materials 1continued to visit these archives over the next few days. Research assistants Eugénie Doucet and Thérése Lafond retumed to the same archives in 1990 on my behalf, and recorde4 on tape, the relevant letters that 1had not had tirne to transcribe in 1989. They were also able to meet and interview Amanda Viger's great-niece, Hennine Demers Lanctot, and her husband, C. N. Lanctot, in their home in St- Lambert. The larger part of this reseamh 1 have conducted in the RHSJ Archives, Maison Provinciale, Notre-Dame de L'Assumption, Bathurst Aii materi&, books, letters and other documents written in 7

Amanda Viger entered the cloistered order at the age of 15. It is no surprise that this intelligent and ambitious young woman chose monastic life since the church shaped and directeci her hmthe earliest years of her childhood. She came of age at a time when the ultramontane Bishop of Montreal, Ignace Bourget, initiateci a campaign to expand and develop religious communities and re-t many of Quebec's brightest and healthiest young people to the priesthood or convents. They were needed to provide labour for the church which had gradually taken control of education, health care and social senrices in the province. Viger, like many members of fernale religious communities, was educated in a convent nin boarding school. Even her summer holidays, which she spent with an uncle priest, Father Narcisse Tnidel, were heavily enveloped in a religious atmosphere. In her fomer mother house, the Hôtel-Dieu Complex located on the perimeters of Montreal, a bustling metropditan city, she was one of five pharmacists in a community of sixty religious. She trained under Montreal's best doctors and surgeons. The HospitaIlers cared for two hundred sick as weli as over six hundred elderly people and orphans. While this provided Viger with excellent opportunities for education and experience, she would have more chance for autonomy in tbis underdeveloped, rugged, and sparsely settled region of New Bmwick. As she and her fellow religious, Mother Supenor Marie Pagé, Sisters Eulalie Quesnel, Clémence Bonin (Soeur Clémence), Philomene Fournier (Soeur Lumena) and Delphine Brault rode in the carriage that took them to Tracadie, they were dramatically confironted with the impact their arriva1 had in the region. In the senlements dong the route, people lined the roadway, guns were fired in saiute, homes were decomted in bmting. A crowd surrounded the nuns on their arrivai. Some handed Viger their babies, others touched her Iong black skirt, rnany called to 'kSoeurs Docteurs. '* From the other side of the enclosure, leprosy victims wept in gratitude. The sisters were overwhehed.

French, were translated by the author. The demonstration convinced Viger that they were needed in Tracadie. It was through Gd's will that they had come, and by Gd's will they would remain. Few places required the services the Hospitallers offered more than the mainly Catholic population of Northern New Brunswick in the mid-19th century. The diocese of

Chatham was only eight years 016 Cathoiics in the region, mainly French, with a sizable minority of English speaking people of Celtic heritage, were concentrateci on the lower rungs of the social and economic ladder. And Rogers, the first Bishop of the diocese, did not enjoy the secular authority the civil govemment of Quebec granteci the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic faith in its territory. Sectanan prejudice ran deep in New Brunswick, and the legislatue of the &y was largely in the han& of the Protestant community. Bishop Rogers, anxious to avoid any controversy that might reflect negatively on him and make it more difficult for his congregation, had not sought the Hospitallers and had serious reservations about their mission. His Vicar General ananged for the HospitaHers to come when the Bishop was attending an apostoiic conference in Rome. Rogers would never have

sent for sisters at this tirne, and, even if he did, bis fitchoice would not have been a cloistered order such as the Hospitallers, but a less restncted congregation, such as the Grey Nuns. 16 Now that they were here, he had little choice but to support them, but not in Tracadie, never in Tracadie. His reservations were not entirely unjustified. The Hospitallers were going to look after sick in an institution that was not their own. Rogers was convinceci the govemment would eventuaily turn the sisters out of the lazaretto, in which case they would need a mother house nearby, and the full weight of their fiDancial support would fa11 on his already debt laden shoulders. Thus, only after Monseigneur Paquet guaranteed their hancial support, and only afier the Hospitailers themselves promised to

I6 Since 1563, the Tridentine church did everythhg possible to ensure that women religious Lived under a strict cloister (clausaura).Thus ail women reiigious, unless otherwise designateci, were officiaüy obiiged to iive out their religious iives cut off fiom the world. The Hospitaliers were a cloistered comuaity; the Grey Num wexz not. 9 send more of their nurnber to establish a Chatham foundation within the year, did Bishop Rogers nnaUy allow the founders to get on with their work As far as Rogers was concernai, Tracadie wodd be a mission- Their mother house would be in Chatham.

It was an instructive, if inauspicious, beginning. Throughout her thirty-four year career in Tracadie, Viger struggled with the political realities, both secular and religious, that influenced the foundation's growth. She was a superior, mistress of novices, phamiacist, bursar, secretary, head nurse, educator, and director of music. Many of these offices she held simultaneously. Viger was consultai on ail the difficult cases, whether they were in the lazaretto, or among those who arrived seeking medical help at the adjacent apothecary. During this career she coped with numerous fkustrations. A school, established by the Hospitallers near the lazaretto, quickly became the best in the region, and Viger, dong with other members of her community, could ody suffer in silence, when she was ordered to close it down after only thirteen years in operation. She saw the Tracadie foundation, threatened with closure hmits openhg days, take root. Over the bishop's many and repeated objections she succeeded eventually in seeing a large mother house,

general hospital and orphanage built. At the same time she never lost sight of their fundamental purpose. The care of leprosy victuns continued to play a large part in her work. The young Acadian women, who presented themselves as candidates for her order, learned not only the rituals and ceremonies of religious life, but administration and secretarial skills, inventory and accounting practica, health care, phannacy and teacher training. They developed their own sense of religious duty, spintual devotion and high ideals fiom the mode1 she presented. Viger's protégés went on to hold the highest offices in the homes for the aged, hospitals, sanitariums, schools and orphanages the Hospitallers built in such places as Saint-Basile, Caraquet, Laméque, Campbeliton, Perth, Grand-Sault, Saint-Quentin, Edmundston and Bathurst. Foilowing the lead of Viger and her feIlow 10 religious in Tracadie, the Acadian women brought education, health care and social seMces to other New Brunswick centres. In many instances they offered family bread winners their only chance for a full-time . Within their wails, not only religion, but music, art and culture thrived, and were passed on to the Catholic population. In many ways Viger's life was typical of the lives of all the wornen inside religious cornmunities in the 19th century- She believed that God cded her to her choice of career and that the "will of God" prevailed whatever the success or failure of the tasks she undertwk She also enjoyed a privileged education, one that was available only to girls lucky enough to attend one of the convent boarding schools in the province of Quebec. The members of the Congrégation Notre-Dame, who enjoyed an excellent reputation as educators, taught many of the daughters of Quebec's upper classes, both Protestant and Catholic. The boarding schools, almost as rigid and austere as the convents themselves, were tremendous sources of vocations, since the young children who attended them often

bonded to their care givers, and determined to mode1 their lives after them. Arnanda, as well as Pagé and Brault, learned, at an early age, the habits of discipline, study and faith fiom the CNDs- The religious doctrine was reinforced by her monastic life. The spedceremonies and prayer rituals that preceded and followed even the rnost mundane tasks, the daily examination of conscience, the srnail acts of humiliation, both public and private, and the constant submission of her will to the interest of others atîernpted to remove hmher any sense of a personal ego, and replace it with an inner feeling of humility. The prolonged silences, meditations, daily masses and sacred music were expected to instill in the young Hospitdler a deep sense of spintual fervour. Yet, Amanda was a daughter of Viger, a patriot and hero of the 1837 rebellion. Her fdyhad a prominent position in the society of Bouchede where she lived, and this fact gave her a sense of confidence at an early age. She was strong willed, 11 and, ike her father, adventurous. Her inteIlectual and spintuai inclination was a gift hm her mother's side of the family. Sometimes she blurred the line between what she saw as "God's will" and her owa No doubt her 'elite' upbrioging coloured her impressions of the Acadian people, infiuenced the way she dealt with peers, and altered her relations with the young New Brunswick women who entered the Tracadie foundation. In spite of the ngidity of the des, Viger adapted the religious LifestyIe to the ne& and realities of her new environment. She did not undertake major projects without a good deal of prehnhmy research. Although she believed that Divine Providence guided her, and gave her strength in adversity, this notion also prevented her nom totally losing hart in the face of repeated failures. If, for any reason, she was not able to complete what she starteci, this too was "God's dl," not indicative of her lack of ability. Amanda Viger was bossy and opinionated. Toward the end of her time in Tracadie, her pride might have coneibuted to a conflict with the Mother Supenor of the day, Marie Anne Doucet, one of Viger's own protégées. 'The troubles," as the Tracadie Hospitailers narned this sad period of their history, were caused by Father Joseph Auguste Babineau, the convent's chaplain, and Viger's fnend. He reprimanded the superior, in fiont of her community, for what he saw as a slight to his authority. The dispute escalateci. Bishop Rogers refusecl Doucet's request that another Chaplain be appohted The issue simmered until the foundation Viger had worked so hard to build was nearly destroyed An investigation, conducted by the office of the Apostolic Delegation, exonerated Viger, but recommended her tramfer. Viger was sent to the Hôtel-Dieu in Arthabaska in August of 1902. In Arthabaska Quebec, Viger was elected Mother Superior. Anxious to succeed, she undertook to enlarge the hospital, and in the process acquired a large debt. Her guilt over the decision weighed heavily on her shoulders. On the eve of her death in 1906, the awesome spectre of failure was, for her, a source of greater pain than her physical 12 discornfort- Yet the hospitd and the Arthabaska foundation amived. In the end, "God's dl,"insofar as it coincided with Amanda Viger's will, had triumphed. Viger often held the office of secretary, one ofthe most important duties in the cornrnunitytYIt is through her correspondence, together with the letters and mernoirs of her contemporaries, that we are able to piece together her life and times. A Child of her Time

Amanda Viger was born on 26 July 1845 in Bouchede, Québec. Her father,

Pierre Bonaventure Viger, was a 37 year 014 relatively prosperous habitant farmer and cheese producer when he marrieci Amanda's mother, Eudoxie Tnidel, on 1 1 October 184 1.

Their first child, Marie Eudoxie Orpha, was born in 1842. Amanda was their second Until

1850, most women in Quebec were assisted in childbirth by their own mothers or an aunt.

However, since there were doctors available, and the village of Bouche~llewas near the city of Montreal, it could be that the reasonably prosperous and educated Viger family followed the recent trend and called in a medical doctor to assist at Amanda's birth.

Eventually the Vigers wouid be the parents of three more daughters: Marie Anne Anatalie

(in l848), Marie Julie Aldina (in 1849), Laura (ûetween 1850 and 1854) and two sons:

Hormisdas (in 1855) and Oscar (in 1857).2 Their complet& family of seven was typical of the times.3 Amanda was, in many ways, a typical niral middle-class child, whose expenence of childhood was shaped by the family and times into which she was bom. An examination of the nature and context of that experience can, therefore, pmvide useful

1 Le Collectif Clio (Micheline Dumont, Michèle Jean, Marie Lavigne and JeJennifer Stoddard). L 'Histoire des Femmes au Québec Depuis Quatre SiècIes, (Montréai: L'imprimerie Gagné Ltée., 1 983), p. 168. in nineteenth century Quebec, control of childbirth was gradually taken over by doctors. The invasion of this field by men was achieved in the name of science and with the aid of govemment. Thus, in 1845, authorities forbade aayone who was not a qualified doctor or who was not officiaily authorized by the govemment, to practise obstetrics in the towns of Quebec and Montreal, Edouard C.N. Lanctot "Notes sur la famille de Pierre Bonaventure Viger." Mr. Lanctot has kindly provided the genealogical data contained in this paragraph. He is rnanied to Hennine Demers, granddaughter of Orpha Viger and Amanda Viger's great niece. See &O: National Archives of Canada. "Canada East Census 185 1," Charnbly Co., Boucherville. Microfilm # C-1117. The first four Viger daughters appear in this list as follows: Orpha, Aldina, Amanda and Anna Le Collectif Clio. L 'Histoire des Femmes Au Québec, p. 134. In 185 1, Quebec wornen had an average of seven children each. insights conceming the role of familial and societal influences in drawing young women towards the religious life. Today, an industrial park, shopping centre, military base and an airport dominate and overshadow the few small fmthat remain on the land where Bonaventure Viger owned lot #268.4 Nonetheless, driving along the byways of Boucherville, a short distaoce fiom Montreal, it is not difficult to imagine the place as it might have been in 1845 when

the Viger family lived there. Boucherville still possesses the beauty that first attracted its founder, Pierre Boucher, the holder of the Seigneutie des iles Percées. He marked out the boundaries of his fief and established the settlement on the banks of the Saint Lawrence River in 1664. Rivière aux Puis hugs the eastern portion of what is today a city. The land is flat except for low mountain clusters which occasiody rise on the horizon like bubbles on the sudàce of a pie cmst. While Montreal lwms on the other side of the Saint Lawrence, cattle feed quietiy on belts of fertile green land on Boucherville's perirneters. If she returned in the 1990s, Viger rnight still recognize the older section of town. Stone or wood houses with pitched roofs and broad chimneys hea senes of narrow streets. Most are well maintained. Some have been converted to cafés, bars or art galleries. Along the main thoroughfâre, Avenue Marie-Victorin, the Holy Family Church and the

former Couvent de Boucherville where Amanda boarded fiom the age of five, stand more or les on the origind site. Since 1670 the Holy Family Church anchored the French Ianguage comrnunity fkdyin the tenets of the Roman Catholic faith.5 The Bishop of Quebec made Holy Famiiy a parish in 1722.6 Opposite the church, on the other side of the road, the sidewak invites pedestrians to stroll beside the green-banked river front under the

La Bibliothèque de Boucherville. CadastresAbrégks dec Seigneuries du Di&tnctde Montréal: Vol. 1. (Quebec: Stewart Derbishire et Georges Desbarats, 1863). Suzanne Cote. "Au fil des Archives," LUSTUCRU. (automne 1978). p.7. LUSTUCRU is a periodicai which deals with the history of Boucherville. It is published by the Bouchede Historical Society, La Société dPWistoiredes iles Percées. The mernbership includes both professional and amateur historiaus. Jacques Dunant. "Bourg jadis, Viiie aujourd'hui," LUSTUCRU,(Automne L979). shade of tafl chestnut or maple mes. Srnail craft sway lady on the waters of a nearby marina. In Amanda's day, ta11 ships, steamers and sloops of dlsizes would have plied the river between Boucherville and Montreal. Further dong the avenue, set back on a wide expanse of lawn and shaded by foliage, modem town houses share the landscape with their ancient but elegant cousins, the hip roofed houses with flared eave lines and mdtipaned casernent windows that disthguished old Quebec, the world of Amanda Viger. On that summer &y in late July' 1845, when Amanda Viger was hm, BoucheMlle was likely still in the process of rebuilding. Only two years before Amanda's birth, sparks sputtering from the chimney of the stem ship Saint-Louis ignited a nearby shed. Hi& winds spread the flames and before the fies were brought under control, more than a third of the village, including 55 homes. 92 buildings, the church and the Convent belonging to members of the Congregation of Notre-Dame, were lost.7 Using information gleaned fiom contemporary accounts of the fire, it is possible to gain some idea of the nature of the comrnunity at the theof Amanda Viger's birth. The villagers provided a number of services for the rural area and were, as well, a ready market for local famiers. The area supported at least two doctors, suggesting a relatively stable Ievel of pro~perity.~ Yet if the 150 petitioners who wanted to have the Holy Family Church rebuilt represented a cross-section of the village population, only 28 percent of adults could sign their names; Amanda's father was one of only 42 people who could write his name on the document, the remainder inscribing an "X."

Jean Collier. "L'hcendie de Boucherviile- 1843," LUSTUCRU,(1985). This issue of the periodical is devoted to several articles and copies of contemporary newspaper clippings dealing with the fire which started on 20 June 1843. See also: Jacques Lacoursière and HéIène-Andrée Bizier, eds., "La Recherche du Pouvoir: BouchervilIe en Cindres," Nos Racines: L 'Histoire vivante des Québécois, Vol. 14: Une Union

Précaire, (Montréai: Livres Robert LafTont, I979),. -p. 1577. ~abiurers,cabinet makers, carpenters and merchts, a leather worker, a blacksmith, and a shoemaker suffered property losses in the fïre, as did two fmers, three notary publics, the curate, a teacher, a verger, a woodcutter, an inn keeper, a Cantor, a goIcismith, a baker, a butcher and a few people whose status was given as Bourgeoys. Two doctors were among a cornmittee of five set up to anminister a fund established to aid the victims. 16 The exact population in 1845 is not known, but, according to the census of 185 1, the village numbered 5000 people. The Vigers were one of 457 families. Their fami, Lot 268 on the fifth concession in the area of BoucheMlle known as Savanne, consisted of a strip about two acres in width, 30 acres in depth, with a land surface of 59 acres? The family home, a modest one-flwr makeshift structure "en pièces," was not as elegant as the stone houses or the well-built wood hedhomes around if but many people lived in similar houses, so it appears the family income was at least average for the standards of the day. 10 Amanda's father, Pierre Bonaventure Viger, the son of Bonaventure Viger and Marie Louise Levasseur dit Carmel, all of BoucheMlle, was bom in L 804 and came of age during a period of growing unrest in Quebec. Only eight years before Amanda was bom, he and his cornrnunity had been very much immersed in the troubles which erupted in violence in 1837, when the followers of Louis-Joseph Papineau attempted to wrest political and economic control fkom the English commercial class and transfer it to the rniddle and upper class representatkes of Quebec's francophone rnajority. l Bonaventure Viger was a local hero of the 1837 rebellion to some; to others, he was among three or four people who

La Bibliothèque de Bouchde. Cadutres Abrégés des Seigneun'ier du Dkfrict de MontréaI: Vol. I (Québec: Stewart Derbishite et Georges Desbarats, 1863). l0 National Archives of Cana& w]."Canada East Census 185 1." Manuscript Census Renirns, Boucherville, Chambly County. Most of the 359 homes were either of stone or 'en pike,' with a few brick or weli-built wood fiame buildings. l I Femand Ouellet. Lower Canada 1791-1840: Social Change and Nationallmt, Patricia CIaxtorn, Translater (Toronto: McLelIand and Stewart, 1980). This book is an anaiysis of the compiexities in Quebec society that led to the troubles of 1837 and 1838. Ouellet argues that the rebellion was the dtof a ke-way power stmggle among the French Canadian upper and emerging middle class, Engiish merchants and the Caiholic clergy for control of social and economic power. In the rurai areas, particularly around the city of Montreal, scarcity of land left many with no means of support. This, combined with increased immigration, created fear among the hcophone famiers, artisans and tradespeople. They were drawn to the movernent by the appeals to nationaliLmi and patriotism which were deiiberately fïred by aristocratie members of Quebec society, headed by Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Mure of the rebellion was due in large measure to the faiIure of leadership raîher than any superiority of British forces. See ako: Fernand ûueiiet. 'Tes Insurrections de 1837-38: Un Phénomène social," Hisroire Socide-Social HiStOry (April 1968). Ouellet argues that the rebellion and the nationaikt spirit that gave rise to it originated with tbe elites and spread to the masses through a deliberate system of propaganda. had ailowed themselves to be seduced by the grandiose ideas of their ring-leaders.12 In fact, the number of 'true patrïots' of the 1837 rebeilion in Lower Canada is acWyquite small. WhiIe al1 the political prisoners arrested by the British troops during the troubles were later given the name, among them were many runaways, collaborators, anti-clencs, or simply curiosity seekers who had gone to a few meetings. The church hierarchy feared the loss of economic and social privileges should the partisans succeed. The Bishop of Montreal, Monseigneur Lartigue, forbade his parishioners fkom participating in the rebellion under pain of mortal sin and excommunication. If a partisan died in battle, the bishop decreed, he would not be buried in consecrated ground. Most, but not all, of the Catholic clergy followed the edict.13 In the village of Bouchenrille, as in other parts of the province, a number of people denounced the activities of the patriots and prepared depositions and affidavits against them. One of those denounced was Bonaventure Viger. Viger stood on the church steps on one occasion, and recruited volunteers, while, inside, the curate of the village preached a sermon against him. That same month, November of 1837, he collected money f?om fnends and neighbours to pay for what he assured them was a high mass for the intentions of the rebels. In reality the fun& were used to buy gunpowder, fiom which he and his supporters made musket balls. 14 Viger led an attack on a detachment of British soldiers near the adjacent parish of Longueil on 23 November 1837. The untrained partisans succeeded in fkeeing two of their local leaders: Dr. Joseph-François Davignon and lawyer Pierre Paul Desmaray who were charged with treason and were being brought to Montreal for trial. Over the next few days, Bonaventure Viger took part Ui battles at St. Denis and Saint Charles where the rebels were

l2 Jean-René Côté. ''Feux d'automne," LUSTUCRU (automne 1976). 13 F. Ouellet. Lower Cunuda 179i-i84O: Ch. 12 "The Church and Government Intervention," pp. 298-309. l4 JeamRené Coté. "Feux d'automne." 18 routed. He was among those taken prisoner. In jail in Montreal, the hot-tempered man constantly challenged authority, and descendants today believe that ody his family connections saved him from execution.15 In July of 1838 he was one of eight pnsoners exiled to Bermuda, but the exiles were exonerated of their crimes by a British court in England oniy three months later, on the gromds that they had not been given a fair trial. l6 On his release, Viger made his way to the United States but he did not remain quiet.

He and his brother, Hilarion, were later arrested on the Canadian side of the border on suspicion that they were part of a group who had attacked and kilied a loyalist named Vosburg and bumed his home. The patriot told authorities that he was visiting his family and was on his way back to the United States when picked up. The two men languished in jail for more than a year before a jury found there was not sufficient evidence to convict them. While most of the 16 1 political prisoners arrested during the rebellions of 1837- 1838 were, iike Viger, eventuaily pardoned, 12 were executed and 11 were barred from the colony. Aithough he often talked about his exploits, Viger never mentioned the Vosburg incident again. l7 The failure of the rebellions in 1837 and 1838 led many leaders, members of

Quebec's upper class intellectual and cultural community, to withdraw hmpublic life. At the same time, the industrial age, land shortages and poverty drew many to the cities to seek a better existence. There, parents and children were forced to work outside the home

15 Hemiine Lanctot in an inte~ewwith Eugénie Doucet 10 January 1990. See &O: René Jette. Dictionnaire généalogique desfamilles du Québec des origines B 17.30 (Montréal: Université de Montréal, 1983), pp. 1 126-1 127. Bonaventure Viger was a distant cousin of , the first Mayor of Montreal, elected in 1832. He was aiso a second cousin of Iegislature member Denis Benjamen Viger (who was a first cousin of JL. Papineau). DJ3. Viger was arrested for complicity in the rebellion of 1837 but was released without trial. l6 J.-R. Côté. "Feux d'automne," p. 22. See also: 'les Exiles des Bermudes," Le PopuZaire, Ie 22 décembre 1838. L.-O. , Ler Patriotes de 1837-1838, (Montréai: Jacques Frenette Éditeur Inc. 1849), pp. 137-143; and Aegidnrs Fauteux "Bonaventure Viger." Patriotes de 183 7-1838. (Montréai: Les Éditions des dix, 1950), pp. 392-95. Aegidius Fauteux. "Bonavwture Viger."Patriom de 1837-1838. Montreal, Les Éditions due Boréal Express. 1983, pp. 392-95. and traditional family structures began to crumble. l8 These circumstances all provided oppominities for the church, conservative in nature, to expand its roie:

The Church had always believed that religion was indispensable to society. Now it tunieci this beief into a form of religious praxis which wedded religion to the nation and the farnily, arguing only this heworkcould ensue the survival of the French race in North America, The church hierarchy appropriated the nationalism that had driven the Parn'otes to rebel against the British, purged it of its hiand democratic components, and grafted onto it the clergy's view of French Canadian Catholicism.. .l9

Men Iike the Bishop of Montreai, Monseigneur Ignace Bourget, an ultramontane, died themselves with the Vatican and pursued theu goals through the politicai arena? In a wider context, the failure of the 1837 rebeilion to bring about more political autonomy for the people of Quebec increased weU-founded fears that their distinct identity

would soon be absorbed by English Canada.21 The Report on the Affuirs of British North Americu, written by John George Lambton Durham, who, in 1838, served five months as Govemor-in-chief of British North America, was widely circulated. Durfiam called the

l8 Nadia Fahmy-Eid and Nicole Laurin-Frenette. ''Théories de la Familles et rapports famille/pouvoirs dans le secteur éducatif au Québec et en France, 1850-1960," in Nadia Fahmy-Eid and Micheline Dumont. eds., Maîtressy de Maison, Maîtresses d'Ecok: Femmes, /mille et éducation dam l'histoire du Quebec. (Montréal: Les Editions du Boréal Express, 1983)- pp. 340-346. There is a certain corollary between the development of a capitalist society and its detrimental effects on the family when parents can no longer provide adequate shelter, protection and education for their children, Other institutions mut take over, and in Quebec the government shared power with the church The two systems overIapped to such an extent, at al1 levels of society, and in al1 its institutions that, for the most part, they evolved into a single system. Maria Danylewycz. Taking the Veil: An Alternative to Mamage. Motherhmù, and Spimterhood in Quebec. 1840-1 920 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart 1987)' p. 30. See also: Ouellet Lower Canada 1791- 1840. The author believes that, contrary to establishing a medemocratic society, the leaders of the rebellion were interestecl in maintainhg and strengthening a class based society thughthe support and promotion of the seigneurial régime and the Coutume de Paris. The leaders were not against the church as an institution, but they wanted one with a strongly nationalist clergy who would support their vision. 20 Danylewyz. Taking the Veil, p. 26 21 Jacques Lacoursières and Hélène-Andrée Birier. eds. 'le Rapport Durham et L'Union," Nos racines: 1 'histoire vivante des Québécois, 12: Une Race à Banu (Montréal, Livres Robert LafTont, t 980)' pp. 140 1- 1420; Robert Merrill Black. "Different Visions: The Multiplication of Protestant Missions to French Canadian Roman Catholics, 1834- 1855," in John S. Moir and C.T.G. McIntire, eds., Canadian Protestant and , 1820s-1960s: HistonCal Essays in Honour of John Webster Grant (New York: Peter Lang Pubiishing, 1988), pp. 5 1-59, According to Black, between 1834 and 1855, individu& fkom several Protestant denomiaations, including the Church of England, tried to convert the Roman Catholics in Quebec to their particular beliefs, but due to acrimony among the various church leaders and the strong hold of the Roman Catholic clergy on their members, the missions faited. However, during the 20 years immediately following the rebeliion, 2000 Catholics left their church for Protestantkm and several hundred of these became 'evangeiical Protestants.' French Canadians backward and gdiible, and easily manipulateci through nationalistic appeals by their leaders, who wanted to hold ont0 outrnoded customs and traditions. He recommended the union of Upper and Lower Canada, and the establishment of responsible goveniment. This would resuit in a majority of English speakers in a legislature where English Iaws, Ianguage and institutions would prevail. In order to assure the assimilation of French Canada, Durham recommended increased immigration of English speaking peopie.22 Born just eight years after the Rebellion of 1837, under the union imposed on the Canadas as a result of Lord Durham's Report, Amanda Viger could not forget that she was a daughter of a patriot Indeed, the rebeiiion had a direct impact on Amanda in several ways. In the first place, her father was a well hown figure in BoucheMlle and the surrounding countryside. To most people he was a hero, and the Viger children could enjoy the high regard townspeople would have had for nim. Secondly, Bonaventure frequently recounted his exploits and, as she Listened, the tales must have stirred her imaginative and adventurous nature? However, if he was a hero to his children, not everyone in the family nor within the community was equdly sympathetic to his patriotic stance. Bishop Bourget, who was coadjutor for Bishop Lartigue during the rebellion, was an enthusiastic supporter of Lartigue's position. Lartigue relied on Bourget to camy out pastoral visits on his behalf, especially in the winter, spring and fa11 of 183 8 when Lartigue was ill. Bourget encouraged Catholics to sign loyalty oaths for the governrnent, and upheld Bishop Lartigue's decree. He also visited Bonaventure Viger and other pnsoners in jail, however, and lobbied the

22 G. M. Craig. ed. Lord Durham 's Report: An Abridgement 08 Report on Be Aflairs of British North Arnerica, by Lord Durham. (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1963). Durham was dso iiighiy critical of the poor quality of education in French Canada. See also: Btack, "Dflerent Visions," pp. 5 1-59. 23 Eugénie Doucec Interview with Mme. Hermine Demers, 10 January 1990. She said, "On faisait raconter l'histoire de Bonaventure Viger a mri grand'mère. On se mettait autour d'eiie et on écoutait Us mettaient les fers aux mains des prisionniers.. ." government on their behalf. Many were convinced they wouid have been treated more harshly had Bourget not done so.24 Just as her husband can be identified with the rebellions of 183 7 and 183 8, Eudoxie Trudel, the daughter of Joseph Pascal Trudel and Marie Eiizabeth Charbonneau, can be identified with their afterrnath. Born in 1820, nineteen years after her parents were married, she was the second daughter and youngest of four children. Eudoxie's brother, Father Narcisse Trudel, was sixteen years older than she.25 Like her brother, Eudoxie too was deeply commined to the and its teachings. It is possible that Viger's past exploits still wrinkled the rather stiff coIlar of the local curate. Perhaps Eudoxie, as weil as Bonaventure's brother-in-law Narcisse, were less impressed with his past deed~.~~If so, it is unlikely that Amanda would be immune to such family tensions. Moreover, the chilâren may well have been aware of the controversy that surrounded their father over the Vosburg affair. The Vosburg incident was not a part of f@ly legend, but could they avoid all knowledge of the case? Whatever the intemal family and community tensions, however, by 1845 Bonaventure Viger was a respected pillar of the comrnunity, and a member of the htschool board for the parish of Holy Family in ouc cher ville.^^ The family fmprovided a cornfortable, if modest, living. Maintainhg a fmwas a family affair, and Amanda, like her parents and siblings, would work hard. Food production and preparation was difficult. Men, women and children worked side by side.

24 Léon Pouliot. Monseigneur Bowget et son temps: Tome 1 Ler Années de réparation 17W-l84U. (Montréal: Éditions Beauchemin, 1959, p 150. 25 Lanctot "Notes." According to Mr. Lanctot's notes, a second brother, Father Pascal Tnidei, died shortly after his ordination. 26 Le Collectif Clio. L 'Histoire des Femmes,p. 119. Certainly not ail women supported the rebel cause. Some actively supported the British, and while some women played a supporthg role in the rebetlion by making bullets and flags or hiding rebeIs in their homes, many more did not actively participate. "Tbey were left alone, -ed, with the children, and the elderly to confront the British troops who piliaged and set fire to the houses of thepatriotes and to whole villages, such as Saint-Denis, Saint- Benoit and Saint-Estache." 27 Lanctot. 'Wotes.'* 22 A newly killed pig, for instance, would take several days to tum into stewing mat, hm and sausage. At least a day a week was needed to make bread. Cows had to be milked on Viger's farm, before the cream, butter and cheese made its way to the table or the market Soon her father would be known more for his fine cheeses than for his exploits during the 1837 rebeiiion. Most habitant families wore clothes f?om flax or wool that was carded and woven at home. W~rnenand children looked ahthe domestic animals Like cade, pigs and chickens. Every fa11 they harvested the vegetables and preserved them in mt cellars. Sometimes women helped their husbands with hay making. Children like Amanda leamed a number of valuable skills, such as how to care for younger brothers and sisters, card wool, feed chickens and bring in the eggs, before many of todayts youngsters have even started kindergarten.28 Amanda had few toys, but perhaps she was given a porcelain doll, and even a carriage, if Eudoxie and Bonaventure judged they had the means. More Iikely, she and her sisters enjoyed handmade dolls, either carved fkom wood or fashioned fiom rags. Even the better ORhabitants had little in the way of material possessions. However, parents were encourageci to develop matemal instincts in the young female child The ideal little girl, according to one clerical author, was one who would stop her play immediately to rock an ailing brother or sister. Eyes filled with tears on their behalf, she would use every measure at her disposal to bring comfort.29

The Church was omnipresent in the &y-to-day life of the rural community. Amanda wouid wake to the bel1 fiom the Holy Family church which tolled the time for the recitation of the morning Angelus. Each household had a crucifix over the doorway of the home. Sorne families had images of the Sacred Heart or of Mary with the child Jesus, and around these holy pichues the parents and children would gather for prayers. When the

28 Le Collectif Cho: L 'Histoire des Femmes. 29 Father Maiiioux. Manuel des parents chrétiens, written in 185 1, and cited in fiid-, p. 252. 23 church bell tolled again at noon, fmers in thek fields, workers in the factories, wornen and cbiidren knelt wherever they were to recite the prayer before their noon &y lunch The slow tolling of the bell at six p.m. rnarked the end of the workers' labours for the night. Bonaventure played the Golui, so perhaps there was music at home, perhaps the evening was a thefor stones and laughter. But for the Viger children, as for all good Roman Catholic youngsters, Catechism, followed by nighttirne prayers, closed the days' activities.30 Church officiais used the fdyto exercise and maintain the Chuch's power. They kept official records on births, marriages and deaths. The Catholic hierarchy created elabrate cerernonies, organized social and service organkations and kept carefhl watch on its population through confessional schools and family visits. According to popular tradition, Quebez women of the period were better educated than their male counterparts, and recent research tends to connmi that this was the case. In 1838-39,42 percent of women, compared to only 29 percent of men were semi-literate. And almost as many French women (1 3 percent) as men (15 percent) could read and ~rite.3~At a time when there were few schools, mothers educated their children, so it was important for the church to see that the emphasis was placed on the precepts of their religion-32 Amanda and her siblings received their first lessons £km~udoxie.33

30 Jaccpes Lacoursière and Hélène-Andrée Bizier, eds., "Au Rythme de L'Angélus," Nos Racines: L 'Histoire Vivante des Québécois, 19: Un Nouveau Visage, (hdontréal: Livres Robert Laflont, 1979), p. 2256. Traditionally, the angelus was sounded at six in the morning, at noon and at six in the evening. It is a devotiond prayer to mark the hunciation, h 19th century Quebec, a society that was both nual and urban, it was a usefil way to open and close the working day as weff as to announce a noon hour break. 3 Le Collectif Clio. L 'Histoire des Femmes,p. 142. The authors note that this was very different from the European pattern: "h Europe there were two to three times as many literate men as literate women." 32 Le Collectif Clio. L 'Histoire des Femmes. 134. s3 Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint Joseph [RHSI], Archives de la Province Notre-Dame-de- 1' Assomption, maison provinciale, Bathurst, N.B. "Nécrologies de la Trés Honorée Mère St, Jeande-Goto (ML. Amanda Viger), décédée le 8 mai 1906." 1900-1915 Lettres Circulaires Nécrologies. However, according to Madam Demers, Amanda's great niece, Eudoxie Viger was in pwr health, and, for this reason, Orpha, Amanda and Aldina were enrolled in boarding school when they were very young. From that tirne onward thek childhood years would be spent altemately between the walls of the convenk or with their parents, or with their Uncle, Father Narcisse Trudel. The question is not why did Amanda Viger becorne a nun but how could she have done otherwise? A little girl who enters a convent at such a tender age will likely spend more tirne with the sisters than she can expect to spend with her

~arents.3~Even aside hmthe heavy religious indoctrination, at five years old most children still need a mother figure in their Lives. In the absence of her own, it is quite likely she tumed to the long dent women, dressed in black, who took care of her. And they, rnissing husbands and children of their own, would naturally lavish affection and attention on some of their younger charges. Amanda was taken to the malseshifi convent school, only a few miles fiom her home, in the fd of 1850. Since the fie of 1843, students and sisters had been lodged in a manor house, which belonged to the Bishop of Montreal.35 The Boucherville convent was open to girls nom seven to fifteen, but younger children like Amanda were accepted, with the permission of the Mother Superior. The children, if they attended for the full year, would have a month long holiday in the summertime, plus an eight day break in winter, fkom the first of Ianuary until the evening of the Feast of Kings on January 6th.36 It must have been difficdt for Eudoxie as well as for the children, especiaily when they were so

34 Nadia Fahmy-Eid: "Vivre au Pensionnat Le Cadre de vie des Couventines," in Micheline Dumont and Nadia Fahmy-Eid, eds., Les Couventines: L 'Éducation desfiIles au Québec dans les Congrégations religieuses enseignantes 1840-1960 Montréal: Boréal Express, 1986), p. 54. 35 Jea~eGuigras, ''Le Couvent de Bouchewiiie: Une fondation de Mère Bourgeoys," LUSTUCRU (automne 1978), p. 23. It was located at the corner of rue St.-Joseph and nie Sainte-Famille, not far fkom theu fonner convent. 36 Les Archives des soeurs de la Congrégation Notre-Dame, Montréal [CND]. "Mémoire de Mère Sainte-Justine (Casgrain)," Série 200.100-5 1. This information is brnthe Pensionnat Sainte Famille in Montréai, but the Director of Archival Services for the CNDs, Soeur Florence Bertrand, has noted on the documents she so kindly provided that all the schools conformed to the same reguiations, with the exception of some fluctuations in scheddes. young, but Amanda's parents held within thern the knowledge that, in the custom of the tirne, they were giving their daughters the best of opportunities. Before looking at the details of Amanda's life in the Couvent de BouchervilZe, it is important to understand the history of education in Quebec, particularly as it pertained to young women and girls. Few teaching orders enjoyed a better reputation thaa Les Congrégations de Notre-Dame. The congregation had its roots in 17th century France, and was an outgrowth of the ~efomiation.37 During that penod, many wealthy upper class Catholic women, inspired by the writings of a Camelite mystic, Saint Theresa of Avila, were atûacted to reiigious life. They wanted to participate actively in their communities, helping the poor and the sick, preaching and teaching religion instead of living in prayer, contemplation and long silences, cornpletely cloistered fiom the world The new entrants were not content with the old structure and a period of change within the convent walls was launched which had ramifications for women across Europe and into the New World.38 The Congregation of Notre-Dame [CND], founded in 1628 by a 20 year old reformer, Alix Le Clerc, adopted a modified fom of cloister. The children they taught were brought to separate quarters within the convents for instruction, and the nuns could enter the classrooms thmugh private doorways directly fiom their cloisters. In France, the CNDs, Like many others at this tirne, attracted to their community a number of secular women who were known as the congréganktes externes. They wished to live their religion in the Company of other pious people, but did not want to be cloistered. Among them was

37 ELizabeîh Rapley. 7ne Dévotes: Women and Church in Sewnteenth-Cenhrry France, (Montreal: McGiil-Queen's University Press, 1990) p. 6 1-72. Rapley traced the history of this congregation, as well as other religious communities of women, and anaIyzed their stniggles in the context of the aftermath of the reformation, 38 Rapley. The Dévotes, pp. 6 1-72; While some women were attracted to the convents, others were drawn to the Protestant denominations where they not oniy received instruction in their new religion, but were also taught to read and write. Naturally they would influence their families to do likewise. Church officiais, who did not beiieve in educating women, took a look at their former policy, and decided that if women were weli schooled in the Catholic fith, they might counter the trend toward Protestatism. Since it would not be right, according to the mores of the period, to educate boys and girls together, or to send the girls to be taught by priests, the logical solution was to turn to the female religious communities. 26 . Soeur Bourgeoys, or Soeur Marguerite du Saint-Sacrement as she was Iater known, believed in active and out-going seMce.39 Marguerite Bourgeoys was still a secularist when she arrived, alone, under the protection of the Govemor, sent as an ambassador hmher mother house in France, for the purpose of establishg a foundation in Ville-Marie (the present site of Montreal) in 1653. The new colony was just over ten years old. One of her first contacts in the new world was Jeanne Mance, the founder of the Hôtel-Dieu Hospital. The two women, so

important to Québec's history, became close friends. In 1658, authorities in gave Bourgeoys a Stone stable in which to open a school for girls. A year later she went

back to France to recmit more women, Determined that instruction should be offered fke to al1 children, she and her cornpanions travelled around the surroundhg countryside teaching chiidren and preparing them for their first communion.^ For several years Bouche~ilewas on the circuit followed by Marguerite and her assistants. In 1699 Pierre Boucher deeded land which was part of the Seigneurie to the sisters, and it became the site of their eighth foundation in Canada. Marguerite Bourgeoys died in January of 1700, but, according to legend, she herself drew up the plans for the

convent .41 The sisters opened their pensionnat in 1703. Membership in the Congregation of Notre-Dame never exceeded 80 women during the 18th century, but "scores of recruits" entered each decade that followed the 1837 ~ebellion.~2By the thethe Viger daughters

39 Hélène Bernier. 'Marguerite Bourgeoys, dite du SaintSacrement" Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol 1: 1000 to 1700 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966), pp. 115-1 19. See &O: Rapley, The Dévotes, pp. 100-106. Details about Bourgeoys life are taken mainly hmthese two sources. 40 Diane Bélanger and Lucie Rozob. Les Religieuses au Québec, (Monheal: Libre Expression, 1983) p. 286. The sisters taught the chiidren to read, write and sew. They were more interested in tailoring their educational services to the needs of young people in the ndcommunity, than for the children of the upper classes. See also: Rapley The Dévotes, pp. 100-!06. 41 Gingras, 'Te Couvent de BoucheMlle," pp. 22-26. 42 Danyiewycz, Taking the Veil, p. 19. 27 were among their students, fkom 185 1 to 1860, the total number of sisters had increased to an average rnembership of 188, and the order had founded meensch0ols.~3 The civil authorities paid for a public education system, but Quebec families counted on the church to structure and regdate the schools. The clergy believed learning to read and write was indispensable only as it related to the study of religion. The public domain consisteci of rudimentary or prirnary education, supplemented by some professional training offered to men by various govemrnent departments.4 The only choice for parents who wanted theü daughters to receive even a basic education was to send them to the pensionnats or convent-nin boardhg schools. There, they could receive the equivalent of 11 years of schooling. Board was paid in advance by trimester and was £1 8 or $74.00 per year in Pensionnat Ville Marie. Piano lessons were £8/10 or $33.00.45 Parents who wished the school to provide unifonns, art and sewing supplies had to pay extra. In Montreal most parents paid in cash.

The CND schools in the rural areas adapted course schedules and fee scales to meet the needs of a varied clientele. They accepted payment in agricuitural products, and reduced costs if more than one child nom a family attended, or if the children had relatives among the congregation. OccasionalIy a bright student could hope to be accepted at little or no charge if she could convince the order that she was interested in religious life. Parents ofien

44 claudette La Serre: "L'église et éducation des fiiles au Québec de 1850 à 1950," Canudian Woman Studiesks cahiers de [ci femme. 1S72( Winter 1983), pp. 21-26. See aiso: Nadia Fahmy-Eid "Éducation et cIasses sociales: Analyse de l'idéologie conservaaice-Cléricaleet Petite-Bourgeoyse-Au Québec au mil du 19e siècle. Revue d'histoire de 1;4rnériquefi.ançais,32,2 (septembre 1W8), pp. 15% 179. The ngorous cihate, the distance kmthe educational fàcilities and the few teachers avaiiable accomted for some of the reasons public education in the province lagged behind that osered eisewhere. But, just as important, was the line between the elites in Quebec society and the lower classes. Education in the private sector was reserved for the Catholic elite, while, in the public domain, education became a battlefield fought over by the clergy and civil authonties. 45 CND Archives. Montréal. JB. Meilleur. Mémorial de ~'Educmiondu Bas-Cda: Etant un qosP des princ@auxjiiits qui ont eu lieu refativemmt à L 'Éducation,depuis I6lSjwqu 'à 18.55. inclusivement. (Montréal: J.B. Roland & Fils, 1860) p. 47. 28 approached a more prosperous relative or asked the local curate to assume the costs of a daughtefs education.46

Ody a few documents remain that are related to the lives of the Viger girls within the convent walls. Orpha and Amanda were ody five when they started school. Orpha's name was among those in the register of October 1849, while Amanda's name is on the list

for April 1851. Aldina Viger's name appeared in September 1853-47 As they were only intended to keep track of payments, the information these lis& contain is scanty but intriguing. Bonaventure usually made his payments in agricultural products. He, as weli as other parents it appears, paid at the end of the term and not in advance. From 25 January to 3 February 1851, Amanda was taken home because she was sickP8 The sisters amended their regulations to allow Bonaventure to pay his daughters' fees in small increments and usually derthey had completed a period of tirne in residence. He paid £0-2-6 on 15 September 1852 for Amanda, which covered her board until the end of October when, as noted in the ledger, she lefi. Bonaventure made two more sidar payrnents on Amanda's behalf, and she was back in school that January, where she remained until 11 May. Amanda attended a fidl year of classes fiom September of 1853 until July of 1854, thanks to her uocle, Father Trudel. Orpha, however, "quitte pour L'argent" from 25 October 1854 until 1 January 1855. This means released fiom, and suggests her father had supplied goods or seMces instead of making a cash payment.49 It was not unusual to have a relative help to pay the fees, especially when several children from one family were going to boarding school, but the fact that Father Trudel

46 Le Collectif Clio. L 'HMoire des Femmes, pp. 142-145. See also: Danylewyw Taking the Veil. 47 CND Archives. Montréal. "Les registres des comptes." Couvent de Bouchede, Série 30 1 220- 15. Amanda Viger's name fmt appears on 2 1 April 185 1. According to this record, one quarter of Amanda's board had been paid. A tbUd cMd, "Eldina Bonaventure Viger," registered as of Febniary 1849, was not a sibling. See also: Lanctot. "Notes sur la famille de Pierre Bonaventure Viger." In this gendogy, Marie Anathdie, born in 1848, and Marie Julie Aldina, boni in 1849, were too young to have been students. 4* (SND Archives. Montréai. ''Les registres des comptes." Couvent de Boucherville, Série 301.220-15. 49 CND Archives. Montréai. "Les registres des comptes." Série 30 1.220- 15. 29 paid for most of Amanda's 1853- 1854 school year indicates that he had a special affection for the little girl, and perhaps had aiready determinecl that Amanda's destiny was with the church. Bonaventure Viger was expected to pay 7s 6d each month for Orpha and Amanda, plus six rninots of English wheat, and one half cord of wood. Aldina's board was 3s 64 three minots of Enghsh wheat, and 1/4 cord of wwd per month.50 In the year 1854 there were 44 students who were registered at the Couvent de BoucheMlle for a penod of six months, and another 15 who were on the books for a three month period.51 Daughters, uicluding the Viger children, were often taken out of school after a short time because they were needed at home to help with chores, or to look afier younger siblings, or for lack of fun&. In rural areas, parents used the boardhg schools, not just to assure a good education, but also to provide temporary shelter for children at tirnes of cnsis; for some families the sisters acted as surrogate parents.52 We know that Eudoxie Trudel suffered from poor health. It is possible that Aman& remaineci home fiom time to time to help with the fall harvest, or aid her mother with her younger siblings. A daughter educated, even intemîttently, in one of the CND run boarding schools would improve her marital prospects. The Viger girls might have attended the day school, also run by the CNDs, during the time they were absent f?om the pensionnat. 'Tes Classes Externes," as they were called, were free and open to both sexes. Besides Catechism the day students were taught the basics: reading, writing and arithmetic, as well as skills of particular value to children from a rural milieu, such as sewing for girls and agricultural techniques for boys. The CNDs received no government remuneration in this penod, so the day school was operated with profits from the boarding schools.~However, since the day school was on the

50 CND Archives. MontréaI. "La registres des comptes." Série 301.220-16. See also: Danyiewyu. Tuking the Veil. p. 126. CND Archives. Montréal. "Les registres des comptes." Série 30 1.220- 16. 52 Danylewycz, Taking the Veil, p. 128. 53 CND Archives. Monîréai. Thérèse Lamberî, Histoire de La Congrégation de Notre-Dame de convent grounds or nearby, the distance fiorn the Viger habitation would be an inconvenience at the least, and, in winter, a considerable hardship.54

As boarders, the children iived by nearly aii the desthe sisters followed. The religious dimension encompasseci them dl. The children slept in large dormitones, rose together and went from chapel to refectory to classroom, two by two, in procession. Silence was maintaine.in the dormitories so that they could offer their souls to God. They were quiet during meais so they could listen to the spiritual message read to them by one of the sisters or an older student. The little girls assistai at mass every morning before breakfast. Aside fiom music, art and sewing, the only activity outside of the classroorn was membership in the Children of ~ary.55There were numerous religious celebrations which foilowed the calendar year. Hymns, credos, and couplets were repeated to them by the sisters, priests and visiting missionaries. "Puissions-nous être fidèles jusqu'à la mort," the fourteen year old Amanda wrote into the minutes, when she was the Secretary of the Children of Mary? The children were under constant surveillance. They were disciplined for such

infractions as laughmg, runnllig or talking in the comdors; tuming their heads from side to side in chapel or asking inappropriate questions; singing songs; giving, loaning, buying or selling something without permission; opening the windows at night; picking flowers or fhit from the garden; arguing against authority; touching each other or developing close personal fnendships. The boarding school girls were expected to maintain their dignity at

------Monirai (Montréal: Maison-mère de la Congrégation Notre-Dame, 1970), Tome 1, Vol. 8, "'Annalesde L'institute 1840- 1843," p. 100. 54 Marcel Lajeunesse. 'bL'évêqueBourget et i'ïnstruction Publique au Bas-Canada, 1840- 1846." Revue d'histoire de L ;4mériquefinçaise 23, 1 (Juin 1969), p. 52. Monseigneur Bourget counted on the cooperation of the Religious communities such as the CNDs, to organise the primary schools. The communities had assembled arnong their membership, the most competent teachers of the era. Because of the control the church had over public education, the Bishop could assure the teaching congregations compIete autonomy in the education sector. 55 Micheline Dumont "Un Univers inscrit dans notre Mémoire Coliective," hDumont and Fahmy- Eid, eds., Les Couventines, pp. 5-20. 56 CND Archives. Montréai. ''Les Atuuiles des enfants de Mark de la Congrégation de Notre-Dame de Bouchenrille," 1855- 186 1, Série 30 1220-70. 3 1 ail tirnes, speak in soft voices, remain politely reserved and cautious in relationships

between themeives and others, and never to enter into conversation with strangers. One of the sisters slept in the dormitories with them, so that she could ensure the youngsters dressed and undressed modestly. They were fiequently reminded that they had a Guardian Angel who watched everything they did and that God was a party to their every tho~~ht?~

While fieedom did not flourish under this regime, arts and culture, albeit within the religious context, ofien did. Programmes nom this era give an indication of the talent developed in the CND students of Ville Marie in Montreal. Three children in the ktclw in music at the end of terni ceremonies in 1856 performed works by composer Noma de Bellini; several youngsters read their own compositions; the choir presented a number of pieces; sixteen and thlrty-two hand piano renditions were given of Suclr de Sammermoor and Ouverture à 24 mains,- three young ladies sang solos; and a play, Délices de lY?tude, or the pleasures of study, was presentedO58In the same institution, six years later, ceremonies opened with eight pianos (forty hands) and three harps in harmony. A special guest at this event was the Govemor General of Canada, Charles Stanley? Children wrote and performed their own play, based on an episode in the Life of Marguerite Bourgeoys. Bishop Bourget, accompanied by the clergy and the elite of Montreal society, many of them parents, attended.60 In the larger pensionnats there were often reading clubs, poehy groups and writing circles.61

57 Dumont and Fahmy-Eid, etc. Les Couventines. p. 65. These regulations were typical of those in place in the convent-run boarding schools and changed very Iittle, according to the authors of uiis book, fiom the mid-nineteenth century until the latter haif of the l95Os. ** CND Archives. Montréai. "Programme de la Disaibution des Prix au Pensionnat de la Congrégation de Notre-Dame a Maria-Villa," 15 juillet 1856. 59 CND Archives. Montréal. de la Distribution des Prix au Pensionnat de la Congrégation de Notre-Dame à Maria-ViUa," jeudi 3 juiiiet 1862. 60 CND Archives. Montréal. "Annals des Enfants de Marie de la Congrégation de N-D de Montréal 1857- 186 1. Montréal: le 5 avril, 1859," Série 808.000-2. 6 Danylewycr Taking the Ved, p. L 16. Aside hmher formai instruction, Amanda took piano lessons and, with aii the other youngsters, participated in the choir. In Boucherville, too, the boardhg school children demonstrated their talents on certain occasions, such as to mark the end of the school year or to celebrate the induction of the girls into the Children of Mary. Church officiais, parents and specid guests, as well as the public, were invited. Exhibitions were staged to demonstrate their art and needework, singing and physical fitness. In Montreal, the Bishop fiequently attended closing ceremonies and questioned the girls on their howledge, not only of religious dogrna but of history, mathematics and other subjects as well. The pksh priest dedout this duty in the outlying foundations.62 A tmosmibed mernoir by Marie Elizabeth Casgrain (Soeur Stem-Justine),the chief wtee of the congregation in the 1870s and 1880s, contains an insight into the daily routine.63 Austere as conditions were for the Viger children, the little girls who attended the pensionnats in the 1820s and 1830s had it even tougher. The children got up fifteen minutes after the sisters, that is at 4:30 in the summertime and 5:00 in the winter. They had to hurry because mass was at 530, fifteen minutes earlier on the mornings when communion was distributed Some children arrived in chape1 hdf dressed or still weag night dresses and bonnets. Sometimes they continued their sleep by reclining back on their ankles against the seats behind them. After breakfast, the children made their beds, swept and cleaned their donnitories, the refectory and their classroorns.64 By 1842, life had improved a bit for the girls. They got up at 5:00 or 5:30 a.m., depending on whether or not there would be Communion. Mass was at 6:00 followed by breakfast. A study period had ben initiated between 8:00 and 9:00 a-m. in the Montreal

62 Gingras. "Le Couvent de Boucherville, p. 24. See &O: Lambert Htoire de Za C.ND.. " Tome 1, Vol. 3, pp. 108-1 10. 63 Danylewycr Tnking the Veil. p. 73. Men plans we= drawn for a new mother house, Sr. Ste. Justine went to Europe to investigate the possibility of hiring a European contractor. 64 CND Archives. Montréal. "Mémoire de Mère Sainte-lustine (Casgain)," Sene 200.100-55. This information is hmthe pensionnat in Montreal, but Sr. Bertrand has noted on the sheets that aii the schools, with few exceptions, conforrned to the same schedules. schools, where there were domestic servants to carry on the housekeeping duties. Arnanda and her sisters were still expected to tidy their dormitory, make their beds and sweep the floors. Lessons, which included dictation and writing exercises, spiritual reading and neede work began at 9:00 am. At 10:OO the children recited their lessons togethet, and then one by one. After a short break for recreation and dinner, classes began again at 1:O0

p.m. Tuesday and Friday aftemoons were given over for the study of Latin, replaced on Mon&ys and Wednesdays, by reading and composition. Arithmetic was every day fiom 2:00 to 3:00 except Wednesdays. There was an hour break at three for a visit to the church, recreation and lunch.65 Lunch was pretty plain-a slice of dry bread washed down with water. A study penod followed. Evening prayers were said at 5:00 p.m. and after this the children put on their night clothes in order to protect their uniforms. There was a visit to the

chape1 for a fifteen minute period of meditation before supper, which was served at 6:OO.

There was a ha1penod of worship at 8:00 p.m., just before bedtime. Each Wednesday and Saturday from one and a half to three hours were spent in Catechism lessons. Sunday the Viger daughters and their classrnates attended high mas. The rest of their day was spent in spiritual reading and studying. When they went to church, or while going to confession, one student was chosen to supervise, but "son rôle était généralement très facile; car le silence était gardé aussi scrupuleusement qu'au ~oviciat."66 Amanda's unifonn was a black long sleeved chemise which hung fiom her shoulders to about mid-calf. It was covered with a royal blue apron. On Sundays and special occasions, she wore a white dress with a black silk apron. She had a navy blue coat and a black bonnet with a black veil to go outside. When she went to church in early summer, Arnanda sported a straw bonnet with blue or white net (dependhg on whether or

65 CM) Archives. Montréal. "Memoire de Mère Sainte-Justine (Casgrain)," Série 200,100.5 1. Although this thetable is £tom the pensionnat in Montreal, it would be similar to that followed by the Viger children in Boucherville less than f O years Iater. 66 CND Archives Montréal. "Memoire de Mère Sainte-Justine (Casgrain)," Série 2200,100.5 1 not she was going to communion) draped over her face.67 The children put black veils over their heads and shoulders to go to chapel. In addition, Amanda and her sisters were expected to have in their trousseau six sets of underwcar, six pairs of socks, six pocket handkerchiefs, six hand towels, two everyday dresses, two navy blue dresses, a few

dresses of any colow and a box of toiletries.68 When the Viger daughters attende4 they did not have to Wear the black bonnets throughout the day, as was required up until 1840.69 in Bouchde, the children were grouped according to age rather than class level. However, with some fluctuation, schedules, uniforms and curriculum in the Bouche~Ile convent would be quite similar to those in other CND boarding schools.70 Among the documents on hand in the CND archives in Montreal is a srnall volume titied Mhorial de éducation du Bas-Canada, published in 1860. According to this, the children were taught the French and English languages, writing, arithmetic, geography and the globe, ancient and modem history, rhetoric, chemistry, natural philosophy, botany and music, including voice lessons and instrumentds (harp, piano or guitar). They leamed needlework, as well as how to cut and assemble vestments and embroidery.71 The CMls introduced the study of English in 1844, and piano in 1849, in ~oucherville.72 This broad-based ducational programme seems to contradict some researchers who argue that the courses taught in the convent schools were destined to orient young women

67 CND Archives. Montréal, Série 200.100. 68 CND Archives. Montréai. Meilleur. Mémonbf de L 'Éducation. A note on the inside cover describes this volume as an exposé of the principal facts relative to education fiom 1625 to 1855, incIusive. 69 CND Archives. Montréai. "Mémoire de Mère Sainte-Justine (Casgrah)," Série 200.100-5 1. 70 CND Archives. Montréal. Florence Bertrand, letter to M.J. Losier 22 November 1990. Meilleur, Mémorial de L 'Education,p. 45. See also: Lamberî, Histoire de ta Congrégation N.-D., Tome 1, Vol 8, pp. 108-1 12. It was the finest education girls were able to receive. See also: Danylewycz Taking the Veil,,p. 177. The author quoted one former student who said that ia order to succeed in the upper grades it was not enough to be merely intelligent, one needed "inspiration" and '%riiiïance." 72 Lambert Histoire de Lu Congrégation de N.-D.,Tome 1, Vol. 9, "État et Progrès des Missions," p. 195. towards a very limited futuree73Their aim, in fact, was to direct young wornen towards careers as housewives or religious. But, should they seek employment later on, work in education or domestic science wodd be open to the- and they wodd be weii quaiifid to

handle most roles iu those fields? The standards were flexible, especiaily in the rural areas, where children appeared to be coming and going ail the the.

There is no doubt that Amanda, as with all the young wornen educated in convent schools, was expected to act as an ideal of femininity for French Quebec w0rnen.~5Who better to mold her young life after than the rnother of the church, the Holy Mary? Marian worship had its rwts in 17th century France when the faithfbi tumed to the gospel and to tradition in order to find the kind of patrons who would inspire them. The image of Mary became the personification of virginal p~rity.~~The proclamation in 1854, of the doctrine of the Imrnaculate Conception, which asserted that Mary was preserved hmany taint of original sin, kept Mary fiee fiom "carnal knowledge or desire."77 Children were

taught that, from the age of three, Mary was raised and educated in the Temple of Jerusalem where she lived and studied with "many other ho1 y virguis," and dedicated her life to God.78 One outcome of the Marian worship was the formation of the Sodality of the Children of Mary, an organization which became popular not only in Quebec, but throughout Catholic Canada. The sodality of Mary had its beginnings in Sicily before 1560, but it was a Belgian Jesuit, Father John Leon, who was responsible for introducuig the organization among his students. Befm long, sodalities of Mary were organized in

73 Dumont and Fahmy-Eid, etc. Les Couventines, p. 20. The church officiais contested women's right to study trigonometry, Greek, Latin, philosophy or science. They dm&of a classical course in home management, a sort of baccalaureate in what it took to be fernale. 74 Le Collectif Clio. L 'Histoire des Femmes, p. 142. 75 Dumont, and Fahmy-Eid, etc. Les Couventines, pp. 15-20. See aisa: Danylewycz. Taking the Yd, pp. 112-1 14. 76 Rapley. The Dévotes, p. 170. 77 Danylewycz. Taking the Veil, pp. 39-4 1. Rapley. The Dévotes, p. 146. Jesuit coileges throughout Europe? It was only after 1751 that the sodalities of men admitteci "empresses and other ladies of distinction." Women's sodalities took mot after

1824.80 The Oblate fathers brought the concept to Cana& hmFrance in 1841-81 The number of womens' sodalities outnumbered those of men by the time Amanda Viger became a member of the Children of Mary. According to the regulations, the purpose was to perform good works for others, while creating in girls an alliance with the Holy Mother so they would leam to love her, and to imitate her as much as possible. The CNDs organized a sodality of the Children of Mary for their older students in Montreal on 12 January 1846. A short thelater there were branches of the Children of Mary in every one of their schools,*2 Not al1 chiIdren were accepted. Only those who reached a certain level of maturity, and stood out as models in the school, could belong. ''Best in class, best in the playground, best in the parior, best in the chapel, their manifest aim, entirely in keeping with their position as Sodalists, is to honour their beloved Mother and model, by their obedience and purity and piety and devotedness and c0nstancy."~3Oipha, Amanda and Alciha were al1 members. No doubt Amanda and Orpha were present when Aidina Viger, one of several candidates, was received at a ceremony on 1 May 1855. Sr. Ste. Anne, their spirihral director, taught them the goals and purpose of the association. Father Bécard, the curate of Boucherville's Holy Farnily Parish, spoke to them on the necessity of rendering obedience to each and every one of the people who had charge over their conduct When the semion was over, the girls knelt before the curate and pronounced an act of consecration. After

79 Elder Mulian S.J. Zïte Book of the Children of Mary. (New York: P.J. Kennedy & Sons, L 9O7), pp. xxiii-xxviii. Mullan. nie Book of the Children of Mary. p. 5. Leo W granted lave for the aggregation of Sodaiities not under Jesuit direction. He dso upheld Pope Benedict XIV in giving permission for the advancement of Sodalities of girls and wornen, l Rapley. fie DDéves, p. 146. 82 CND Archives. Montréai. "Les Annales des enfants de Marie de la Congrégation de Notre-Dame de Montréal 1857- 186 1," Série 808.000-2. 83 Muiian. The Book of the Children of Mary, p. 9. mas, the Directtess led the new members to the communion table where the priest presented each one with the distinctive medal of the Children of Mary, along with a holy

card. Later that afternoon Orpha Viger was named to the office of Sacristan, one of six executive positions, in an election presided over by Sr. Ste. he.84 At the annuai General Meeting of 5 November 1859 Amanda Viger was elected Secretary of the Children of Mary. President of the sodality was Marie Sicotte. Sicotte, three years older than Amanda, eventually became a nursing sister, and in 1869, she joined

Amanda in T.racadie.85 The two girls, as well as the other candidates for office, had their nominations confimecl officiaily the following Sunday. Viger was already indicating by her behaviour that she could be a bit zealous when it came theto dorce the des. The secretary noted that one of the candidates acceptai that day was put out of the association two weeks Iater because of her bad conduct.86 On Sunday, 25 September 1859, following their first meeting in the fall, she added that the girls decideci the best way to correct a member was through "la correctional fratemal."87 Undoubtedly, the decision to enter religious life was forged during her years with the CNDs. Amanda told her sisters in religion that she felt calleci to serve God on the occasion of her First Communion, as she knelt in prayer at the foot of the altar. But there were other, equaliy significant influences. During summer holidays, the Viger daughters Lived with Father Trudel in the parish of Saint-Isidore, not far fiom Boucherville. There was no doubt he took a special interest in Amanda. Amanda' s biographer, the unlaiown author of the obituary written after her death, says she was directed to the Hospitalières,

84 CND Archives. Montréal. ''Annales des =ts de Marie de la Congregation Notre-Dame Boucherville," Ie 1 mai 1855, Série 30 1.220-70. 85 FWSJ Archives. MonhéaL "Circulaires de Notre Très Honorée Sr Marie Philomene Sicotte, décédée Ie 3 Nov. 189 1," Lettres Ciradaires Necrologies: 1884- 190 1, p. 208. 86 CND Archives. Montrtal. "Les Andes des enfants de Marie de la Congrégation de NomDame de Roucherville," le 6 nov 1869. Amanda Viger, Secretary, Série 30 1.220-70. 87 CND Archives. Montréai. "Les Annales des Enfants de Marie de la Congrégation de Notre-Dame de Bouche~lle,"le quatrième dimanche de Septembre 1859, Série 30 1.220-70. 38 "through her matemal uncle, a disthguished priest and curate." Perfiaps a family tradition of service also infiuenced her decision. Among Amanda's ancestors were three rnembers of the Religieuses Hospitalières de St. Joseph: Sister Marie-Josèphe Viger, was her Grandfather Viger's niece, the daughter of his brother, J0se~h.88She died 5 April 1832. Only thirty-four years old, she spent 17 years in religious Life.89 There was also Soeur

Ursule Viger, who died on 24 March 1822 at the age of seventy, after 48 years of service, and Soeur Louise Viger, who died on 22 August 1802 at the age of seventy-two, after fifly-eight years with the communi~.g0 Wtever the reasons, Amanda never doubted her choice of vocation. She graduated fiom boarding school, and in September of 1860, accompanied by her sister Anatalie, she presented herself to the Reli@ieues Hospitalières at the Saint Paul Street address. She was still dressed in her convent school unifom. In the words of her biographer, "The world had no chmfor her.. . she remaineci f~thfulto the voice of Jesus. .. and she came to hide herself in the shadow of the cloister.'*l Amanda Iikely knew very little about the world; perhaps she was more attracted by the opportunity to continue to

study, to aspire to a career in nursing and science, to attain everlasting salvation, while at the same time living a professional life. When she entered the noviciate on 8 September 1860, Amanda was "received by our mothers with great expectations."

g8 Lanctot. "Notes,'* le 13 mars 1989. 89 RHSJ Archives. Monaéal. "Translation des Corps des Soeurs Défirates de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal: Nécrologe des Religieuses Hospitalières de St-Joseph décédés depuis L'Eîabfissement de ce Monastère à Montréal ou Ville-Marieen l'année 1659 jusqu'en 1860," (Montréal: Plinguet & Cie, l86l), pp. 12-13. go RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Translation des Corps," p. 13. 91 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaires de MhSt Jean-de-Goto, (M. L. Aman& Viger). décédée le 8 mai 1906," p. 93. Challenge and Possibility

As a member of Les Reh@ases Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph (RHSJ), Amanda Viger inherited a cultural and spiritual tradition that dated to 17th cenhiry France. Viger, like the CO-foundersof the RHSJ, Marie de la Ferre and Le Royer de la Dauversière, was a product of Catholic reform. However, 17th century France, where many groups of devout and active people gained institutional support to create meaninal and useful charhies, was very different ftom the church controlled and structured society in which Viger grew up. A comprehensive aoalysis of the events surroundhg the establishment of the Hospitallers, the founding of Montreal and the building of the Hôtel-Dieu is beyond the scope of this study. Nonetheless, some background of these events is necessary in order to appreciate fidly the hi& esteem Montrealers still have for the Hospitallers, and the part the Hôtel-Dieu Hospital played in the city's history. The Refomation initiated a penod of intense turmoil in France. Years of war had Lefi the govemment bankrupt. Unlike Quebec, where the Church was able to consolidate its power after the failure of the Rebellion of 1837, following the Refonnation the Church in France was in disarray. Most members of the Church hierarchy responded by advocating a remto the strict observance of tradition. Blaming women for the excesses of the Reformation, and fearing the sexual hold they had on men, including themselves, Church officials were detemiined to limit womeds sphere of influence, either by making them the property of husbands and fathers, or by shutting them in monasteries where they were strictly cloistered. But some, such as Saint Vincent de Paul, maintaineci that Catholic action was a legitimate role for both men and women. And action was needed The religious wars had left thousands of displaced persons. Hunger and disease were prevalent The country seethed with religious fervour, which found expression through lengthy Frayer services, intense devotions and self-inflicted penances. Women felt drawn to religious life as never before, but they wanted to be actively involved teaching religion and bringing education and health care to the poor.' Born in Roiffé, near Poitou, in 1589, and raised in La Fléche by an aunt2 Marie de la Ferre began her apostolic work at the age of 16. She discarded her fine clothes, dressed as a peasant, and began to bring food baskets and parcels of clothing to the poor. Soon, to the dismay of her family, she was teaching religion in some of the worst areas of La ~1èche.fLa Ferre, the daughter of a wealthy nobleman, paid for her charities, at first, fiom a generous allowance, and later, fiom the inherîtance she received from her father. Gradually she accurnulated followers and the women added a poorhouse to their circuit of care. Since Jerome Le Royer served on the Board of Directors of the poorhouse, the two fiequently met. One &y, in 1634, Marie told Le Royer of a vision she had had that indicated to her that she would one day be in charge of a large hospital ward.4 Le Royer responded that he knew, through dreams and visions of his own, that she would be instrumental in helping him fùlfill his own mission: to establish a of hospital sisters in La Flèche, to participate in the overseas development of Montreal (Ville-Marie), and to see to the constmction there of a hospital to be staffed

I Elizabeth Rapley. The Dévotes: Women and Church in Seventeenth-Century France (Montreal: McGiU-Queen's University Press, 1990). Corinne LaPlante. Mère Mark de la Ferre. (Caraquet: Imprimerie A. Roy, 1985). See also: RNSJ Archives; Montréal. Florence Momu: Mother Marie de la Ferre, 1592-1652 Foundress ofthe Congregution of the Religious HospitaIIers of St. Joseph, F.C. Kerr tr. (Montreai: Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint Joseph, 1964). According to Moreau, la Ferre was bom in 1592. However, according to LaPlante, most recent historians beiieve that 1589 is the correct year, based on ber age as recorded in the records at the time of her death. Rapley. kDévotes. Many women began their apostolic work îhis way. Not ody the church, but society in general, did aot approve of their behaviour. They acted against the conventions, were taunted, and some were even stoned. LaPlante. Mère Marie, p. 27. The hospital was hown as La Maison-Dieu de La Flkhe. 41

by this order.5 Both Le Royer and la Ferre had spiritual advisors, with whom they discussed their visions. The 37 year old Le Royer, married and the father of five children, was toid his was a pious dream. However, notwithstanding the skepticism, he arranged with the town's administration to renovate the poorhouse, renaming it I 'Hôtel-Dieu de La

Flèche. Marie and her followers were contracted to nin the hospital in December of 1639, on condition that they wouid live in comunity, under simple vows.6 The opening chapter of their constitution, Le Royer believed, was dictated to him by God.7 Both Le Royer and la Ferre were typical of the Iay workers of the period known as les Dévotes. They were social activists who believed that educating the poor about their religion, and helping them in other ways, was their Christian duty; both carried on their missions in spite of ridicule and opposition; and both invested their entire personal fortunes. By the thethe Hospitallers held their first ceremony of profession on 22 Jmuary 1644, la Ferre did not have enough money to pay her own dowry.8 Similarly,

Henri Béchard. Jérôme Le Royer de la Dauversière :His Fn'ends and Enernies, IS97-16SJ. (Bloomingdale: Apostolate for Family Consecration, 199 I), p. 29. This is an excellent biography, rich with details on the lives of severai of the key players in the events that Ied up to the founding of Montreal and the building of the Hôtel-Dieu. in Le Royer's fmt vision, 2 Feb. 1630, he was commanded by God to establish a reiigious foundation of women to care for the sick- The fïrst candidate was revealed to him, as weil as the opening chapters of their constitution. Throughout 1633 Le Royer believed he was in touch with Christ, who, he said, waked with him and urged him to get on with the work In 1634, the same year as la Ferre expenenced her vision, Le Royer, in a dream state, 'saw' the isIand of Montreal. LaPlante. Mère Marie, p. 34. RHSJ Archives, Bathurst. "Constitutions de la communauté des filles de Saint Joseph Établies dans L'Hôtel-Dieu de la Fléche en l'Honneur de la Sainte Famille de Notre-Seigneur, de L'Autorité de Monseigneur 1'Tllustrissimeet Reverendissime Evêque D'Angers", le 19 octobre 1643. This is a typed copy of the original document presently located in the archives of the LaFlèche Foundation. LaPlante. Mère Marie, p. 37. See also: Bécbard Jérdme Le Royer, pp. 202-03,264. Administrators agreed to accept £1300 pounds she had already donated to the hospital, plus fidture. The dowries, set at £3000 each, were invested and the income was supposed to be used to pay for their living expenses. However, the sisters' dowries and inheritmces became part of a monetary reserve which the Mayor and city fathers wanted for the sick. After some negotiations, the administrators of the hospital agreed to aUow the Hospitallers hancial autonomy in rem for a clause in their contract that stipulated thst, on the de& of one of their members, they wouid give £300 taken hmthe remainder of the dead sister's dowry to the administrators. See also: Micheline D'Maire. "Conditions Matérielles requises pour devenir religieuse au XVïDe siècle," in L 'Hôtel-Dieude Montréal, 11642-1973, Collection Histoire (Montreal: Les Cahiers du Québec, 1973) p. 19 1. This was not le Royer's intent apparently, as he was quoted as telling the sistem hi. dowries wouid be suff~cientto support hem, and that they would keep this revenue separate hmtfiat of the hospital, in a register set aside for that purpose. See also: Rapley. Les Dévotes, pp. 179-80. Religious when her husband died in 1659, Le Royer's widow, with ail but one of their five chiidren in religious communities, was Left destitute.9 While historians have tended to overlook the work of Marie de la Ferre, she was a tme partner, and the foundation wouid not have corne about without her contrib~tion.~~Similady, it is udikely that Jérome Le Royer de la Dauversière would have succeeded in establishuig the order in New France without the work of Jeanne Mance, fonder of the Hôtel-Dieu Hospital. While Le Royer formed alliances with powerfbl clergymen and established 'Ta Société Notre-Dame de Montréal pour la conversion des Sauvages de la Nouvelle France" to help hun, la Ferre and her followers were in the front lines, fighting poverty, disease and ignorance. There were four RHSJ Foundations in France before Jeanne Mance brought the Hospitallers to Ville-

Marie. 12 La Ferre, a skilled administrator, and the Superior Founder of both La Flèche and Moulin, helped Le Royer write the details of their constitution, organised the women, and negotiated complicated contracts with church and secular officials. Tme to her simple vows of poverty, chastity, obedience, and to work with the poor, and, in spite of intense pressure from authorities and from a few within her own community, la Ferre continued to work with the poor until her death in 1652. Al1 three were lay people but Marie de la

communities were often burdened with harsh financial penalties, and, as a result, were often forced to take questionable candidates in retum for financial gifts. Bécharb Jérhe Le Royer, pp. 418. His wife, Jeanne de Baugé, was taken in by her niece, Jeanne Lamé, the Mother Superior of the monastery of Ave Maria. l0 Laurie Staniey-Blackweli. "Leprosy in New Bnmswick 1844- 19 10: A Reconsideratioa" Ph.D. thesis, Department of History, Queen's University, 1988, p. 436. The author credits only Le Royer with the foundation of the order, overlooking the work of Marie de la Ferre, Marguerite Jean. Evolution des Communautés religzgreusesde femmes au Canada de 1639 à nos jours (Montréal: Université de Montréal, l983), barely mentions her name although she gives a more detailed account of Dawersière's work Béchard, in Jérôme Le Royer, included interesthg details about Marie de la Ferre's Life and contribution to the foundation, but a definitive biography of her has yet to be written. l I Lorraine Letourneau. Célébrités Canudiennes: Jeanne Mme (Montréal: Lidec Inc., 1990), p. 32. Modem histonans have begun to recognize Mance, as weli as Jérome Le Royer as CO-founders,with Paul de Chomedy de Maisonneuve, of the city of Montreal. See also: Béctiard. Jérome Le Royer, p. 127. Credit for the foundation of Hotel-Dieu Ho.spitd in Montreal as well as for much of the settlement of Vilie Marie must be shared with the wealthy Angélique Faure de Berlise, the Duchesse de Builion, who gave Mance, in total, £60,000. l2 Béchard Jérôme Le Royer, pp. 273-82. They included La FIBdie, Laval, Baugé and Moulie Ferre and Le Royer were religious zealots, who were directed through their prayers and sacrifices, by visions and huer voices. Jeanne Mance, although she shared the religious spint of her times, was more enlivened by tales of adventures in New France, sparked by her male cousins, one of whom was a Jesuit missionary. Born in 1606, in Langres, Mance had nursed soldiers and civiIians during the country's civil war Later she became a mernber of a group of secular women who worked with the poor. l3 When she heard about women teachers and nursing sisters in Quebec, she detennined to go to the new world Her ambition, almost unheard of for women, attracted attention. A gifleci speaker, and a skilled fund miser, she was soon sought after by the elites as a special guest. And, eventually, a member of the aristocracy, Angélique Faure de Berlise, the Duchess de Buliion, approached Mance, asking her to act as her emissary, and establish a hospital for the indigenous people as well as for the settlers and soldiers in New France. The Duchess wouid provide the funds. Mance's plans were fhalized when she met Le Royer at LaRochelle in April of 1641. He invited her to join 'Ta Société Notre-Dame de Montréal," and to set sail in May of 164 1 as the Company bursar and nurse. Le Royer, who never visited New France himself, continued the work of raising fhds and garnering more members for the Company. The party was led by the fllst govemor of Montreal, Paul de Chomedy de Maisonneuve, who was also chosen by Le Royer. 14

They wintered near Sainte Foy where Les Reiigiieuses Hospitalières de Dieppe, who had been in Quebec since 1639, ran a hospital and dispensary. 15 Jeanne Mance apprenticed herself to the nursing sisten and assisted them while they tended to the

13 Létomeau. Célébritès Canadiennes, p. 32. l4 Béchard. Jérôme Le Royer, p. 128. See alsct: Robert LaIfaise. "L'Hôtel-Dieudu Viau: Montrial (1642- 186 1)" and Tony Gyger. "Montréal sous la menace iroquoise (1 642- l655), in L 'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal 1642-1973 (Montréai: Editions Hurtubise, 1973). l5 Jeaa Évohtionr der communautés. Father Paul Le Jeune, a Jésuit priest and Superïor of the Quebec mission, as weii as the fbteditor of the Relatiom des Jésuites, brought over both the Ursulines, a teaching order, and the Hospitaiiers of Dieppe. injuries and illnesses that plagued the settiers and aboriginal people. By the time spring arriveà, Mance had leamed the rudiments of medical care in the new world, such as how to treat serious injuries and diseases like scurvy, cholera and unexplaineci fevers. She made ointments, poultices and salves. Just as Amanda Viger would do in the province of New Brunswick more than two hundred years later, Mance searched out the plants and herbs that grew in the region, learned their uses in the medicines of the day, and how to mix them. 16 The party settled at Place Royale in Ville-Marie in 1642. The dispensary Jeanne Mance opened on the site was soon fiiied with wounded. The Iroquois threatened the new settlement for the next several years, and, Mance reasoned, without help the whole project could fail. She therefore gave E20,000, donated to the hospital by Angélique Faure, to Maisonneuve, and urged him to remto France for soldiers to protect them. Mance took charge of the settlement until he came back. Not until the Spring of 1659 would Mance herself, accompanied by her niend Marguerite Bourgeoys, joumey back to La Flèche. She needed treatment for a broken wrist which would not heal.

When Mance and Bourgeoys rehimed to Canada that fall, the founding

Hospitaliers were with them. 17 The niles of clausaura were imposed on them as soon as they arrived. However, Mother Superior Judith Moreau de Brésoles, 39, a trained chemist and researcher, Soeurs Catherine Macé, 43, Mistress of Novices, Marie Maillet, 49, the bwsar, and lay sister Marie Polo, would continue la Ferre's work: that of teachhg religion and caring for the sick, the orphans and the destitute. Marie Morin, who entered the RHSJs and took her final vows in 1671, became the first Canadian novice. She would

16~étoumeau.Célébriler Canadiennes, p. 29. l Béchard. Jérôme Le Royer, pp. 402- 1 1. There were protests in LaFlèche when demonsûators vowed to liberate them. The Mother Supenor of the Hôtel-Dieu, angry over the decision by her Bishop to reqUre hem to accept the cloister, recorded that each of the sistes Ieft without the consent of their cornmunity. Marguerite Bourgeoys, with three of her female followers, were on the same ship. See also: LaPlante. Mère Marie, p. 55- Clausaura was imposed on the LaFlèche Hôtel-Dieu in 1693. be known later as a bistorian, for her detailed account of the early days of the settlement.18 Four months after their amival, Le Royer was dead. A final f 20,000 in gold, which Faure had domted to support the sisters, was found in his home and seized by creditors. He had been too ill to invest the money. 19 Despite such setbacks, Jeanne Mance and her fnend Marguerite Bourgeoys saw the srnail communities of religious they had helped to establish take root and begin to flourish. By the mid- 19th century, when Amanda Viger was growing up, the RHSJs and CNDs, along with other nursing and teaching orders, were integral to the smooth functioning of Lower Canadian society, providing essential social services and offerhg some young women an alternative to mamiage and rnotherhood. in general, the teaching orders enjoyed a higher status in 19th century Quebec than did the nursing sisters, since teaching was considered a more respectable profession for women, less demeaning and less physically demanding.20 However, it is likely that the Hospitallers were ranked very highly by the people of Montreal. The hardships they had endured in the early days of Ville-Marie's history paralleiled those of the pioneea. They had nvsed settlers and aborgbals as welI as soldiers. They survived the downfdl of the French regirne, and they learned to accommodate themselves to the demands of a large 19th century Canadian city. They were esteemed by the city's doctors, since their staff was well trained and

André-M.Cimichella Marie Morin: Premier hisorien canadien de YiIIema&-IlIustre Inconnue, 1649-1730 (Montréal: Hôtel-Dieu de Montréai, 1992). Morin, who entered in 1662, was the first Canadian Novice. She knew all of the founders as weli as Jeanne Mance, See also: LaIIaise. ''L'Hôtel-Dieu du Vieux-Montréai", p. 25. Mance remained bu.for the hospital and the Hospitailers mtil ber death on t 8 Jme 2673. l9 Béchard. Jérôme Le Royer, pp. 402-1 1. Most of the debts Le Royer incurred were on behalfof the Société de MontriaI, but the times had cbanged. Many of the members backed out of their commitments when they saw how much the venture cost. Le Royer was criticized in the streets and in the press for robbing mal1 towns of the best of their resources and the 'fiower of their youth.' *O Marta Danylewyn. T'king the Veil: An Alternative to MarnmagepMotherhood and Spinterrhood in Quebec, 1840-1920, (Toronto: McLeUand and Stewart, 1987), pp. 82,96-97. The Hospitallers did not take in unwed mothers, a practice that would have lowered their prestige in the eyes of the gmeral public. Society assigned littIe value to religious orders, such as the Sisters of Miséricorde, who helped mwed mothers. Unwed mothers were considered to be 'Men women' and therefore deserving of wbtever harm befeIl them. closely supervised. The quality of care received at the Hôtel Dieu placed that hospital among the best. Although there were fewer members in the HospitaHers than in the teaching orders such as the Congregation d'Notre-Dame,the Hospitallers offered women interested in science or health care one of the few opportunities they would have to develop a career- The question of the cloister was no longer an issue by the mid-19th century: the Hospitallers not only accepted it, but resisted any attempt to change the policy, perhaps

because the cloister afforded a degree of security and protection in a rapidly growing urban centre? The demographics of the city of Montreal were far different, in 1860, fiom those envisioned by the founders 200 years earlier. The British govemment had encouraged entrepreneurs to take advantage of the economic possibilities open for exploitation in Lower Canada after the conquest of 1756. The Saint Lawrence River had become a busy shipping lane. Warehouses and offices lined Montreal's harbour. There was a flourishing commercial district and a variety of factories. Culhiral and economic life was dominated by the English. Famine in Ireland in the 1840s had forced numerous

Irish Catholics to flee their country, and many immigrated to Montreal, where they were clustered, with a large nurnber of francophones, at the lower end of the economic ladder.23 Anglophones outnurnbered francophones in the 1850s, but the trend started to

Danylewycz. Taking the Veil, p. 75. There were 188 mernbers in the CNDs in 1860, compared to 87 ten years earlier. See also: RHSJ Archives, Montréal. Sr. Lucès Dugas. "Hommage: A nos vénérées soeurs de 186 1 qui là-haut dans la cité des élus veillent sur la Maison Centenaire." (Montréai: Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph, 186 1). A cornmernorative booklet. 22 RHSI Archives. Bathurst "Circulaire de Soeur Marie Pagé décédée le 3 janv. 1893", Lettres Circulaires Nécrologies 1884-1901, pp. 272-74.In 1845, the Hospitailers estabfished their second foundation in Canada, in Kingston Oatario. In 1849, Bishop Horan of Kingston wanted the sisters to change their rules and ordered them to be decloistd The cornmunity threatened to remto Montreai until Marie Pagé, the Mother-Superior of the Montréal foundation at the time, went to Kingston, where she did not give "one inch of ground," to her adversary. See also: RHSI Archives. Montreal. Soeur Raymond (Césarine), "Annales de l'institution des Reiigieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph de L'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal 1756- 1861 ." Original Vol 2. * Bh.Plogue: The Stoty of Smallpar in Montreal (Toronto: Harper Collins, l99 1). By the 1850s, Montreal was about 60% English and Celtic. However the ratio was about equal at the time of codederation. 47 reverse itself, and, by 186 1, Montreal's population of 90,323 was quite evenly split between the two language groups. 24 Although no different from other large urban areas, by the standards of the time, the city was dirty. The stench f3om slaughterhouses, tanneries and soap factories filled the air. Butchers left animal parts to rot in open fields. Animal and human waste spilied over the dirt lanes between tenement houses, even finding their way into the grounds and byways of the wealthier classes.25 Seventy-five to eighty thousand Catholics resided in the diocese of Montreal, made up of the city and its surrounduig suburbs, approximately

11 miles in length and just over five miles in width. 26 There were two general hospitals, but Catholics complained that they were victims of discrimination at The Montreal

General, which catered to the city's English speaking cornrnunity-27 As a result, in 1852, the Hospitaliers opened 's Hospital to shelter Anglophones, mainly Celtic Catholics. It was their third foundation in Canada East Ody two weeks after it opened, Saint Patrick's faced its first crisis. A large number of Irish orphans were taken in after a fie destroyed, among other properties, L 'HospiceSaint-Jérôme-Emilien, the orphanage and hospital nui by the Sisters of ~rovidence.28And when Bishop Bourget asked the

24 Maurice Saint Yves. Atlas de Géographie Historique du Canada (Boucherville: Editions Française, 1982). This gives the population of principal cities and towns, 1861. 25 BLiss. Plague. p. 6. 26 Léon Pouliot Monseigneur Bourget et son Temps: Tome V Les Derniers Combats (Monaéal: Les Éditions Bellarmiii, 1977), p. 12. Biçhop Bourget to Cardinal Bamabo. Prefect for the Propagation of the Faith, 9 November 1864. 27 Maude E. Abboît, Hirtory of Medicine in the Province @Quebec (Toronto: MacMillan, 193 1), p. 23. The Hôpital Général de Montréai was founded by a lay apostolic worker, François Charon de la Barre, in 1690. See also: Waise. "L'Hôtel-Dieu du Vieux Montréal," p. 5 1. The problems mse when meal time conflicte4 with desfor receiving Holy Communion, and &O over the rights of certain doctors to practise in one hospital but not in the other. 28 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Corinne Kerr. ''Notes sur les relations entre les Hospitalières de Montréai et les Irlandais." L'H6tel-Dieu de Montréal, l6#2-I973, Collection Histoire (Montréal. Les Cahiers du Québec, 1973). pp. 303-08. ûver 1000 buildings in the city were bumed. See also: LaHaise. "L'Hôtel- Dieu," pp. 47-50. Hospitauers if they could make room for Irish elderly at the Hôtel-Dieu, they complied.29 Both hospitak were now overcrowded. By the summer of 1860, when Amanda presented herself to the community, there were 69 Hospitaliers in the Hotel-Dieu de ~untréal? The Monastery was squeezed for space. Ville-Marie, the mother house for the CNDs, adjacent to the Hôtel-Dieu, was equally crowded, coping with a large number of students and an influx of entrants. Bishop Bourget told the Hospitaliers that the two communities, on the one plot of land, wodd suffocate each other.31 In response to the Bishop's warning? the HospitaHers undeztook a major expansion. They sold Saint Patrick's Hospital and comrnenced construction on a site located in the parish of St. Laurent, on the northwest fringes of the city. The RHSJ, who had owned the 150 acre tract since 1730, named the future complex Mont Sainte ~urniZle.32It would consist of a modem hospital, with separate wards for French and English patients, an orphanage, a shelter for the aged and a more spacious monastery for themselves. On 17 August 1860, the date the voting sisters accepted Viger's candidacy, the new Hôtel-Dieu Hospital was taking patients.33 Some of the nursing sisters had already moved. Dernolition of the present structure would commence in less than a month. In short, the comrnunity was in the midst of a major transition.

29 Kerr. 'Wotes sur les relations," p. 308. 30 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Luc& Dugas. RHSJ, "Hommage.. ." See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "obédiences du 9 juillet 1822" and "obédiences du 4 septembre 1845." From 1822, the year that Soeur Ursule Viger died, until 1845, the year Amanda was born, there were, on average, between 36 and 40 religious. LaHaise. "L'Hôtel-Dieu du Vieux Montréal." p. 53. 32 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. "Régistre des Délibérations faites dans les Assemblées Capitulaires des Religieuses Hospitalières de St. Joseph de Hôtel-Dieu de Montréai, 173 1- 1876," le 2 septembre 1859, p. 198. See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Translation des corps des soeurs défimtes de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal." (Montréal: Des Presses à Vapeur de Phguet & Cie, f 86 1), p. 4. The land had been donated to the sisters by brothers Benoit and Basset, The monastery and hospital still stand on the site, now the corner of Pine Avenue and St. Urbain Street, MonW. 33 RHSJ Archives. MonW. "Régistre des Délibérations faites dans les Assemblées Capitulaires des Reiigieuses Hospitalières de St Joseph de Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal 173 1-1876." le 17 août 1860, p. 229. 'Tes Soeurs Capitulairement assemble& ont reçus par les suffrages Medelie Marie Louise Amanda Viger en qualité de Sr. de Choeur.. ." As she said good-bye to her younger sister, Anatalie, on 8 September 1860, Amanda, the second of two postulants to enter that &y, faced a horizon fidi of challenge and pregnant with po~sibilities.~4Amanda was younger than the required age of 15 complete years, but exceptions were often made for highly recommended candidates. Ail prospective entrants, widows or maidens, needed letters of recommendation from a priest, preferably from their own diocese. They had to provide certificates of Baptism and Confirmation, and be fiom good Catholic families. Postulants were not accepted if they had financial debts, or were obliged to support parents, or other relatives. Nor could they be involved in any unsettled legal entanglements. Care was taken to make sure no force, moral or physical, was used to induce an applicant's choice of vocation.35 Amanda was still a school girl when she was admitted. Apart fiom Father Tmdel's endorsement, what did the sisters see in her that made them decide she was a suitable prospect? First of all, they looked for genuine signs of religious piety, and a desire for Christian perfection. Candidates should demonstrate sound judgment, candor and talent, while appearing humble and submissive. The sisters wanted entrants who got almg well with others, were enthusiastic and carried out their tasks with good will and determination, no matter how demanding or menial. Besides an inclination to work with the sick, a candidate needed to be physically strong and in good health.36

34 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Régistredes entrées des postulantes depuis 185 1- 1868: l'Hôtel-Dieu de Saint Joseph, Montréal," 8 sept. 1860, #262. See also: #260, the same date, Eulalie Bonneau, 17, f3om St. Philippe, aIso entered. Both were accepted as choir sisters. See also: Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto, Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie to Mother Superior, Hôtel-Dieu Montréal, 19 December 187 1. The sister who accompanied Amanda was Marie Anne Anatalie, named "Anna." She would bave been 13 at the tirne. 35 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Comtitutions/or the Religious HospitaIers ofSaint Joseph. Established at Chicago on the 2 1 day of November, A.D. 1903 (Chicago: George Cardinal Mundelein, Archbishop of Chicago, 1932). 36 RHSJ Archives Bathurst. "Rule for Novices and Sistem Newly Professeci, "nie Custornaty and Linle Rules of the Religïous Hospitailers of the Congregation of St. Joseph: From the French Edition: La Flèche: E. Jourdain, 1850. (Kingston: Hôtel-Dieu, 1905), p. 334. See also: VI-VIL Ali the regdations that governed their lives were set in writing in îhe Customcuy, a corollary to their Co11stitutions: "so detailed are these ordinances that they regulate.. .di their methods of conduct.. .Ieaving them with nothing k."See aiso: Manual of the Religious Hospiralers ofSaint Joseph, tr. (Montreai: Instinition for Deaf-Mutes, 18%). This book, £ht published in French by the Bishop of Mans in 1839, was an endeavor to make the rneaning of the constitutions and descIear. The Constitutions, the Customary and the Mmud were studied Viger had to make provisions for her dowry, but the entire sum would not be required immediately.37 The dowry for a choir sister was f 120, while Iay sisters were required to pay f40, at least, according to their rules? AcWy, the community accepted many entrants who could never have furnished that amount of money. Even among those

who had the money, few entrants paid right away. Most of the the, as in Amanda's case, individual arrangements were made between the community on one side, and the candidate, her parents adorrelatives on the other.39 Amanda's aunt, Madam Laurent, furnished her niece with her trousseau, and promised to lave Amanda a share of her estate, equal to that bequeathed to the other children in the Viger famil~.~OThe dowry, when it became available, would be held in Amanda's name, and only entered the community's capital accounts after her death, as was the custom for each of the Hospitallers. Often the sisters agreed to accept candidates with the understanding that

intensively by the new entrants, often referred to by the professed, and read aloud in fidi, once each year. "One must bear in mind that when her methods of conduct have been marked by indifference, .. .those in whose Company her daily life is spent wiIi be so many iinimpeachable witnesses against her before God" 37 Letter hmNicole Buissières to Sr. Corinne LaPlante, December 1993. in 1867 the HospitaiIers' fmed the dowry at $500; the trousseau $166.66; and the habit at $25. The trousseau and dowry came to a total of $666.66 in Canadian money. 38 Jean. volu ut ions des communourés, p. 264. Under the French régirne, the dowries were used to confrol the nurnber of entrants since the monarchy was more interested in populating the new land than in building religious communities. The king's representative in Canada was not pleased if, as sometimes happened, the desof the dowry were waived. In the mid-19th cenmBourget, who appreciated the services the sisters provided, was more wihg to overlook the dowry requirements. See also: D'Allaire. "Conditions MatérielIes," pp. 190-196. in 1721 the French governrnent ordered the governor of New France to make it ciear to the superiors of religious communities that aii prospective entrants must be made aware of the amount of the dowry before they were accepted, In 1722 the "Conseil d'Etaî" rais4 the dowry for a choir sister to f 5000. The niling covered ail religious communities in Canada. However, so few families could afford that sum the amount was lowered again to £3000 in 1732. The amount of the dowry in the 18th century would be in Iivres, not in English pounds. 39 D' maire. "Conditions Matérielles," p. 198. While the author considers only the 18th century, the situation was the same in Amanda's time, according to Nicole Buissieres, RHSJ Archivist for the Hôtel- Dieu Montréai, in an interview in October 1987. The hds,which were invested, represented a significant source of revenue for the Hospitallers. See also: CoheLaPlante, RHSJ, interviewed 7 June 1993. The non-ctoistered and lay sisters were usually fiom poor families. Generaiiy they were less educated than the choir sisters since they had littie opportunity for schooling. Sometirnes a candidate, accepted by the community as a choir sister, preferred to enter as a lay sister. At other times, a candidate's ability would show itself, and she would be accepted as a choir sister and educated by the Hospitallers, even if she did not have the necessary dowry. 40 RHSJ Archives. Monhéal. "Régistre de Délibérations faites daris les Assemblées Capitulaires, 173 1-1 876," le 17 août 1860. Madam Laurent promised to purchase Amanda's habit and trousseau, and, in her wili "eue s'engage a lui donner les mêmes droits qu'elle distribuera aux enfants de la familie Viger." 5 1 their dowries would be paid through bequests in wills, or through a payment plan, only to find later that the commitments on the part of relatives were never fulfilled.41This was not the case for Amanda. EventualIy, as was noted on her certificate of profession, her dowry was paid in fu11.42 Amanda and Eulalie Bonneau, 17, admitted as a postulant earlier that day, were taken to the ante-choir for the reception ceremony, which was held for al1 new entrants on their arrival. They were told to lave behind their family, fnends and al1 that they held dear, and to strive to lead a life devoted to the glory of God, the sahafion of souls and to their own perfection. They were given a lighted candle and told to cal1 on the fie of Divine love to help them lave the world and its attractions behind. They carried the candle into the choir, where al1 the religious of the community who were able had gathered. Together they sang " Veni Creator." The newcomers prayed: "1 live now not 1, but Christ liveth in me." They helt at the feet of Mother Superior Marie Pagé: 'Behold 1 corne to do thy ~iIl."~3FolIowing the ceremony, each postulant, praying that she would be united with this new family, embraced every one of the sisters. Pagé introduced them to the Mistress of Novices, Soeur Josephe Marchessault The novitiate, they were told, would be the cradle of their spiritual infancy. The Mistress of Novices would guide the

41 D'Allaire. "Conditions Matérielis," p. 203. On rare occasions, the dowries were paid, like the boarding school fees, with grains, wood or other produce, but whenever possible the sisters looked for the money or promisaq notes. Sometimes the HospitaUer7sprofession was delayed until the dowry was paid. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst 'Zettres D'Affaires des RHSJ de H-0de Tracadie, Ie i juin 1868 à 24 oct., 1902." There are severaï letters copied into this register of business correspondence that indicate the Hospitaliers had difficuIty in collecting the sisters' dowries, and that severai choir sisters were accepted who did not have the required funds. 42 RHSJ Archiva. Montréal. "Profession de Soeur Marie Louise Amande [sic] Viger dite Sr. St. Jean- de-Goto, le 3 1 janvier 1863." The word 'Amorti' written on the back of this document, signifies the dowry was paid, according to RHSJ arcbivist Nicole Buissières in a letter to Soeur Corinne LaPlante, 3 December 1992. 43 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Article 1 "De la Réception des Posruiantes au Noviciat." Cérémonial des Religieuses HospituZieres de SaintJoseph sous la règle de Saint-Augustin (Montréai: Le Nouveau-Monde, 1872), p. 157. See also: "Profession de Soeur Marie Louise Amande [sic] Viger dite Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto." See also: "les Offices le 4 sept. 1860." new postulants in their religious development, answer their doubts and instruct them on the lives of the and the meaning behind their devotions.44 This was the first of many rituals and ceremonies in which Amanda would participate. They played a significant role Ui cornmunity life. The sisters studied their format, the language and the structure, with the same energy as they did their Comtihrtions, or the Customary, or the Munual. Ceremonies produced inspiration, and helped them remain focused on God and the purpose of their cornmitment. "os très chères filles," says the Ceremoniul, if everyone studied this book ardently, and put into practice al1 of the directives, the community wodd be so conscious of the spirit and flavour of religious iife that the order and discipline required in the choir would be perfectly regulated.45 Women's communities were instructed to house the novices in separate quarters to ensure that the newat entrants would not be exposed to any unseemly conduct on the part of professed rnembers.46 The postuiants remained in secular clothes until their habit ceremony. They learned to keep their amis crossed like the professed sisters. They partïcipated in al1 the spiritual exercises and observances. The superior, the mistress of novices, the father confesser and the director of the hospital cornplex, they were told, were sent by God to lead them to perfection. They were taught to meditate, to examine their conscience minutely, to shore up their faith with spiritual readings and to assist at mass and other religious exercises, piously. They were encouraged to discuss their doubts, or even the slightest inclination to transgress, with Marchessault. She taught them how to resist jealousy, pnde, impatience, sadness, gluttony and other faults. They had to accept all their sisters in religious Life as equals, and to resist any preference they might feel for individuals among them. They discussed their thoughts on heaven, Gd's

- 44 RHSI Archives. Montréai. "Les Offices des RtISJ de L'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréai le 4 sept 1860." 45 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Cérémonial, p. vii 46 Danylewycz. Taking the Veil. p. 49. judgment, punishment for sins, their favourite virtues, the zeal they felt for God's glory,

the welfare of the chwch and their desire to convert the unfaithfd and win souk for On the eve of the move to the new monastery, there were five postulants and two novices. The Hospitaiiers found it difficult to keep this relatively small group isolated, since parts of the monastery were already being razed.48

Amanda and Eulalie Bonneau were the last postulants admitted to the old monastery.49 The dernolition was well underway, and, in October, the five postulants and two novices were relegated to one room which had previously served as the postulants' domiitory. Accordhg to the ds,the professed sisters were impressed with the spirit of generosity show by their newest members. Even though some had left luxurious homes, and were now crowded together in a room that could be compared to the stable in Bethlehem, they did not show the least sign of 10neliness.~~However, there was one postulant who was quite unhappy. Amanda was playfil, undisciplined and sometimes vain, traits which made her initial months in the monastery a mgperiod for both her and her teacher. The fact that she entered in this penod of transition made these kt weeks even more difficult. She was lonely and dejected. Many thes, fed up with the situation, she threw her shoes on the floor. ''1 am tired of this," she said, "1 won? take any more of h"5I The Hospitaliers tolerated Amanda's outbursts philosophically. They did not look for perfection in their postulants and novices. Thus, for example, Philomène Fournier (Soeur Luména) 20, and a novice in 1860, was quick to tease. Soeur Delphine

47 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Rule for Novices and Sisters newly Pmfeçsed." Custornary . 13 5. This book states that postulants will Wear their street clotbes for the htyear of probation. They had to keep neck and amis covered, teave their hair in a plain and uaadorned style and refiain kmwearing any sort of jeweiry. 48 RHSl Archives. Montréai. Sr. Lucis Dugas. RHSJ, "Hommage.. ." 49 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Registre des délibérations f&ites dans les Assemblées Capihilaires, RHSJ Hôtel-Dieu, Montréal 86 1." 50 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Soeur Césarine Raymond, 'Ynnales de l'institution des Religieuses HospitaIières de Saint-Joseph. 1756-1861." Original: Vol. 2, Ch. 24. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de la très honorée Mère StJean-de-Goto (ML. Amanda Viger)" décédée Ie 8 mai 1906, Lettres Circulaires Nécrologies, p. 95. Brault, 21, professed just over two years, was considered %O wiUfu1."52 Al1 three füture founders of the Tracadie Hotel-Dieu, became "productive plants" who brought "great benefits." Marchessault believed that it was often those with passionate natures who advanced fûrther than others. 53 The postulants hardly had a chance to meet Marie Pagé, who would, perhaps, be the most influentid woman in Viger's life. On the night after her election as Mother Supenor in 1857, Pagé, the future Superior Founder of the Tracadie house, had a vision of a huge black cross, which floated through the air, beat against the monastery, and crushed her under its weight. The dream left her with the belief that it was God's will to replace the old institution, and that it was her mission to oversee the contract. While the postulants were being initiated hto community life, Pagé was on the site of the new monastery, encouraging the crew and urging them to complete the work as quickly as possible. One incident, in particular, gives an insight into Pagé's character. Severe cold delayed the placing of the church dome. Without the dome, the men would not be able to continue through the winter, so, on 26 December 1859, Pagé went to the site herself. Standing in the cold for over three hotus, she prepared the dome piece by piece, and was fülly deter-ed to place it, if the somewhat humbled crew had not resumed their respoosibilities.54 Most of the sisters would move to the new foundation at the end of January, but the novices and postulants would have to wait until their quarters were ready. The plans included a ceremony to honour the work and sacrifices of the women who had gone before hem, and to transfer their remains to the new premises. One

52 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst ''Circulaire de la très chère Soeur Philomene Fournier dite Luména décédke le 22 mai 1895," and "Circulaire de notre chère Soeur Delphine Brauit décédée le 22 octobre 19 18," Lettres Circulaires Nécrologies. 53 RHSJ Archives. Bathum "Cimrlaire de Mère St Jean-de-Goto. p. 95. 54 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de Mark Pagé décédée te 3 jmv. 1893." Lenre Circulaire Nécrologies, p. 270. hundred and ninety-two sisten had died since the arrival of the first Hospitallers in Viiie Marie. Most of the bodies were entornbed in two vaults within the old institution.55 These were exhumeci, dong with the remains of Jeanne Mance, and brothers Benoit and Gabriel Basset The coffins, draped in white fabric and adomed with flowers, were stacked in a pyramid in the nave of the chapel, where they remained from Tuesday, 29 January 186 1 until the moming of 3 1 ~anuary.56Relatives, fiends of the community and members of the Catholic hierarchy came to pay their respects. Al1 of the members of the CNDs visite4 including their novices and postulants.57 On the moming of the 3 1st, Bishop Bourget conducted a high mass for the dead, and the church was decked in black When the services were over, the bishop, fighting to control his emotiom, announced to a crowded congregation that it was the last themass would be celebrated in this, the oldest church in Montreal. Many, including the sisters, wept aloud.58 The funeral cortege, followed by the Hospitailers riduig in carnages donated by fiends of the comrnunity, made its way to Mont Sainte Famille where the coffins remained on display for the rest of the day, before their entombment in the new vault underneath the church.

55 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Translation des corps des soeurs déhtes de PH6tel-Dieu de Monmiai." (Montréal: Des Presses a Vapeur de Plinguet & Cie., 186 1). pp. 5-6. It was a tradition for the HospitaIlers, like other Cathoiic religious foundations, to presewe the remains of thek departed members. This pamphlet, iikely written by Soeur Raymond who held the office of secretary, was published in order to inform the people of Montreal, particularly the Catholic community and the families of the Hospitallers, of the ceremony to honour the dead women. The document contains the names, dates and entry into reiigious life, as well as the date of death, of every deceased member up until, and including, 13 of April 1860. 56 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Translation des corps," p. 3. Five sisters died between 1721 and 1724, when the sisters were temporarily housed at the Montreal General Hospital, following a fïre which destroyed the H6teI-Dieu in 1721. Nine Hospitaliers died of Plague when they were nursing at Notre-Dame de Bonsecours in 1734. In 1847, three Hospitaiiers were among a total of 13 sisters, members of several other religious communities, who died while nursing victims of Typhus, mainly Irish immigrants, at Pointe Saint Charles. See also: Léon Pouliot. Monseigneur et son temps: Tome III. (MontréaI: Les Editions Bellarmin, 1972), "La Grande Epidémie de 1847." The rernains of these sisters were not returned to the Hôtel-Dieu. 57 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Soeur Paquette, RHSI, Les Annales de 2 'i~t~titutionder Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal, 1866-1881, Volume 3, Ch. 24. The secretary noted that it was a touching sight to see al1 those virgios on their hees around the caskets. 58 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Eulalie Quesnel REW, 'Wotes sur L'Institut et le premier Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal," 15 septembre 1902. This is a personal memoir written by Sr. Quesnel, one of the Tracadie founders, towards the end of her life. The closing dom of one institution and the opening of another was a graduai

process of transition. Thus, for a the foiiowing the mass of 3 1 Janw-y, sorne members of the comrnunity remained in the 014 partially dernofished building. During this period, it became impossible to keep the novices and postulants sequestered. The desof the cloister, the observance of silence, the periods set aside for prayers and meditation were

increasingly more difficult to maintain. Pagé, who believed their training would be compromised if they were not soon in their own novitiate, arranged to have hem moved that ~ebniary.~~Among those who remained behind, the sister phannacists, under the direction of elderly Soeur Adèle Coulombe, operated a make-shift pharmacy on the second floor of the old hospital for a small number of orphans and homeiess who still resided on the premises. Only afler ali the wards were closed, did these sisters shut the dispensary dom. This left only a small contingent, who, under the direction of the assistant superior, Jeanne Mance (Marguerite Cere), supervised the final stages of the dernolition and oversaw the construction of a warehouse and storage depots. Eulalie Quesnel, a founder of the Tracadie Hôtel-Dieu, was among this last group of five sisters. The disarray must have been very difficult for Quesnel, who did not like change, and who set great store in the routine rituals and ceremonies that were no longer possible.61 On the final night, with only one wing still standing, Quesnel and her cornpanions siept outside, sheltered under the wails of a former chapel, to awaken drenched from a cold and penetrating min. 62 Five open-air masses were said that moming, 2 1 August 186 1. Pagé,

59 Paquette. Les Annales, Ch. 28. 60 WSJ Archives. Montréal. fie D 2dèZe Coulombe: Religieuses Hospitalières de L 'HOiel-Dieu de Montréal en Canada,(Montréal: L'Hôtel-Dieu a Montréal, 1863), p. 222. RNSJ Archives. Bathurst "Circulaire de Soeur Eulalie Quesnel décédée le 4 mars 1903." Lettres Circulaires Nécrologies, p. 40. Quesnel, who never left home mtil she entered the Hospitaliers in 1845 at the age of 17, received an excelient education by a private femde tutor, hired by her widowed fiither. See also: Paquetce, Les Annules, Ch. 24. Many of the sisters, especiaiIy those, like Quesnel, who spent a number of years behind the cloister, found it hard to move. 62 QuesneI. Wotes sur l'Institut," p. 3. They were gripped in fear and uncertainty, Quesnel wrote. 57 Mance, Sr. Ménard (one of the oldest mernbers of the community) and Quesnel were among those who attended the closing ceremony. Priests fkom the Saint Sulpicians, the Jesuits, the Oblates, Father Billaudèle, the Vicar-General, and Bishop Bourget participated. Bishop Bourget, dong with many other priests, formed a caravan of carriages to escort the last group of nuos to their new residence.63

The convent entrante, as it is today, was from Avenue Le Pin. The door was tended b y a non-cloistered sister. Whenever anyone wanted admission, the outside portress would corne to the grate, look first though the wicket to see who was there, and Say one "Hail-Mary>' before opening the door. Visitors who arrived outside visiting hours would be dismissed unless %ey were penons of consequence," in which case the Mother Supenor would ascertain the nature of the call. The yard of the monastery was surrounded by a high Stone fence. Large gardens furnished fkesh vegetables and fitin season. There were wood sheds, hen houses and stables. The grounds, which feahired srna11 grottoes, the stations of the cross and a tiny chapel, were beautifully landscaped. The choir, where most of the religious exercises took place, could be considered the sou1 of the monastery. When they were called together, summoned by a bell, the sisters grouped themselves silently in the "avant-choeur" and entered the choir two-by- two: the non-cloistered sisters first, followed by the postulants, the novices, lay sisters and choir sisters, with the Mother Superior walking last and alone. Places were usually assigned, calculated according to the date each sister had been professed. However, although all the sisters were taught the liturgical music, the better singers were positioned where their voices would be rnost effective. The sisters sat in long pews, aligned at right angles to a latticed wood screen, which gave them a side view of the altar when a cm, which covered the screen, was drawn. The arrangement made it nearly impossible to see mass, or any other service that took place in the chapel, and very difficult for anyone but

63 Quesnel. ~ototessur ~*uistitut,"p. 2. 58 those in the very front to hear. In the centre of the screen was a window 18" by 14" through which they received communion. Even the chape1 sacristy was off limits to them. The articles used on the altar were prepared by the nuns in an imer sacnsty adjoining it, and conveyed to the pnests by a turntable. The sisters could go to confession hmthe choir, or in their own sacnsty.64

The protocol continueci in the refectory. At mealtime, those who were not on duty entered in formation. Each Hospitalier took her personal eating utensils, tied in a napkin, as she passed a sideboard. She washed these in coId water after the meal, in individual jugs placed on the table in fiont of her, and retumed them to the sideboard when she was finished. The Mother Superior and her assistant sat at separate tables at each side of the room. The Hospitaliers gathered for recreation in the community room. Since they were never ide, a large closet at one end aiiowed them to store their needle work, which they picked up when they arrïved, and returned when recreation was over. The chapter room was located a distance away fiom the choir, the refectory and the community rooms so the voting sisters could deliberate without the fear of being overheard. The depository for the monastery, or the "procure", and the cornrnunity parlour, with a wooden screen which separated the sisters from their families during visits, were near the entrante. Chairs were provided in the parlour, but the latticed grill prevented any real intirnacy.65 The sisters had their own small library, and separate rooms for music, dressmaking and linens. A smaller wing contained the sisters' infirmary, as well as theV own dispensary. There was a closed-in courtyard with a wash house, a bake house with Stone ovens, stable and hen house. Religious reliquary-pictures of saints, statues, crucifures, and framed religious mottoe~dornedwdls and piUars. The statues in each

64 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. The CeremoniaZ, p. 6. 65 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst The Customary. The description of the mmsand fbmkhings, as weil as the activities, is based on a compilation of information hmthis book, as well as on interviews with Soeur Nicole Buissières RHSJ, Archivist Hôtel-Dieu Montréal in October 1987, and with Soeur Corinne LaPlante, RHSJ, Archivist, Bathurst, June 24, 1993, who provided clarification and interpretation. 59 room were decorated with flowers, and sometimes there were kneelers in fiont of them. Each choir sister had her own cell, fumished with a bed exactly 5'8" by Tg",a small table with a drawer, a straight back hardwood chair, a kneeling desk and shelves. The lay sisters had thek own beds, a crucifix, a table, a chair and a small chest of drawers, but they rnight share a ce11 or live in dormitories if space was lacking. Though low ceilinged and dark, the vadt where the bodies of departed nuns were buried was not without a sombre beauty. The cofKns were recessed in the side wails under archways. Plaques, in rows of three, identified the dead. There were omate piiiars with religious sayings and designs. An altar stood towards the centre fiont of the room. Once a year, on Al1 Souls Day, a hi& mass was celebrated here, in theu memory. AU of the sisters, each holding a lighted candle, wound their way down a narrow staircase and entered the darkened tomb, in procession, singing.66 One of the nicest rooms at the new Hôtel Dieu was reserved for the postulants and novices: "C'est Ici Le Beau Palais Du Saint-Renoncement" was painted over the archway of the novitiate in large omate letiers. The "Palace of Holy Renunciation" was at the head of a long wide comdor. At its centre back, facing this hallway, was a smd to the Sacred Heart. Other statues, including those of Mary, Joseph and The Infant of Prague, were surrounded with vases of flowers. Lace curtained windows diowed sunlight to spi11 over the hardwood floors. Holy pictures and objects filled most of the available wall space.67 This, then, was the setting within which Amanda Viger bega. her formation as a Religious Hospitaller.

66 Soeur Nicole Buissières, RHSJ, Archivist Montreai, inte~ewedOctober 1987, while on a tour of the Hôtel-Dieu, See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst The Ceremonial, p. 6. 67 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Souvenir du 250 ène anniversaire de 2 'arrivée des trois premières refigrgreuseshospitalières de SaintJoseph, à Ville-Mark I659-l909. (Montréal: W.F. Daniel, 1909). Chapter 3

The Religious Spirit

During the period of her formation as a religious, Amanda Viger received practical as well as spiritual and intellechial training. Day-to-day life in the convent at the Hôtel-Dieu was every bit as regulated as life in the convent school at Bouchentille had been. The bel1

was the '%oice of God" that peakd them awake each rnorning, and sounded at intervals throughout the day. The sisters, uniess they were on duty, stopped their activities to attend to whatever prayerful ritual to which it summoned thern. The postulants followed the de as outlined in their manual. Amanda awoke, in the pre-dam darkness, on the first note. She began her &y with an affiation, "Let the spint of Jesus dwell in my heart." Once up, she sprinkled herself with holy water, made the sign of the cross and knelt by her bed to begin her rnorning prayers. As an act of mortification and an avowal of humility, she

kissed the floor. There were Merinvocations to Say while washing and dressing, and Myshe recited an act of devotion: "I unite my intentions with those of Jesus Christ. May 1mode1 rny life on Thy example." The sisters remained in their mms until a second beli summoned them to the choir for additional prayers and meditûtion followed by mass. The meditation helped Amanda to attune her will, invoke God into her life, and charme1 her intentions to His. As they became familiar with the rihials and routines of the comrnunity, novices began to understand both how it was organized and how it functioned. Every member of the comrnunity had not one, but several duties, known as offices. Pagé, as the mother superior, was responsible for the overall welfare of the house. Her assistant, Soeur Mance,

1 RHSJ Archives Bathurst "Reguiar Observance of the Day!' Manual of the Religious Hospitalem of Saint Joseph (Montréal, 1896) p- 8 1. 6 1 was expected to do her utmost to support the Superior, and to help enforce observance of the desand constitutions. Yet the mother supenor remained very much the first among equals. Thus, if any sister in the wmmmïty had a complaint against her mother superior, she could speak about it to the 'Sister Admonisher,' appointed kmamong the chief office holders for that duty. The sister admonisher, in him, would discuss the matter with the mother superior, without revealing the source of the complaint. When necessary, the admonisher codd, "in the spirit of humility," offer correction or advice to the mother superior, or point out any faults that might affect her relationship with other members, or the workings of the foundation.2 Mance had this responsibility in 186 1. Although constituted as a nursing order, the Hospitailers strove for self-sufficiency within their closed, cloistered community. The Hospitallers operated a productive farm where they raised pigs, cattle and hem. They grew and preserved most of their own food, and much of what was used by their patients. They had their own granary, and owned and operated an on-site bakery. The sisters made their own clothing, even their shoes. There was a sister seamstress, who taught dressmaking and needlework, and a sister shoemaker who taught her crafi to the others. Little was thrown away. Wool items which codd not be repaired were unraveled, washed, re-carded and spun again. They made church vestments and linens, sheet., towels, blankets, draperies and bandages, as well as candles and straw tick mattresses. There was a sister choir àiiector responsible for teaching iiturgical music: Gregorian chants, psalrns, hymns, antiphons for the masses and ceremonials.3

RHSI Archives. Montréal. "Offices des Religieuses," le 4 septembre 1861. See &O: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. '%de for the Monitress of the Superior," The Customary and Little Rule of the Religious Hospitallers of the Congregation of St. Joseph (Kingston, 1gOS), pp. 196- 197. If the superior showed no sign of changing her behaviour, and if the Monitress judged the action to be serious, it was her duty to idorm the confesser. According to Sr. Corinne LaPlante, interview4 24 June 1993, the admonisher was usually the Assistant Superior, or another of the hi@ ranked religious in the community. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. The Curiomuty. The information is taken hmthe Nies in this book which governed each of these occupations, as well as hminterviews with Sr. Corinne LaPlante and Sr. Buissières As bookkeepers, secretaries, administrators and contract negotiators, the sistas were as skilled as any in an era when few regulations govemed these professions? The sister secretary had a fidl load of conespondence that included letters fiom Bishop Bourget, nom Kingston, nom their houses in France, from contractors, doctors, lawyers, clergymen, bankers and businessmen.5 Records were kept on orphans and patients, on the activities of the monastery, on the entry, taking the veil and the solemn profession of each religious. Separate inventories were maintaineci of all dmgs and medicina1 plants used in each of the pharmacies, as weli as of ail the hospital supplies. There was a sister overseer for renovations and construction; others kept track of investments, and revenues hmloans and land use agreements, including the rental of warehouses built on the former Hotel-Dieu site. Intelligent monitoring of such sources of incorne was especially important for the community, who never charged the pwr who filled their wards. They maintained separate records for the hospital and the monastery. Physically, the chape1 effectively divided the monastery fiom the hospital cornplex. The main entrance to the hospital was located on St-Urbain Street. On the lefi of the entryway was a reception room, opposite it, the pharmacy. Here, Viger, along with the other novices, leamed not only how to prepare medicine, but also how to dress wounds, practise bleeding patients and begin to develop their powers of observation.6 Novices had to volunteer to undertake the most trying and repellent tasks with enthusiasm and good humour. They must show humility, patience and forbearance whether they cared for the

Jean Yves Rousseii. 'Tes recettes et dépenses de l'Hôtel-Dieu de MontnM," in L 'Hotel-Dieu de Montréal 1642-1973 (Montréai: Hurtubise, 1973), p. 130. See also: Jacques Ducharme. "Les revenus des Hospitalières de Montréai au XViIIe siècIe," in L 'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal, p. 227. The records had some discrepancies; sometimes dates were missing, other times merchandise was accepteci in defâult of monetary payment, but, on balance, the registers were on a par with those of other institutions in an era before strict accounting practices were in place. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst *'Ruie for the Depository or Bursar," The Cmmaty. pp. 157-167. Albert Desbiens and Yvon Lamonde, eds. " Plan de L'Hôtel-Dieu et Plan du Couvent des Dames Reiigieuses Hospitalières,'' in L 'WoteI-Dieu de Montréal 1642-1973. See also: Hotel-Dieu: Le Plus Ancient Hôpital de Montréal (Montréal: RHSJ, 1973). architecturai drawing on the back cover. 63 sick and the poor, or watched with the dying, or shrouded the dead.7 There were 200 sick as well as over 600 homeless, elderly people and orphans. The institution had been affiliateci with l'École de Médecine de Québec since 1850.8 Exceptions were made, but, as

a general mle, the Hôtel-Dieu, like other hospitals of the day, did not admit those suffering from small-pox, leprosy, malignant itch, palsy or scrofida. The hospital also refused admission to children under seven, pregnant women, epileptics or persons with any incurable disease? Unless approved by a member of the hospital's administration, patients had to Wsha letter fiom an attending physician. But the Hospitailers could receive emergency cases, provided they called in a surgeon for consultation. The four floors of the hospital containeci three large wings. There were three wards with 44 beds in each. Each bed was given the name of a saint, as were the wards. Stalls for close-stools were recessed into the walls, and these could be opened fiom behind to dow the cleaning staff to remove the chamber pots. Each ward had a wamllng room openhg off it, with fire-places where sheets and towels were heated and where new patients undressed. 10 There were smaller isolation wards for contagious sick, and rooms reserved, as needed, for operations and dressings. A separate kitchen, refectory and dorrnitories for workers were aIl located on the first level. Here, too, were the hospital depository, a large

laundry, and a haceroorn. The Hospitaliers conducted daily prayer seMces and taught religion. However, in public institutions of this era, such lessons in morality were not uncornmon. There is Little

RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Rule for Novices and Sisters newly professed," The Customary, Article 7, p. 336. "Charity towards the poor being the.. . aiin of the institute, the novices should accustom themselves to this.. . work." See &O: Constiiutionsfor the Religious HospitaZers of Saint Joseph, (Chicago, 1932), "Fourth Constitution: Of the Noviciate and the Profession," article 57, p. 37. According to these constitutions, the novices could not be employed in extemal duties, but they could perform manuai labour within the religious house itself. Edouard Desjardins, Jacques Ducharme and Jean-Yves Rousseau. 'l'Hôtel-Dieu du Mont Sainte- Famille (1 86 1- l973)," in L 'Hotel-Dieu de Montréal, 1642-1973, pp. 60-61. RHSJ Archives. Bathunt "Patients who must not be received into the Hôtel-Dieu of St Joseph," The Customary, pp. 42-50. Io RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Chspter III: Buildings" The Customory, p. 40. historiography on the evolution of 19th century hospitals, but most, like the Hotel-Dieu de Montréal, evolved hmcharities whose primary concem was the moral fibre of their impoverished clientele. People of means expected to remain at home, cared for by their families, and treated by an attending physician. Only the very poor went to a hospital. Authorities associateci poverty with character, and disease with punishment for a sinful lifestyle. Hospital surroundings were designed as much to irnprove the conduct of the clientele as to cure their physical ailments. Work was part of the treatment programme, since it required discipline, responsibility and routine. It was not unusual to recruit helpers

nom among the residents, for the kitchens or domitories, in remfor their keep. 1 1 In Montreal's Hôtel-Dieu, as in the lay hospitals of the period, there was a punishment cell: "a

private strong room well fitted with bars."l2 In most hospitals, patients could be dismissed for the use of tobacco, gambling, alcohol consumption and foul language. In the Hotel- Dieu, patients who swore, quarreled, spoke 'immodest words', or committed any similar transgression were first wamed by the head nurse or her assistant. If that failed, the mother superior would be brought in. If these actions had no effect, the director would be asked to

have the patient expelled. 13

The Hospitallers believed that, by their strict observance of the standard monastic vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, as weli as their cornmitment to work with the

poor, honour was brought to their institute, and perfection to the individuals in it. 14 Their

S.E.D. Shom TheCanadian Hospital in the Nineteenth Cenniry: An Historiographie Lament" Journal of Cunudian StudiesRevue d'études canadiennes, 18,4 (Witer 1983-84) pp. 3-13. The author deais only with public hospitafs of the day, but if this was true for them, it must have been doubly true for hospitals m by religious groups. Most histories that have been written focus on one particuiar institution and adopt a chronological narrative with no analysis. This leads to narrow conclusions. Shortt lament. the lack of Canadian histonography on hospitals and suggests specific areas for study, namely: the part hospitais played in moral and religious judgment and reclamation, their thenpeutic efficacy, their role as a forum for medical professionalism, and how they were used both by the poor themselves, and by governments, as instruments of social change. l2 RHSI Archives. Bathurst "Buildings," Chapter IIi, ne C'tomary, p. 37 l3 Shortt. "The Canadian Hospitai," pp. 5-6. Se&O: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst nie Customary, p. 44. l4 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Third Constitution: Of the Vows of Poverty, Chastity ,Obedience and Service to the Poor," Constitutions, #24-#3 1, pp. 23-3 1. vows, in a sense, defined who they were as women, and distinguished them from other

groups in society. Clarification and details of these promises were in their Comtitutions, and expanded upon, as weil, in the Mmd and the Customary. Legally, the vow of

poverty meant a Hospitaller who owned property or money was obligeci to cede the administration of her estate for the full pend of her vows. Before making her final profession, she must dispose of it by a will, and the will could not be altered without permission from the . 15 HospitaIlers shared a cornmon wardrobe and ate whatever food was served. They did not own any material possession, other than srnail religious articles of Little monetary value. The mistress of novices could examine the quarters of her charges and confiscate any object if she suspecteci the novice was particularly fond of it. The vows, especially that of Chastity, shaped the way the Hospitaller worked, or greeted visitors, or interacted with her associates: "A religious of Saint Joseph, while having a body, shouid live as if she had none; her life shouid be pure, angelic and free tiom al1 stain."l7 The Hospitaller was told to shun occasions of being kissed and embraced by relatives or friends, and gently withdraw from them if she could do so without offending anyone. An elaborate protocol surrounded the vow of Obedience. Many of the des, such as behg carefiil not to enter an office without first hocking, and asking permission before leaving her place, were simpiy gwd mauners. Others, such as seeking permission from the superior to rad a book, and accepting the injunction to read only books selected by the superior, required a good deal of resignation of the part of the Hospitaller. Each Hospitaller had to read her constitutions at least once a month, and the rule which govemed her paxticular office, daily.18

l5 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Constilutionr. #27, p. 24. l6 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Comtiîutions. #2#3 1, pp. 23-3 1. See also: "Profession: Vow of Poverty," Manual, p. 229, and "The Exact Observance of the Vows," The Customaty, pp. 89-90. With the exception of the superior, the assistant and the bursar, no sister couid keep anything under Iock and key in her room; "nor may any one have pots of flowers at her window." l7 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Pure in her life," Manual Ch. 3, p. 39. L8RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. The Customary, p. 96. The goverment of the community was relatively democratic within the institution. However, the sisters were subject to the authority of the bishop. They could not withdraw their obedience to him under any circurnstances. If the mernbers of the order had to choose between obeying their mother supenor or the bishop, it was thek duty to support the cleric. Once a year, the superior furnished the bishop with an account of her administration. If he did not approve of the way she c&d out her duties, he couid, if he wished, order her removal fkom office. l9 During the l86Os, Bishop Bourget encouraged al1 women's religious communities to standardize their governing systems, but, in that regard, the RHSJ executive structure aiready seemed to meet his criteria The common mode1 included the mother superior who held office fiom three to twelve years. She govemed with the help of a council elected from the highest rankùig members of her ~ommunity.~~According to the desof the Hospitailers, the mother superior could not remain in office for more than two consecutive three year terms, although she might still be re-elected at a future date.

Candidates for an executive position had to have been members of the order for at least ten years, cdculated fiom the date of their first profession. Lay and non-cloistered sisters were not fianchiseci and did not participate in chapter meetings. The voting sisters were those who had been admitted as choir sisters, fished three complete years as members, and were professed. In 1861 there were 44 members of the Hospitaliers who held the fknchi~e.~1 Before an election, these sisters would choose two of their members to act as scmtineers, and select another to act as a secretary if the chapter did not have one. These three officiais did not have a vote. Elections were presided over by the bishop, or a priest appointed by

l9 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Sixteenth Constitution: Of the Ecclesiasticd Superior, the Confessors, Director and Chaplain," Constitutions, #lï8- 185, pp. 96-99. 20 Marguer$z Jean. Évo~utiondes Communautés Religieuses des Femmer au Canada de 1639 à nos jours (Montréal: Editions Fides, 1977), p. 208. "The fiindamental structures which affect the existence and permanence of the communities were constantly threatened, because the policies which governed them were contindy fluctuating and poorly developed." RHSJ Archives. Montréai. ''Offices des Religieuses," le 4 septembre 186 1. him. The names of all those eLigible for an executive office were written in sufficient number so as to allow for a possible four ballots. The winner needed at least 50 percent of the vote? In 186 1, the executive council consisted of: Pagé, the Mother Superior; Mance, the Assistant Superior; Marchessault, the Mistress of Novices; Soeur Gignon, the Head Nurse; and Soeur Davignon, the Burçar. This council witnessed al1 of the cerernonies of entry and profession. The five determined the agenda for the weekly deliberations of the chapter, held each Friday aftemoon, and they signed the resolutions that were passed.23 In the meeting, the mother superior outiined the agenda, and gave her personal point of view on the items to be discussed. Each sister, in order of ra& added her opinion. The sisters were not allowed to intempt each other, nor could they try to win others over. Decisions were made by a vote at the end of the meeting. Beans were used in place of ballots, white for "yes" and black for "no." Details of the meetings were secret, but the secretary, who did not participate, wrote a Ml account of the procedures.24 Occasionally, at their weekly chapter meeting, the voting sisters would be asked to accept into their comrnunity a young woman whom the mistress of novices considered ready for investiture. During her first year in the convent, Amanda continued to Wear her school uniform, and, in many ways, it seemed obvious that she was still more of a school girl than a young nun. The mistress of novices tried to tame some of the rough edges of her

** RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Supplement to the Manuai: Chapter ID Assemblies of the Chapter," Manual, pp. 3 13-3 14. See also: "Seventeenth Constitution: Of the Election of the Superior and Other Officers," Conîtittrtions, #202, p. 109. According to tbis document, the election of the other office holders was held the day &er the superior was elected. However, it appears that aii the principal office holders were elected at the same tirne, according the Manual, written in 1870. 23 RHSJ Archives. MonaOal. "Registre des délibérations tait6 dans les Assemblées Capitulaires des Religieuses Hospitahères de Saint Joseph de Hôtel-Dieu de Montréai." See also: "Procès verbaux de la vêture et de la profession des RHSJ de Montréal, 1858-1899." 24 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Seventeenth Constitutioa: Of the Election of the Superior and Other Off~cers,"Constitutions. #186-2 14, pp. 99- 115. See also: 'Tifteenth Constitution: Of Capitular Assemblies and of the Chapter," Constitutions, #172-177, pp. 93-96. According to these constitutions, the chapter meetings were to be held once each monh However, they were heid weekiy in 1861. Any sister who revealed information concerning the deliberations was considered to have committed a sin, the gravity of which depended on the nature of what was revealed, and whether it resulted in discord within the community, or had any other unfortmate result. vivacious, but somewhat volatile, c haracter. Her uncle watched Viger 's initial struggies closely, and fiequently gave her advice and support. Gradudy, her outbursts becarne fewer. One year had gone by since her entry, three months more than the usual nine months required by the Hospitaliers before 'taking the vei1.'25 Amanda was ready for her Investiture Cerernony. With assurances fkom Marchessault, and according to the custom, she formdly asked for permission to Wear the habit of the Hospitaliers fimm the cornmunity, who gathered in the sisters' refectory. Using the words from the Manual, she admitted to a certain laxness of spirit and want of hdty:"I hope, with grace of God, to give you more satisfaction in the fùture," she finished?6 The voting sisters accepted

Amanda's petition on 1 1 October 186 1.27 The ceremony was set for the moming of 16 November. On 13 November, in preparation for the ceremony, Amanda entered a three day pend of total silence and meditation. On the first day she was instnicted to become "dead to the world" and "dead to herself," and, through the total mortification of her ego, to become united with God. She left behind her family, fiiends, material possessions and her desires for a husband and children. And she was enjoined to suppress her needs for recognition, esteem or distinction of any kind. To die to oneself was to be govemed entirely by whatever was for the glory of God and the good of her neighbour. Her Life as a religious was already one of privation and labour. Since the nursing sisters needed al1 of their energies, they were not encouraged to carry out corpord acts of mortification, and could do so only with special permission from their superior.28

25 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Circulaire de la ûès honorée Mère St Jeande-Goto (ML. Amanda Viger)," Lettres Circulaires Nécrologies,p. 96. The investiture and, later, her profession were dehyed because of these emotional outbursts. See also: "Circulaire de la trés honorée Soeur Ste-Thérése (Eulalie Bonneau)." Borneau's Investiture was hefd the 15 Sept. 186 1, and her profession the 28 November 1862. 26 RHSI Archives. Bathurst "Chapter W:Ceremonies Preceding the Religious Rofession, and Rule of Conduct for Sisters during their Noviciate: ArticIe Second: Investiture," Manual,p. 209. 27 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Régistre des Délibérations fàites dans les Assemblées Capituiaires," le Il Oct. 1861. 28 RHSJ Archives. Bathum. "First Day," Manual, pp. 2 10- 14 On the second day Amanda was to meditate on the subject of the habit, her officia1 acceptance as a Hospitalier, and her ongoing search for perfation. The habit was an emblem that indicated the wearer was a member of a distinct group, but this was not to be the focus of the reflection. It was made hma coarse wool fabric in reparation for Christ's sacrifice on the cross, and black, in mouming for al1 the sins of the world. Her veil was a reminder of her spiritual nature. She was a "Bride of Christ", and therefore shrouded fiom

the eyes of the world Arnanda was instructed to concentrate on what it meant to be a ûue

religious: Vervent, generous and full of faiW729On the thud day of this special retreat, Amanda was to examine the crosses her career might bring But, with her optimistic nature, irnagining these challenges and sacrifices was not Likely a subject that made ha unduly fearfùl. Her favourite motto, one that wodd hang over her office in Tracadie, was: "1 look everywhere in rny solitude, for the crosses they said 1 would have to carry but

nowhere do 1find them.'gl Finally, she was to consider her personal shortcomings, to resolve to identi@ and overcome them a11.32

At 8:00 a.m., on 16 November, the bel1 called the sisters together for the ceremony. They gathered silently around Amanda in the avant-choeur.33 Amanda was dressed in a

plain full-length, lightly-gathered white dress in either linen or cotton. A white veil was draped over her face and shoulders.34 Judging nom a photograph taken of her about ten

29 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Second Day," Manual, pp. 214-18 30 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst ''Third Day." Monual, pp. 2 18-20 Soeur Dorina Frigauit, RHSJ, curator of the Musée de Tracadie, in an inte~ewin 1977. The mono is painted in biack letters on a whitewashed piece of lumber. "Je cherche partout dans ma solitude les croix que l'on me disait devoir y rencontrer et nulle part je ne Ies trouve." 32 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Monual, pp. 2 10-1 1. 33 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Troisième Partie: Chapitre premier: Article 1 1: de la Réception à l'Habit," Ceremonial. p. 177. According to this book, published in 1870, the ceremonies were to be held individualiy, and in the morning whenever possible. See &O: Sr. St. Jean-deGoto à Mère Supérieure l'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréai, le 3 février 1888. In this Ietter, Viger recalled her ceremony of profession, held in 1863, and mentioned that Mère St. Louis, of their Montréal house, had celebrated her Investihue Ceremony at the same tirne. Soeur Corinne LaPlante, in an interview Iune 16, 1993, said that, as more entrants joined the Hospitaliers, the ceremonies were cornbined because of the time and effort involved in conducting separate rites. 34 Soeur Corinne LaPlante, interview 16 June 1993. See dso: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Cemonid, years later, Amanda was a fdl-figured, attmctive young woman, a bit shorter than average.35 Already, she had 1-ed to waik with silent steps, to keep her eyes modestly downcast, and to control the excitement she mut have felt. Earlier that momin& the Sister Sacristan had prepared Amanda's habit, one that formerly belonged to an older sister, laying it out on a silver tray to be blessed. The white veil for the novitiate, and a crown of flowers, were on a second tray. Now the ceremony began. As the tapered cades used in special services were lit, the chorale sisters led the commmity in the singing of Psalm 83, 'TIow lovely are thy tabernacles." Amanda, walking sofily to the sounds of the sacred music, led the heof Hospitaliers into the ch0ir.3~A carpeted prie-dieu with a lace pillow was prepared for her, and positioned in the centre aisle, near the grill. Amanda gendected, then imelt, still holding her candle. The religious behuid her genuflected and took their usual places. Oniy Amanda's candle, placed in a holder in fiont of her, remainecl lit throughout the seMce.37 On the altar side of the grill, Bishop Bourget, assisted by the spiritual director of the order, Father A. Narcan, a member of the Saint Sulcipians, and Viger's uncle, Father Narcisse Trudel, commenced the mas. Three other priests, including the Vicar-General of Montreal, participated in the ~erernony.~~Amanda's parents, her sisters, Orpha, 18, Anna, 13, Aldina, 12 and Laura 9 or 10, and her brothers, Hormisdas, 5 and Oscar, 4 were likely present. Possibly her aunt, Mme Laurent, who had paid for many items in Amanda's p. 160. The postulant was to be "properly and modestly dressed with no worldly ornamentation." RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Undated picture of Ieprosy victims and saers, believed to be about 1870. Amanda appears to be shorter than the others. Her expression has a decidedly determined cast, and she is absolutely straight, compared to a more relaxed stance by some of the others. The group members are not identified by name in thïs photograph, but an identification can be made, by comparing it to another, taken in 1888, in which all of the sisters are named. 36 Bute's Translation, Psalm 83. Father Elder Mullan. rite Book of the Children of May (New York: P.J. Kennedy & Sons, 1907)- p. 429. See also: Psalm 84 in The RmSed English Bible with the Apocrypha, (Oxford: Oxford University Ptess, 1989)-p. 5 11. "Lord of Hosts, How dearly loved is your dweUing place." 37 RHSI Archives. Bathurst Ceremoniol, pp. 159-171. 38 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Pm& Verbal de son Voile Blanc de Marie Louise Amanda Viger le seize novembre mil huit cents soixante et un,'' Procés verbaux de la Vêîure et de la profession des Religieuses Hospitalières de St. Joseph de Montréal: 1858-1899, p. 29. trousseau, attendeci as ~ell.~~Amanda would meet them all for a few minutes in the visitors parlour, when the ceremony was over. Foilowing the graduai, the Bishop, wearing the mitre and carykg his staff, proceeded to the grill. Pa@ and Marchessault escorted Amanda to the window where the three women knelt. The Bishop asked: "Ma Soeur Amanda Viger, what is it that you wish?" Amanda replied '4 very humbly request permission to Wear the holy habit of the Reli@kuses Hospitafièresde Saint Joseph and the grace to be received with them into the house of our Lord, there to live for the rest of my days."40 So began a series of questions and responses. When this part of the ceremony was completed, Bishop Bourget blessed Amanda's habit, her veil and the cmof fiowers. in the meantirne, Pagé and Marchessault arranged her headdress so that her face was clear. Bishop Bourget returned to the grill. This time Fathers Trudel and Narcan accompanied him. They held the items of the habit. As they were handed through the window, Bishop Bourget spoke of the beauty of redressing oneself in the ways of God. Amanda, heeling, bowed, then took the habit and gave it to her superior, who, in tum, handed it to Soeur Marchessault. The two escorted Amanda to a smd room neahy where she could change. The priests retunied to the altar and knelt, while, in the choir, the sisters sang the lengthy Litany of the Saints, followed by another Psalrn (In du~sruel).~~ The music continueci as Amanda came back, dressed in her habit. On her head she wore the wimple, and the underveil; draped over these was a length of white fabric.

39 C.N. Lanctot. "Notes sur la famille de Pierre Bonaventure Viger." According to Soeur Corinne LaPlante, interviewed 16 June 1993, relatives and fnends were pennitted to attend the ceremonies, but they would be in the church, not in the choir. See also: "Canada East Census 185 1" National Archives of Canada, Microfilm # C 1 117, ReeI # 188, Boucheme: Chambly Co. 185 1. Ody Orpha, Aldi~,Amanda and Anna were listeci among the childm of Eudoxi and Bonaventure, an indication that Lam had not yet been born, whicti would deher 10 years or under in 186 1- 40 RHSI Archives. Bathurst CeremoniaZ9p. 163. "Je demande très humblement le saint habit des Religieuses Hospitaiières de Saint Joseph, et la grâce d'être reçue avec elles dans Ia maison de Dieu, pour y finir mes jours." 41 RHSI Archives. Bathum Cermoniai9pp. 163-73. 72 Holding her candle, she walked between the supenor and the mistress of novices. At the grill they rernoved her outer head-dress. With a few words of prayer, Bourget took the white veil wom by novices, and placed it on Amanda. Pagé and Marchessault adjusted it so it would remain secure. Next, the Bishop fked the crown of flowers. Amanda, who was Imeeling on the footrail in fiont of the gRU, made a profound bow, and the Bishop blessed her. The mass continued. Amanda, followed by the mother superior and the other sisters, proceeded to the window for communion. When the mass was over, the chorale sisters led the community in singing Psalm 132.4Amanda knelt before Pagé who embraced her. As on the day she entered, she was hugged in him by each of the Hospitaliers. When the ceremony was over, she blew out her candle and placed it with the others. AU genufiected. The curtain of the grill was closed and Amanda Ied the sisters out of the choir. She was permitteci to Wear her flowers for the rest of the day.43 T'usAmanda Viger began her obligatory year as a postulant. Amanda's forbearance must have been tested when her profession, like her investiture, was delayed for three months. The HospitaiIers, especiaiiy the mistress of novices, observed a candidate's every action, and it was iike1y Marchessault who ht recornmended to the mother superior that the ceremony be p~tponed.~~Under the constitutions, the newly professed made their vows for a term of not less than three years, and for any Merperiod, which would bring them to the full age of 2 1. Mer that, they

42 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst CeremoniaZ, p. 197. "Ecce Quam bonum et quam jucundum habitare fiatres in unum." Psalm 133 in The Revised EngIish Bible with the Apoctypha, p. 539. "How good and how pleasant it is to Iive together as brothers in unity.. ." 43 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Ceremonial, p. 179. 44 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. 'Registre de déliberations faites dans les assemblées Capitulaires,'' le 24 Oct 1862. On the same &te the chapter delayed Amanda's profession, they deiayed the profession of Sr. Collette for six months. See dso: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Supptement to the Manual: Assemblies of the Chapter," The Customaty, p. 32 1. The superior and the mistress of novices wodd tel1 what they knew of the candidate, without revealing information that the novice herseif gave, in confidence, to the mistress. Before the vote, the voting sisters were expected to add any observation they might have made about her. were pennitted to make a perpetual commitment45Vows were renewed each yea., on 23 January, the feast of the Man-iage of the Blessed Virgin to Saint J0seph.a On the afiemoon of 3 1 Jmuary 1863, Amanda Viger was ~~~~llllonedto the community depository, or business office, where her parents and Father Trudei were waiting. It was likeiy the first time they had been allowed to visit without the griU since her entry. Her parents had recentiy moved to Saint-Bruno-de-Montarville. Bonaventure was the local coroner and Captain of the militiae47They were here to sign the Certificate of Profession, a civil contract in which Amanda's formal request to spend the rat of her days as a religious under the rules and regulations of the RHSJs, was acknowledged The ternis of the covenant between her and her family on the one han& and the community on the other, were spelled out. What remained to be settled firom her dowry would be left to her in her parents' will. Father Trudel paid f38.15, the final costs of her trousseau.48 Generally the Hospitaliers kept their own name unless another member of the comrnunity carried it, in which case the novice would take her mother's maiden name. In this case the last Soeur Viger had died nearly 25 years earlier. Nevertheless, Bishop Bourget decided Amanda would be neither Viger nor Trudel, but Soeur Saint Jean-de-Goto, after one of 26 Japanese Jesuit martyrs who were canonized in 186î.49 Pagé, Mance, Head Nurse Josephte Dupuis, and Davignon, the bursar, signed the contract on behalf of the order. NoqPublics

45 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Fourth Constitution: of the Noviciate and Profession," Comtitutions, #70, p. 42. 46 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Constitutions, #78, p. 46. 47 RHSI Archives. Montréal. ''Profession de Soeur Marie Louise Amanda Viger dite St Jeande-Goto, le 3 1 Janvier 1863 ." Amanda's parents were living in the parish of St-Brno. See also: "Procès Verbaux de la Vêture." Bonaventure and Eudoxi were still iiving in Boucherville. See &O: Lanctot, "Notes sur la fde."Amanda's motfier died in Saint-Bruuo-de-Montadle on 15 July 1865. 48 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. 'bProfessionde Soeur Marie Louise Aman& Viger, dite St. Jean-de- Goto." 49 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst, "Circulaire de la tr&s honora Mère St leande-Goto." p. 97. It couid be that Bourget was somewhat embarrassed that the Patriot who defied a bishop had a daughter king proféssed Or, it couid be that Bonaventure's reputation as a war hem, which increased with each passing decade, wouid bring an inordinate amount of attention to Amanda. M. Content and J.E. Badie, who had prepared the document, added their signatures as witnesses.

The provision of a trousseau or dowry was an important component of the contract and represented a significant con~iutionto the community. For a choir sister, Like

Amanda, the trousseau included: two mattresses and bolsters, three Normandy blankets, one bed curtain, one length of green serge drapery, two spwns, two forks and one knife (dl in silver), five pairs of shoes, leather clogs, several pairs of socks for winter or summer, a dressing gown, thread, needles and pins, ten chemises, gloves, two aprons, one camisole, strong jute, a supply of ben, one chair, one table and one prie-dieu. Some of these articles were ordered by the community, and others the entrants purchased on their own. The total value was close to £40. Not every sister could afford this large an outlay, and those who codd did not bring al1 of their supplies at one tirne. In Montreal, some candidates made donations of wheat, firewwd, or other produce in exchange for items in the trousseau.50 For their own use, choir sisters were allowed two robes, one for summer and one for winter, plus one of dark baize, a heavy-weight fabric, to Wear in the moming, at night when sitting up with the sick or on very cold days. In addition, the sisters were given two pairs of loose fitting corsets and two petticoats. Lay sisters used the half-wom gowns of the ~ospital1ers.S1 The sister wardrober was responsible for the clothing, and none of the sisters could choose which habit was hem. The robes were black, closed in fiont, with tight folds. The sleeves were long, and wide enough to hide the arms and hands. There were two veils, the under one srnall, and thick enough to cover an undercap and hair. The outer was a sheer black serge. A white guimpe surrounded the neck and the shoulders.52

s0 Micheline D'Maire. "Conditions matérielles requises pour devenir religieuse au XVme siècle," in L 'H6ref-Dieude Montréal 1642-1973, pp. 186-187. This List is quite similar to the items Viger would be expected to provide, according to mhivist Nicole Buissières RHS J Archives. Bathum. The sister's clothing))' The Cwtomury, p. 52. 52 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''The sister's clothing," The Cusrotnary, pp. 52-56. On the first &y of a three-&y retreat leading up to her profession, the novice was required to meditate on her vows in general. On the second &y, she would consider each vow individually. Amanda had to reflect seriously on this step, since, once she had consecrateci her life, she would be expected to live by her vows: "It is not to a man I am about to make these promises but to the omnipotent God." The formula of the vows would be placed in her han& after her death and tbat document "wili be the cause of my accusation or my justification before the Sovereign ~udge."53 Aman& would contemplate her role as a "Bride of Chnst" on the thud day, and consider the words of her manuai: 'My heart must be a garden productive of every hdof fhit, and closed to every one except my spouse; He alone has the right to enter and gather the fbits."54 Amanda would be anxious to cultivate her particular 'garden': to lave the confines of the novitiate, to take her place as a hospitalier, to work in the various offices, to become a part of the rdworld of religious life.

The Manual calleci for her to go to the choir on the &y of her profession with the same spirit that Jesus went to Calvary. Amanda probably felt more Iike Jesus did as He entered the city of Jerusalem on Pah Sunday. She knew that the life she had chosen demanded sacrifice, but it prornised endless oppominities to serve others, a chance to perform difficuit and challenging work and ulhate personal salvation. Arnanda was readied for this significant step on the early moming of 2 February, the Feast of the hirification of the Vugin. Her hair was cut if it had not been aiready. The Hospitaliers were assembled in the avant choeur. Soeur St. Louis, who was celebrating her Investiture, was beside her. As they Ied the line of sisters in the candlelit procession, the singing of the Psalms surrounded them. The Vicar-Gend of Montreal, Pierre Billaudile, officiated, assisted by Fathers A. Narcan, the Spintual Director of the Community, and Thomas

53 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Chapter Vm: Ceremoniw precedhg the Religious Profession, and rule of Conduct for sisters during their noviciate. Article Thid. Profession," Manual, p. 227. 54 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Manual, p. 24. Pepin, curate of Boucherville. Father Trudel was also present.55 "Do you want to live and die in the service of Jesus Christ and the For, who are his members, and be consecrated as his bride?" asked the celebrant Amanda replieci: "I wish it with a.U my heart, and I humbly beg you to grant me this rner~y."~6While the Hospitaliers sang the Litany of the Saints, Amanda prostrated herself on a carpet that extended fkom the gdI to the prie-dieu, her face against a cushion. Over her, four newly professed sisters extended a death shudin a

graphic depiction of the end of her forma life. There she asked the help of aii the saints so that she could completely reject the things of this world and live for God aione. It appears that Amanda entered the full life of the community with a great deai of enthusiastic determination. Soeur Raymond, the secretary, needed and fbUy appreciated the talents of her newly appointed assistant, Soeur Saint Jeande-Goto.57 Raymond made Amanda responsible for puning the archives in order, and expected her to maintain les Chroniques, the wrïtten account of each day's events.58 She noted Amanda's intelligence, eye for detail, organizational abilities and excellent memory. These qualities, she said, were matched ody by the devoted way Viger carried out her duties.59 Raymond wanted to have Amanda's assistance exclusively, but the Hospitallers each held several offices at any one time. The newly professed sisters would leam quickly how the monastery fiuictioned, carry out a variety of different tasks, and find out where their particular abilities lay. Amanda was third in the choir in charge of music and singing; she assisted in the sacristy and in the linen department. She also worked on the women's ward as an assistant nurse.60

55 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. "Profession de Soeur Marie Louise Amanda Viger. dite St. Jeamde Goto." 56 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Ceremonid, p. 184. "Je le veux de tout mon coeur, et je le supplie très humblement de me faire cette miséricorde." 57 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst '6Circdairede Sr. Saint Jean-de-Goto," p. 98. According to this document, Sr. Raymond was the htsecretary of the community. 58 Interview with Sr. Corinne LaPlante, 16 June 1993. Ler Chroniques are a written summary of the &y-to-day events that happened in the monastery, whereas the annals are a summarized version of the community's history. 59 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de St Jean," p. 98. 6o Ibid., p. 99 But it was swn evident to the sisters that Amanda did her best work in the phamiacy, where she was apprenticed, with two or three others, to the head pharmacist, Soeur Monique Reid. There was ample opportunity for Amanda to observe the doctors on their rounds, and a highly skilled pharmacist to train underPl Her analytical ability? attention to detail and sense of observation helped her in a career that demandeci accuracy and precision. The pharmacist and her assistants followed no less than 16 desthat outiined their responsibilities.62 Ail drugs and preparations were tracked, medicines and ointments were cornpounded, they hired people to gather medichai herbs, their offices were scrupulously clean and ordered, inventory and financial records were rnaintained, and the supenor was informed as soon as supplies were short, and provided with statements of cost. Few, if any, New Brunswick pharmacists would have received their apprenticeship in such a large medical in~titution.~3Amanda, or the pharmacist on duty, met the patient on arrivai, and, if sbe thought it necessary, summoned a physician or surgeon. She accompanied the doctor on his rounds and noted his orders in a ledger. She prepared and applied pouitices and liniments. (A valet on the wards applied them to male patients.) Although she could not make decisions without a doctor's order, she could act in emergencies, and apply any tempomry remedies she thought might be necessary. Amanda monitored the patients who were taking medicines, noting any change in condition, and reported her findings to the doctor on his next visit. The phamiacist attended the surgeon when he bled a patient, or dressed wounds.

RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Les Offices le 4 septembre 1863." On 4 September 1863, when the new offices were posted, Soeur Jeanne Mance was elected Mother Superior. Mère Pagé, now Soeur Pagé, was the instructor of novices, Soeur Dupuis was the head nurse, and Soeur Davignon the bursar. 62 RHSI Archives. Bathurst "Rule for the Pharmacist," me Custornary, pp. 220-25. 63 Desjardins et ai. 'ZXÔtel-Dieu du Mont Sainte-Famille (1 87 1-1973): p. 60. The Hôtel-Dieu received 200 sick, not couuting 600 elderly people and orphans. 78 It is not Zikely that Viger anticipated, in the first few years after her profession, that she would one &y head a foundation of Hospitailers in far away New Brunswick The

Tracadie Foundation wouid be the institution's third in ~rnenca.MHowever, the new establishment would inaugurate a pend of expansion for the commun@, and vastly improve the field of oppominity for their youngest members. In Montreai, the highest positions were generally occupied by the same group of women: Pagé, Mance, and Davignon, Quesnel and Dupuis.65 Ail of them were, at most, middle-aged, and could expect to remain at the top for rnany years to corne. Viger would have more autonomy, and more chance to develop her career, as one of a few founders in Tracadie, than would be possible for her if she remained in ~ontreal.66

64 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Proceedings of the Congregarion Assembly May 2 I-24, 1982. "Montreal and Ville Marie Province," (Montreal: RHSJ General Administration, 1982) pp. 66-67. Mer Kingston in 1845 and Saint Patrick's Hospital in 1852. When separate wards for irish and other anglophone Catholics were located in the new Hotel-Dieu, Saint Patrick's was disbanded . 65 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. 'Zes offices de 186 1-1867." 66 Le Collectif Clio. L 'Histoire des Femmau Québec dupuk Quatre Siècles. (Montréal: l'imprimerie Gagné Ltée, l983), p. 173. The authors write that for a number of religious their career choice gave them an opportunity to develop as teachers, nurses, phannacists, artisans, accountants, administrators, artists or musicians, but community work in hospitais, schools and orphanages needed a lot of labour. For every bursar there were 10 to 20 sisters changing beds and working in the kitchens. The Tracadie Foundation

Although the date and chronology are uncertain, it seems that Viger might have

been among the first of the Hospitallers to hear about the leprosy cases in New Brunswick, and to contemplate seriously the possibility that her order could be asked to take over the administration of the lazaretto. She was the phamcist on duty when Doctor , a prominent Montreal physician and chief of surgery at the Hôtel-Dieu, escorted Saint John physician, Dr. Robert Bayard, through the hospital wards. It is not clear whether Bayard undertook his visit, on behalf of the New Bninswick government, in order to observe the Hospitallers, and discover if they would be interested in going to Tracadie, but that is a likely possibility. Certainly the subject of the lazafetto was discussed. Viger, whom Hingston described as a remarkably beautifid young person, and the product of an excellent fhly,left the ward for a few minutes and retunied with the mother superiod "Do you think we would be ailowed to take charge of thern?'the superior asked Dr. Bayard. ''1 could not help pointing out to her the loathsomeness of the disease, and the terrible strain it would be upon the nerves of a delicate sensitive woman," Bayard apparently told a newspaper rep~rter.~

1 "Héroisrne des Soeurs Hospitalières de St-Joseph: Un Petit bout D'Histoire sur le Lazaret de Tracadie," Le Moniteur Acadien, Shédiac, le 25 oct. 1887. The article was based on a speech by Dr. Hingston given in comection with the officia1 opening of l 'école de médecine et de chirugie de Montréal. According to Hingston, Dr, Bayard presented the proposal to the provincial authorities, and, with their permission, the sisters of the Hôtel-Dieu Montreal were invitai to take control of the lazaretto. Hingston told his audience the superior spoke of the mission to ali of the &ers and outlined the conditions and the nsks if they accepted the responsibiiity. She then asked for volunteers and every one of them stepped foLward. * M. J. Losier and C. Pinet The Children of kaw:the Story ofthe harem at Tracdie, (Fredericton: Goose Lane, 1984), p. 63, hmThe Dai& Sun, Saint John, 25 Oct. 1887. Doctor Bayard and his coUeague, Doctor W'iam WiIson, conducted a lengthly investigation of leprosy and its victims for the New BdckGovemment in the summer of 1847. The resuit was 'The Bayard and Wilson Report,' published in the Journal of the House of Assembiy in 1848. The doctors concluded, erroneously, that The leprosy patienis resided in a provincially funded leprosarium, or lazaretto, as it was referred to in govemment documents. The administration of the hospital was in the

han& of a locally run Board of HeaIth, but there was no one to look after the sick or maintain order in the building. Isolated from their families. unable to provide for

thernselves, patients were left to live in abject circumstances.3 According to a brief account

of the early history of the lazaretto, written by Viger in 1875, it was the bishop of

Chatham. James Rogers, who suggested to Father Ferdinand Gauvreau. the Chaplain of

the lazaretto, that the hospitai be placed in the care of religious, specificaily, Les Soeurs de Chrrriti, an order known as the Grey Nuns, who were in charge of the Hôpital-Général de

Québec. The date was 186 1.4 Rogers. only a year into his mandate as Bishop of the newly created diocese, had not yet undertaken the construction of Saint Michael's College,

cathedral and episcopal residence, which generated a debt of over $12.000 by 1566. When

he left to attend an apostolic conference in Rome in 1868, therefore. he was in no financial position to support a religious foundation, and, it appears, he had not given any further

thought to the proposa1.5 Although leiters written by his Vicar Generd, Joseph Marie

Paquet. who was in charge of the diocese while the bishop was away. imply that he was

carrying out the Bishop's wishes in negotiating to b~gnursing sistes to Tracadie, it seems clear that this was not the case:

Father Pacquet [sic] as Administrator of the Diocese. in my absence invited the Hotel Dieu nuns to Tracadie. The contract cded "Decree of erection" was drawn up and would have been signed, binding the ordinary of the Diocese to impossible conditions at Tracadie, had 1 not arrived just in time

leprosy was an inherited condition (p. 29). See also: Michael Bliss. Plague: A Story of srna1lpo.r in Morrrreal. (Toronto: Harper-Collins, 1991). p. 12. According to the author, Dr. Hingston was one of Montreal's inost distinguished and scholarly physicians. who, in the l87Os, was mayor of the city, and, in that capacity, fought to improve public heaIth, and particularly to eradicate smallpox. Losier and Pinet. CI~ildrenof Lararus. Ch. 11. pp. 78-79. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Troisième Rapport Triennal de la Communauté de l'Hôtel-Dieu de St.- Joseph de Tracadie." le 15 juin 1878. Vatican Archives de la S.C. de la Propagande, Canada. James Rogers. "Repon of the Conference of the Clergy of the Diocese of Chatham including The Bishop's Address," 14 Feb. 1878, #SC Vol. 2 1- 1880- 188 1 (The Miramich Advance, Chatham. 1878). Bilingud priests were necessary in this part of New Brunswick and the only way Rogers could recruit the number he needed was to open a small seminary. Hence this became his first priority. to prevent that. In the diIemma no other practical, honourable course was open to us.. . but that which was adopted. Viz., of offering them a position in Chatham, on condition of their having a branch at ~racadie.6 While recognizing the inadequate level of care provided at the govemment operated lazaretto, Rogers believed he had enough problems without taking on the responsibility for a cloistered comrnunity of nuns. He was weii aware of the sectarian prejudices which divided the largely Protestant province of New Brunswick His diocese of Chatham encompassed the whole Northeast region. The settiements were scattered in heavily forested areas, or dong the coast, from Chatham to Madawaska, and included the entire Acadian peninsula. Travel was difficult. The Catholic population. mainly of French, Irish and Scottish descent. was not ody outnumbered, it was concentrated on the lower mngs of the econornic and social ladder as well.7 But the Celtic and French Catholic experience in New Brunswick differed. Only about 20 percent of the Acadian young people attended school. The Celts, with higher levels of education, garnered more political power8 These problems were cornpounded by the cultural differences between Quebec French clergy on the one side, and the Acadian francophones on the other.9 The Quebec priests, especially, often differed with Rogers on matters of policy, so the debate which ensued between the Bishop and his clergy over the Hospitaliers' mission in Tracadie was not unu~ual.~~

Vatican Archives. Rogers. "Report of the Conference of the Clergy." Philippe Doucet. Tolitics and the Acadians." in Jean Daigle. ed. The Acadianr of rhe Maririmes. (Moncton: Centre d'études acadiennes. 1982)- pp. 217-63. Doucet writes: "Isolated from France. isolated frorn Quebec. even almost isolated from one aiiother, the Acadians who settled here and there dong the coast were destitute of rhe tools necessary for socio-economic development." See dso: Maurice Basque. Debra Keny and Roy Bourgeois. Deux siècles de particrilarisme: Une histoire de Tracadie (Shédiac: L'Imprimerie Chedik Ltée.. 1984). This deals with the history of Tracadie from its origins in the latter half of the 18th cenmry to the present. The disparities between the two regions of the province were rooted in prejudices between the governrnent in power and the Acadian and Catholic minorities who lived in the northem part of the province. Doucet. "Politics and the Acadians," pp. 217-63. Mason Wade. *'Cornmentary : Québécois and the Acadien ." Journal of Canadian Srudied Revue d'études canadietines. IX, 2 (May 1974). Canada and Acadia were settied by people from different areas of France. "The Acadians.. . came much earlier. Left pretty much to themsetves during both French and British rule until 1755. they learned to survive as a minority which, perhaps, gave them a more compromising and accommodating spirit than that of francophone Quebec where attitudes arc more confrontational." See also: Doucet. "Politics and the Acadians." The francophone clergy Frorn outside the region were more concemed about issues of language and culture than were the Acadian priests, l0 Losier & Pinet. Children of Larana. pp. 63-76. The animoaity between Rogen and the older The opening of a govemment run institution to a group of nuning sisters also set a precedent in a province where the church did not enjoy control over health care and education the way it did in Quebec. It is doubtful if the legislature would have approved the proposal were it not that most victims of leprosy were francophone Roman Catholics.

Living in a lazaretto located in a srnail village, with a population that was rnaidy from the same socid-andeconomic background as the sick. There were about 2 16 residents of the District of Saumarez, which included Tracadie and the sunounding environs. The greater number were descendants of Acadians, but there was a sizable mix of French whose ancestors were from Quebec or elsewhere, some Irish and Scots, and a few English. I2 The economy of Tracadie was dependent on a mixture of fishing, lumbering and farming. Many families practised al1 keto a limited degree. 13

In agreeing to establish a foundation in Tracadie, the Montreal congregation of the

Rrligiénses HopitaLières de Saint Joseph was setting its own precedent. The decision was a brave one. for the Hôtel-Dieu did not accept leprosy patients and the sisters had had no experience with the disease. The voting sisters elected the superior, and those who would accompany her, in Iuly of 1868. It is evident that the Hospitallers put a great deal of thought into who would be chosen. The group selected were among the abiest of their order. Pagé, at 57, was the oldest, but she had the experience and wisdom that cornes from many years as a chief office holder. The pharmacist, 23 year old Amanda Viger, was the youngest, but the Hospitdlers had already noted her abilities and potentiai. Eulalie Quesnel.

Monseigneur Paquet, which led to a confrontation in Caquet shortly after the Hospitallers anived in Chatham was witnessed by Pa& and Quesnel. DetaiIs of what transpired were outlined in a lengthly letter from Pagé to Mère Mance, 25 September 1868. See also: James Rogers, "Report of the Conference of the Clergy." p. 333. "...for the diocese of Chatham, the pnests required should speak both French and Engiish, but especialIy the latter; for it was the English speaking portions of our people that most needed priests." l '*Recensement 187 1 Census. Comté Gloucester County: District of Saumarez" (Shippagan: Le Centre de Documentation de la Société Historique, Nicolas-Denys, 1980). The numbers are compifed by counting- the names Iisted in each of the parish's two sub-districts. ' Basque. et al. Deux siPcles de particularisme, p. 25. There is a distinct phenornenon, particular to this area: a gradua1 and almost imperceptable hncisation of the local anglophone population. Ibid., p. 25 the assistant superior, was 41. Her determination to see that the details of community iife, the desand ceremonies, were followed, left the superior fiee to handle more complicated problems related to the new foundation. Delphine Bradt, 29, the head nurse, was also an

excellent Bu1sar.1~Brault and Quesnel, both onginally fiom Sainte-Marguerite de l'Acadie,

were descendants of Acadians.15 Clémence Bonin, a lay sister, was 28. Philomene Fournier, dso 28, was the cook. Fournier, or Soeur Luména as she was hown in

religion, was a non-cloistered sister. 16 Both Bonin and Fournier were young and healthy, ready for the difficult physical work Witbin the Hôtel-Dieu, each of the Hospitaliers was affected by the prospect of the separation, and loss of thei.comrades. Pagé would be particuiarly missed by the Montreal house. The decision made, various preparations and consultations began. The six women who had been selected undertook an immediate eight day retreat. l7 The founders were eager to apostatize, to b~ghope and cornfort to the ill, through the word of GdL8Even

her father's objections failed to discourage Amanda. "You never feared for yourself when

you lefi the country to look for gold," she reportedly told him,"how can you refuse me the opportunity to work in a place where I will have the means for great holiness?"lg But Amanda, challenged by the prospect of treating this disease, was likely equally anxious to

l4 RHSl Archives. Bathurst.. 'Zettres Circulaires des Soeun Pagé, Quesnel, et BraulhT'Lemes Circulaires Nécrologies. 15 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Corinne LaPlante, "Soeur Delphine Brault: Une Acadienne du Québec au Secours des Acadiens du Nouveau-Brunswick.'' Delphinc's great grandfather, Armand Braulc was bom in Port-Royal in 1740. l6 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''Circulaire de Philomène Fournier dite Soeur Luména." l7 Losier & Pinet, Children of Laza~us,Ch. 10. See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréal. "Registres des délibérations hites dans les assemblées capituIaires RHSJ Hôtel-Dieu Montréal," le 16 juiliet 1868. Janice Dickin McGirinis. "'Unclean, Unclean': Canadian Reaction to Lepers and Leprosy," in Charles Roland eù. Health, Diseare and Medicine.- Essays in Cànadian History (Hamilton: McMaster University, 1982). Not only in the Judaeo-Christian tradition but in the Greek, Egyptian, Hindu and Buddhist religions, people thought Leprosy was the result of moral depravity. By the Middle Ages the= were ritual fimeral senrices for victims. hnically this led to the belief that "lepers," who had, in effect, "died" in this world, were closer to God Within many churches there are missionaries who love the lepmsy victims because they are outcasts, and therefore the most representative of Christ. McGinnis also pointed out that there is a ciifference between the biblical references to leprosy, which included a varïety of infections, and the disease diagnoseci as leprosy defined by the presence of Hansen's bacillus. l9 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Cimilaire de Mère St. Jean -de-Goto." p. 100. She was apparently referring to her fatheis participation in the California goid rush. put her pharmaceutical skiils to work. It was obvious that the mission the Hospitailen accepted sparked the romantic imagination of many Montreders. Donations came in from around the city. In the meantime, at Mont Sainte-Famille, the chief office holder in each department, foiiowing the rule for estabiishing new foundations, went over her inventory. and turned over a portion of the supplies.20 In addition to the supplies, the rnother house gave $6 19.00 for their expenses, plus $123.00 for board, and a further $100 donation to the Iazaretto.21

Following thek retreat, Amanda, the third of five assistants in the pharmacy. Likely spent the remaining time, with the help of the Hôtel-Dieu physicians, leaming as much as she could about leprosy and other skin diseases.22 Monique Reid, the chief pharmacist. is believed to be the author of a medical ledger which Viger brought with her to use as a guide when she organised her own apothecary. "A great number of the recipes." Reid wrote. "are considered traditional, since, we believe, they were used by Our founders more than two hundred years ago."" While the old preparations were useful, Reid cautioned, the newer pharmaceutical compounds were preferable, suice they were the results of extensive research by credible people in the field of science. In dl, Reid catalogued over 300 suggested remedies. She included long columns of drugs, and their properties. She suggested codes for the cupboards, shelves and spaces on them. The pharmaceuticals, and receptacles for them, which were Viger's responsibility, were sirnilady coded. The younger pharmacist, if she followed the directives in the ledger, would have no trouble

20 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Soeur Paquette, Les Annales de l'lnsti~utiondes Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph de L'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal, 1860-1881. Vol. 3, Ch. 13, p. 252. Friends added a further $77. See also: The Custonrnry, pp. 1-5. Each sister was to have one new habit plus one "not quite so new," six each of veils, guimpes, head-bands, neckerchiefs, outside veils and smaller inside veils. 21 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Journal de la Recette du Monastère des RHSJ de L'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie," Livres des Comptes, 1868. See also: The Customary, p. 5. This was in keeping with their rules governing new foundations. 22 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de St. Jean-de-Goto (ML. Amanda Viger) décédée le 8 mai 1906," p. 98. 23 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Recettes et Prescriptions de Montréal: Catalogue de la Pharmacie. Hôtel- Dieu, Tncadie. 1868". Reid did not sign the ledger. It is believed, since she was the head pharnacist, that the work is hers. organising her apothecary. Over the years Viger and the other sister pharmacists would add their own recipes to the ledger, dong wiîh relevant articles ciipped from newspapers and medical joumals. The departure date, Saturday, the 12th of September, coincided with the stan of the annual retreat. Mer dimer, with their community around them, came the difficult and heartfelt farewells from each of the members. In the late aftemoon, shortly More the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament, Viger, with Pagé, Quesnel, Brault, Clémence and Luména, the Hôtel-Dieu Chaplin, Father Narcan, and Father Gauvreau, the curate of

Tracadie, took a coach to the church of Our Lady of Sorrows. Here the sisters of the

Congrégation de Notre-Dame [CND] gathered, with their novices and students. The service opened with the hymn Ave Maris Stella." Following supper with the CNDs, the Hospitallers were escorted on board Le Montréal, for the 1Chour crossing to Quebec. On hand to see them off were members of the clergy, some of the Hôtel-Dieu docton, and a good rnany friends and relatives. Father Tmdel, who gave $120 to help Viger open the apothecary, must have been arnong thern.3 They were met in by the carriage belonging to the Mères de 1 'hôpital gériérnl. the Grey Nuns. where they were taken for a special mas and communion breakfast arranged in their honour. The Hospitallers rested with the Grey Nuns until Tuesday. That aftemoon the CNDs of Quebec City honoured them, and both the CNDs and the Hospitallers reminded each other of their cornmon history, which went back ro the very beginnings in the New ~orld.26

The emotional tributes that surrounded their leaving provide one indication of the importance the Montreal clergy, as well as other members of the public, especially

24 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette, Les Annales, Ch. 1 3, p. 26 1. See also: Léon Thénadt "Acadia: 1763- 1978. An Historical Synthesis," in The Acadians of the Maritimes, p. 72. Ave Maris Steflrr was chosen as the national anthem of the Acadians at the National Acadian Congress held at hrliscouche, P.E.I. in 1884, The hymn was welI known and popular with al1 Catholics. 25 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''Chroniques des RHSJ de Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie Fondée en 1868.'* Ch. 1, p. 94. *' RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette, Les Annafes, p. 263. Catholics, attached to their calling. This was a cloistered community, whose wornen were embarking on an assignment full of mystery and danger. The Hospitallen were "les anges de la terre," sent by Iesus Christ, to look after the "pauvres lépreux."27 The Tracadie foundation would be a mission unparaiieiied in the history of the Hospitallen. It is safe to

Say it was unparallelied in the history of most religious communities in North America. As far as the RHSIs were concemed, only the departure of Hospitallers from New Brunswick to look after leprosy victims in San Pablo, in 1948, could compare to it? The reception that awaited hem in Chatham proved a stark contrast to their triumphant departure. Faced with a church patriarchy divided arnong itself, the little group discovered that the Bishop, to whom they owed obedience and diegiance. opposed the

Tracadie foundation. Pagé, an experienced administrator and negotiator, bowed to the Bishop's authority, even as she began to take stock of the situation. Viger, with Brault and the lay sisters, remained in Chatham for the next 10 days. For most of that time she had no idea whether or not they would be able to continue. However, it seerned likely there would be no foundation in Tracadie, so, under orders from Page, she began to unload the supplies. Pagé and Quesnel, with Rogers, journeyed to Caraquet. Father Gauvreau, angered by the Bishop's refusai to allow the Hospitallers to take over the lazaretto, had already retumed to his parish, and was there when the Bishop and his party arrived. Gauvreau made no attempt to hide his resentment, and the two Hospitailers remained decorously aloof. Moreover, the Bishop, who was nearly stoned by an angry mob in Tracadie, was still in an excellent frme of mind.29 He seemed delighted to show Quesnel and Pagé around his diocese.30

27 RHSJ Archives. Monuéal. Sr. Paquette, Les Annales, p. 26 1. 28 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Proceeding ofthe Congrégation Assembly, p. 93. The request to found the house in San Pablo was sent to the first Superior Genenl of the maison Provinciale Norre-Darne de 1 'Assontpfion, in Bathurst, Mère LaDauversière (IsabeIle Sormany). Sormany, whose older sister, Amanda, preceded her in religous life, entered the Tracadie foundation in 1894, just as Viger was elected to her 4th term as Mother Superior. 29 Losier & Pinet. Childreri of lni.rur. p. 72. 30 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Les Annales, pp. 263-264. Rogers stopped at every mission. and other In the end, it was not Gauvreau, but the elderly and ailing Paquet, who, after 16 hours of continuous negotiation, faced the Bishop down. Rogers reluctandy agreed to ailow the Hospitaiiers to fuifiil their mission, but only after Pagé gave her consent to Rogers' terrns. Paquet would undertake their financial support, should the provincial authonties renege on their cornmitment. Pagé promiseci that more Hospitaliers hm Montreal would be sent to found a house in Chatham, within the year. The Tracadie Hospitaliers never intended their new foundation to be any less autonomous than the proposed house in Chatham.31 Bishop Rogers was equally detennined that Tracadie should remain an outpost. 'By mutual agreement between the sisters and myself," he wrote in French to Mance, "the foundation will take hold in Chatham, on the condition that a mission of sisters, enough to serve the lepers, will be sent fiom the said community of Chatham."32 Sisters would corne fiom Montreai for the Chatham foundation, Mance replied, and "There would be enough of them to serve the Lazaretto hospital, while living in conformity to our niles."33 The solution was a compromise, but the Tracadie foundation would go forward. Viger was only too happy to reload what had been unpacked. The day before they left Chatham, she wrote out the iist of offices. Besides her role as assistant, Quesnel was the bursa., the secretary for the chapter and in charge of the ceremmies and protocol in the choir. Amanda was mistress of novices. 'T am aoxious for the community to grow so that when someone is the mistress of novices, the house is well full of subjects," she wrote. It

sites dong the way. Losier & Pinet Childm ofharus*Ch. 9 & 10, pp. 63-76. These two chapters detaii the steps that Paquet and Gauvreau took to bring the Hospitailers to Tracadie, as wel1 as Bishop Rogers' part in the issue. They also examine what led the RHSJs and Bishop Bourget to accept the request, their voyage through roua waters fiom Quebec city to Chatham on le Secret, and their amival, sea sick, wet and tired, in New Brunswick 32 Provincial Archives of New Brunswick Pm],Bishop Rogers à Rev. Soeur Mance, Supérieure des Soeurs de I'Hopital de SHôte1-Dieu de St-Joseph, Ie 16 nov. 1868, Correspondence of Monseigneur James Rogers. 33 PANB. Mère Mance à Bishop Rogers, le 18 nov. 1868, comspondence of Monseigneur James Rogers. would be a few years before Rogers allowed them to take in candidates. Nevertheless, she

was pleased to be the phamacist, and assistant head nurse? She was also the assistant secretary. the lead singer, and in charge of music for the services. Brauit was the head

nurse, the bursar for the poor, Viger's assistant in the pharmacy and in charge of clothing and linens. Bonin was the third assistant in hospital wards, shoemaker, responsible for cleaning the sisters' dormitory and the laundry and kitchen assistant. Luména prepared meals and baked, did laundry, kept the habits in good repair and tended the doors. Both Luména and Bonin would be responsible for the garden and barnyard.35 The Hospitallers were given the task of looking afier the altar linens, vessels, pnesis' vestments and communion hosts for 12 mission churches. They would spend many of their hours of

recreation knitting, mending or doing the fine needlework required on some of these items. As they set out for Tracadie, the Hospitallers had some cause for apprehension.

They would not have a daily mas. or be able to go to confession on a regular basis, due to

the shortage of priests. Rogers exempted them from the rule of fasting because of the

physical demands of their work. There would be no cloister. Pnests, benefactors, doctors,

workers, even servants would be adrnitted to al1 of their community rooms. except the choir. Rogers refused to perform a "ceremony of possession" as required in The

Cristomnry, and he would not consecrate Pagé as the Mother Superior. The bishop told them he wanted nothing whatever to do with the business, since their position in Tracadie was so precarious.36 Nevertheless he blessed each one of them before they left Chatham on

September 28 th, the Feast of ~ichael.37 And the welcome they received as they made their way to Tracadie was surely reassunng. It rnust have been an extraordinary sight for Viger. People stood on their

34 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Amanda Viger à Mère Mance, le 1 1 nov. 1868. 35 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Les OFfices de 1868. H.-D. de Trûcadie." 36 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSJ." p. 9 1. 37 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Copie des Permissions accordées aux Soeurs de L'Hotel-Dieu de St.- Joseph à Tracadie." le 28 sept. 1868. porches when they rode through the settlements, and rifles were fued as a sign of rejoicing. Father Gauvreau did his best to make up for Rogers' affront. When the sisten arrived in Tracadie, they found the houses and the church were decorated with bunting. The church bell chimed, and the sisten, led by Father Gauvreau, walked two-by-two between a throng of people, a few of whom called to "Les soeurs docteurs." Some reached out to touch their skirts, others pushed babies into their arrns. More than 250 gathered inside the church to give thanks.38 On 3 October. Father Gauvreau said the frst mas in the new convent chapel, and lefi the Holy Sacrament there. With the Holy Eucharkt in place, Viger was confident they would be successfu~.~~

In order to understand the nature and full extent of the Hospitailers' contribution in

Tracadie, it is necessary to deveIop a portrait of the situation they faced upon their arrival.

They could not have anticipated the conditions, and Amanda's first visit to the lazaretto must have been a shock. There were 20 sick, living in two wards on the main fioor of the lazaretto, 10 men and 10 women. Hens were kept on the second floor. La Maladie, as it was called, was so repugnant that the Hospitaliers were füled with compassion for its victims, and they blessed Divine Providence for having chosen them For the work.

Quesnel's observations surnmarise the conditions. Most of the sick were covered in scabs, "the nose red, the hands c~ntracted."~~Patients slept on straw ticks thrown over roughly hewn wooden bunks of different heights. styles and lengths. Straw poked through filthy. vermin infested mattresses. There were no pillows or sheets, only a few dirty blankets. Fleas and ants crept Frorn crevices, crawled about the floors, hopped from beds, and walls?I Prorniscuity was cornmon, according to Les Chroniques. One can only speculate

38 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSJ." Ch. 10. p. 9 1. 39 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''Chroniques des RHSI." p. 9 1. See also: *'Foundations and Establishments." Ch. 1, Article 21. The ~c&orna~.The ~iihqcan appoint a priest to conduct the ceremony of establishment for him. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Eulalie Quesnel. "Notes sur L'Institut et le premier Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal," p. 28. 41 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSI." Ch. 1 1. on what happened to the women and children, since some male patients had knocked out part of a wail to give thernselves full access to the female ward? The most violent ruled the institution by force. Swearing and cursing went on continually. "It had become a den of bandits and thieves," Gauvreau said.43 The Hospitallers, who were busy getting their own residence in order. did not have time to tackle the lazaretto for the first two weeks, but they did not neglect the spiritual needs of their new charges. They visited the wards each day for morning and evening prayers. The odour was suffocating. Oniy with great dificulty did they manage a quarter of an hour of spintual reading. The floors were so dirty, so covered in spittfe, they had to remain standing, Quesnel noted. The patients Listened attentively, and seemed relieved that the sisters were there. One young girl, her face totally defomed, was cornpletely blind. The child, who was "as pious and as innocent as an angel," found a great cornfort in her faith. She was able to go up and down stairs, sometimes severai times a day, in spite of her blindness. "guided by her Guardian Angel." Father Gauvreau said mass in a tiny addition, a lean to, off the main floor. It was completely inaccessible to the patients. They followed the service by peering in through a glassed-in doorway. One of the square panes opened, so that the sick could receive communion, and so the curate could heutheir confessions. Until the mival of the Hospitailers, the lazaretto had been operated by a skeleton staff of lay people. The lazaretto physician, Doctor Alfred Corbett Smith, who carried on a private practice as well, was paid $640 a year to examine the sick and determine whether or not they had the disease. His off'ce was on the lazaretto grounds, but, it appears, the state of the hospital was not among his responsibilities. The doctor. the only physician in the region, left Tracadie in early January, and Viger became the chief meàicai officer within a radius of more than 30 miles.4 There were three other employees at the tirne the sisten

42 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSJ." Ch. Il. 43 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Father Ferdinand Gauvreau à Mère Supérieure Hôtel-Dieu Montréal. le 28 avd 1869. J4 Losier & Pinet.Children cflararus. p. 80. Part of $800 a year allocated for the Hospimllers carne took possession of the lazaretto. A washer woman, whose husband and severd members of her family had the disease, lived with them. The keeper and his wife cooked for them. They lived in a small cottage some distance away. The food was brought to the lazaretto on a tny, and left outside to be picked up.45 As part of the agreement with the Hospitallers, the govemment docated $950 towards the construction of the convent, but another $480 was needed to complete the work.46 Father Gauvreau oversaw the renovations. He managed, Quesnel wrote, to include the chapel, chou and sacnsty in the plans-roorns that the Hospitallers would need, but which the govemment might not be disposed to providing. A passageway would lead from the choir to the lazaretto, or to the main part of the monastery. However, doors had to be relocated so the Hospitders could corne and go between the hospitd and convent without having to appear in public. The male patients could view religious services through a window at the side of their ward, while the women would have a grate in the floor of their quarters upstairs. through which they could heu them. The Hospitallers had an opening made between the chapel and their choir for the grill they brought with hem from

~ontreal.~~Each morning during the first two weeks, when the major renovations were going on, Viger and the others. who were staying in the presbyter, left as a group. They attended mass in the parish church, recited their offices, then waiked over the footbridge and across a field to the hospital. Pagé, Quesnel, Brault, Bonin and Luména spent their time, aside from their daily visits to the lazaretto, getting their quarters ready. Viger set up her apothecary.

from Smith's salary when his position was terrninated, See dso: Laurie C.C. Stanley, "Alfred Corbett Smith," Dicrionas, of Canadian Biography, Vol. Xm, 190 1-19 10, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1966). Smith established a practice in Bathurst, and later in Newcastle. 45 RHSJ Archives- Montréal. Quesnel, "Notes sur L'Institut." p. 28. 46 Losier & Pinet, Children of lnrarus, p. 65. Frorn 'Tracadie Lazaretto."~Jolournalof the House of Assembly for 1868, Appendix 1 1, p. 18, 47 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Quesnel. "Notes sur L'Institut," p. 30. See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette, Les Anriales, p. 278. Slowly their renovated quarters took shape. On the main floor of the convent was a parlour, and a kitchenlrefectory. Before autumn ended, however, the former laundry on the lazaretto property was relocated to accommodate a community room. Although all the work was to have been done before winter, the chimney was not complete. Srnoke spilled from the stove. The floor of the refectory and kitchen, even the benches, were layered in frost. Luména had to put warm ashes in her shoes to keep her feet from freezing" Amanda and Brault shared one room measuring 11' by 12' in the upstairs of the rnonastery. Bonin and Luména another. Quesnel and Page each had their own celis. Pagé's was slightly larger than the others, about 12' by 12'. There was an infmary. and a tiny linen room. The women's ward was adjacent to the infimary.49 They had few furnishings. There was no dining room table. The sisters ate at the little tables in their cells. If they wanted to sit. they had to carry their chairs with them.50 The population of the district contributed what they could. The day afier the sisters arrived in Tracadie, a large number of farmers brought provisions. Volunteer labourers carrîed out the renovations. Many travelled some distance to get to the site, and, in some cases, brought no food with them. The sisters gave them their soup on one occasion because the workers did not have enough to est? In the lazaretto the sisters undertook their own 'renovations.' The first thing they did was move the women upstairs. Locks were installed on outside doors, and on doors leading to the various ofices.52 One man was so angry he refused to rnove his bed, but the sisters were not inùmidated. and he received no support from the other patients, so he was quickly subdued. They had to go over and over the lazaretto several times, Quesnel wrote. before this, "dégoutant cahute," appeared clean.53 Dirt had to be scraped off windows and doon with a knife. After this they tackled the fumiture, beds, clothing. utensils and

RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette. Les Annales. p. 283. 49 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie Plan par Terre des Mansardes." 1869. 50 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. ''Chroniques des RHSJ." Ch 10. p. 93. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSJ." Ch 1 1, p. 95. j2RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Les Annales des RHSI de Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie." p. 285 53 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Quesnel, "Notes sur L'Institut," p. 28. Disgusting hovel. dishe~.~~Once the cleaning was completed, religious objects. such as statues. holy pictures and crucifixes, were hung in the wards.s Bishop Rogers, who presided over Confirmation ceremonies for six young patients on 23 lanuary, could not ignore the visible changes." After the sisters had been in Tracadie for nearly seven months, Father Gauvreau wrote: Two of the worst rebels of the earlier period have since died, füled with religious spirit, and deeply regretting their past behaviour. A third is bedridden and full of pain. The fourth, hit by what has happened to his associates, is as quiet and gentie as a larnb. The sick, at Fust edified by the ambiance of piety and devotion, have now become, themselves. ediQing. Certainly, on the part of those who are about to receive Holy Communion, the peace and calm reflected in their faces is evidence that the Spint of God is upon them.57

"We do ail in our power to be with our 'chers lépreux' aii the time," Amanda wrote in her first letter to Mance and the Hospitallers in Montréal. "Who would have believed they would be so easy to treat," she said. "We are humbied by their obedience, and their willingness to please us. It is likely Tracadie will take root."s8 Viger cleaned wounds which had become infected and worrn invested. She applied dressings, sat up with the wont cases, and, under a spiritual impulse that Pagé soon curtailed, even kissed their sores.59 Al1 of the Hospitallers felt the effects of the heavy work, but Viger, who, according to Pagé, worked harder than anyone else, worried them. "Soeur St. Jean is sick and still coughing a lot," Pagé wrote. "If she isn't dead, it isn't because she hasn't looked after the lepen, besides taking care of al1 the sick outside. Quesnel is in bed with a high fever,

54 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Quesnel. "Notes sur L'Institut." See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette, Les Annales. Many of the articles were beyond cleaning. Matresses, blankets and clothing had to be burned. 55 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette. Les Annales. p. 286. 56 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette. Les AnnoLes. p. 292 57 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Father Gauvreau i la Mère Supérieure Hôtel-Dieu Montreal. le 28 avril 1868. 58 RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mtre Mance. le 1 1 nov. 1868. 59 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. 'Circulaire de Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto," p. 10 1. having done only part of the work that Sr. St. Jean did routinely."60 Viger never mentioned

her illness in a letter she wrote only a few days later: "We have been so busy, we have no time to pray, or to visit the sacristy. Without the lifeiine provided by our letten to and from Montreal, we would not survive."6[ Pagé was sick with a sore throat and earaches, provoked by the fatigue of fasting, and the cold.62 They were dl pale, and everyone had

lost weight, Quesnel told Mère Mance in Montreal. "Soeur St. Jean lost so much weight

her under slip went around her completely without touching her waist at all."63 Besides their medical skills, the religious aura that surrounded the Hospitailers encouraged families to hope that cures might be possible. A total of seven new cases were brought to the lazaretto that fmt winter, several in advanced stages of the disease. Viger examined the sick. She and Father Gauvreau signed the necessq admission papers.64 There were victims of leprosy no older than 12. some were younger, and many were only in their early teen~.6~Although the medical cornmunity generdly agreed that leprosy was

incurable, most of the doctors who came into contact with the Tracadie victirns tried to cure the~n.~~in her fiat months in Tracadie, Viger too, shared that hope. The rnildest treatment she used was strong tea. because, she said, it appeared to cause the amber spots to fade. In an intzrview with a reporter, EL. de Bellefeuille, in 1870, Viger stated that she was giving at least three of her patients up to five drops of liquid arsenic a day.67 She also tried

60 RHSI Archives. Montréal. "Lettres à La Maison Mère. Tracadie." Mère Pagé à Mère Supérieure. le 2 fév. 1869. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Suoérieure. le 9 fév. 9. 1869. 62 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Quesnel à Bishop Rogers. Chatham. le 6 mai 1869. 63 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Quesnel à Mère Supérieure. le 10 mai 1869. - - Losier & Pinet. Children of k7aru.r. p. 80. 65 Ibid. p. 18. The youngest victim was believed to be Barnabé Savoie who was eight years old when he was tint brought to Sheldrake Island in 1844. See also: "Recensement 187 1 Census Comté Gloucester County." Eight of the 19 patients in the iazaretto were between 13 and 15. Of the five women the oldest was only 2 1. 66 Ibid. p. 19. Doctor Alexander Key dosed his patients on Sheldrake Island with bichloride of mercury and iodine. Dr. Charles LaBillois used what he called 'mercunal frictions' on the Tracadie patients in 1849- 1850. He released several patients that year but later they had to be readmitted. 67 Ibid. p. 80. See also: "Recettes et prescription de Montréal:" VI, 1. Arsenic is a chemical medication. an escharotic used to treat skin diseases. bichionde of mercury on those she considered in the worst tat te.^* Both these preparations were part of the standard medical repertoire of the em69 Viger's experimenü ais0 included the use of a patent medicine cailed "Fowle's Humour ~ure."~OOne mixture, from a recipe

an elderly gentleman gave her, boiled for 72 hours. The liquid was brought to the sick several times daily, for the next two rnonths. And when Father Gauvreau found an old

book on medicine in which another preparation was recommended she tried that as well.71 Sr. Quesnel reported that the sisters and the sick were praying to the Holy Family that Father Gauvreau's recipe would work.72 Viger did not mind the work, she said, if they could cure, "a few of them at least? In a letter written some months later, she noted that,

"Without medicine, they wiIi have no hope. They are convinced they will be ~ured."~~ Finally she decided that good nutrition, a clean environment, fresh air, plenty of rest and regular dressing changes would at least arneliorate the condition.75 Viger had set up her apothecary in the former lazaretto chapel. She placed her ledger

and her record books on what had been the altar. Dr. Smith hired the workers and

furnished the cost of the repairs for the small di~~ensary.76It measured about eleven and a half square feet. Most of the $600 from Montreal was turned over to her.77 This, plus the $120 from Father Tmdei. gave her nearly $700 for supplies.78 "The flasks I received from

68 RHSJ Archives. Bathunt. "Recettes et Prescription de Montréal." 9. p. 102. Described as a treatment for venereal disease, a recipe for its preparation was included in the ledger. 69 Losier & Pinet. Chifdrenof larurus. p. 80 70 Ibid. p. 80 71 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, le 26 août 1870. 72 RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. Quesnel à Mère Supérieure. le 26 août 1870. 73 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 26 août 1870. 74 RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean j. Mère Supérieure. le 19 déc. 1870. 75 Losier & Pinet. Children of Lnzanis. p. 80 76 RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette, Les Annales. p. 28 1. The author implies some hostility towards the sisters on the doctor's part. However, it could be that Dr. Smith supported the opening of the dispensary since it wouid relieve him of the necessity of making his own medicines. The relationship between Doctor Smith and Viger seemed to be a cordial one. Smith often expressed his admiration for the sisters in his annual reports. See also: "Chroniques des RHSJ," Ch. 16, which describes Dr. Smith as a good man. very refined, highly intellectual but someone with no desire for recognition. 77 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. '*Joumûl de la Recette 1869," Les Livres de Comptes des RHSJ de !'Hôtel-Dierr de Tracadie. 78 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSJ." Ch. 1. p. 94. Some of the $600 went for Montreal last June stock the shelves so full that 1 had to bnng down the pots, and store them under the counters," she wrote. "Je me fontaine."7g She put a small marble table between the window and the outside door, and took delivery of 50 ft. of boards to build an

moire, since many of her stores were kept in the pantry, some distance away. "'Wiihthe

cupboard, I won? have to make so many steps," she said. She painted the moire in Viennese red; the large bureau, the door and the table were white and bla~k.~~The pharmacy was, "as full as an egg", she declared proudly.gl Viger loved her surroundings.

"If you could see 'Notre Chateau' now!" she said just over a year after they arrived. It is

quite probable that Viger was better trained in the practice of pharmacy than most of her New Brunswick colleagues would have been. When she opened her apothecary, there were no forma1 standards regulating the practice of pharmacy in the province. Pharmacists learned frorn one another through a system of apprenticeship, and, pnor to the formation of the Phmaceutical Society in New Brunswick in 1884, there were no regulations.82 Most docton prepared their own medicines, and sornetimes trained assistants to help them.g3

Perhaps, as some historians have argued, people no longer trusted 19th century traditional medical practices, and wanted a less aggressive approach.g4 Even though she

used many standard medical preparations, Viger also had a large nurnber of home remedies

in her repertoire, requiring such basic ingredients as eggs. butter, honey, oatmeal, vinegar articles needed in their chape1 such as the sacred vessels, altar clothes and linens. Most of the money went to stock the pharmacy with whatever equipment and medicine was considered most essential. 79 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 22 juil. 1869. A figure of speech. An English expression for the sarne sentiment rnight be, "My cup mns over." RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 5 fév. 1870." RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 21 nov. 1869. 82 PANB. Microfilms #IO53 and 1054,"New Brunswick Phmaceutical Society Collection." These rnicrotilms contain the documents and records of the events leading up to the formaion of the New Brunswick Phmaceutical Society, as weli as the mintutes of the association, frorn 1884 until 1939. 83 Telephone interview with Dr. Gordon Duff, College of Pharmacy. Dalhousie University by MJ Losier. 11 Jan. 1990. 84 Colin Howell and Michael Smith. 'bOnhodox Medicine and the Health Reform Movement in die Maritimes, 1850- 1885." Acadiensis. 18, 2. (SpringlPrintemps 1989). pp. 22-72. Howeil and Smith argued that the mid 19th century was a time when confidence in traditionai therapies waned and the public turned increasingly to various forms of folk medicines and treatments that were less interventionist and caused fewer debilitating side effects. As a result, people Iooked to horneopaths and quacks for treatments. and wine. As weU, Viger stocked a variety of herbs for use in meclicines, teas and washing solutions.85 Moreover, the young sister kept up to date with developments in the medicai world, which surely contributed to her success. Shortly after she arrived in Tracadie, she

received nine books on medicine, five of which came from Father Gauvreau.86 She regretted the purchase of one medical book, by Lettre and Robin, because, she said, it did not recognise the sou1.87 It appeared there was an aura about Viger that inspired healing.88 Whatever the reasons, her reputation spread quickly. In July of 1869 she told her Montreai cornrnunity that people kved in groups of 12, 15, or even 20. They waited in the busar's office while the prescriptions were written out and fiiled.89 'Today," she wrote, "1 had 16,

12 from Kouchibouguac. Mère Reid found them al1 sick enough to be in hospital. Two wornen frorn Bathurst came to see me last week. They were commissioned by 13 others."gO A sizable rninority of her patients spoke only ~nglish.9~The continuous flood of people made her feel "swarnped.'792 In one six month period, Viger saw a total of 1,695 individuals.93 The Hospitaliers did not charge for medicine, but they would accept donations. "For severai weeks we got nothing," Amanda wrote a few months &ter opening the dispensary, "but in June, 1 received 13 piastres for medicine. The month of July started well also."94 The first entry for the pharmacy, in the accounts of the foundation, was in

Iune of 1869, when prescriptions brought in a total of $12.80. in July, the phmacy

85 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Recettes et Prescriptions de Montréal." RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 5 fév. 1870. 87 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, le 18 juil. 1872. 88 Losier & Pinet. Children of LLZZLZ~US.From an interview with Sister Louise Léger in August 1976. The Léger family was living in Caraquet. Léger, who recounted an incident involving her father, said at this time that Amanda Viger was believed to have the 'gift of 'healing.' 89 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette. Les Annales. p. 281. 90 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supirieure, le 22 juil. 1869. Maurice Basque et al. Deux Siècles de Porricdarirme. Many non-Acadians were Roman Catholic. but in 1870, there were 3 1 Protestants, mainly members of the Presbyterian Faith, living in Tracadie. 92 RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 5 juil. 1869. 93 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, le 5 fév. 1870. From 17 August 1869 until 5 February 1870, Reid replaced Pagé as superior, after Pagé was recalled to Montreal in May of 1869. 94 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. StJean à Mère Supérieure. le 5 luil. 1869. brought in another $24.86, and in August $13.01. The contributions were lower in the winter months, when tnvel was difficult and visitors fewer: W.97 in December, nothing in January of 1870, and $1.28 in February. Total contributions to the pharmacy in that twelve

rnonth period carne to $106.3 1.95 On the other hand, the costs to supply and run the dispensary, in the same time frarne, amounted to $102.16.96 The Hospitaiiers' initial successes did not change the bishop's attitude towards their foundation. Rogers was annoyed by notonety around hem, instigated by Father Gauvreau, who had a petition drawn up and circulated, in order to put pressure on the legislature to incorponte the community. It aggravated Rogers further when he leamed that Pagé was one of the signers.97 Pagé apologised. She had believed "Father Gauvreau was authorised to proceed in such a manner," she wrote.98 After severai delays, The Act of Incorporation was passed in April of 1869. It allowed the sisters to raise money, own or sel1 red estate, collect rent and keep any profits. It also entitled them to full control and administration of an $800 allocation, from which they expected to be able to support themselves and cover the costs of their apothecary. Since the provincial legislature retained the power to rescind the measure, according to Rogers, the Act, "makes your community property, simply government property."99 The Comrnon Schools Act passed in 187 L is a good indication that Rogers had reason for concern over who would own or control public institutions.

Gauvreau however, was unapologetic: "This incorporation. as well as the allocation of $800, are the beginning, two big steps made for the prirnary foundation of your institute in New Brunswick," he wrote to Mère Mance, even though, 'The main goal, that is the legal acquisition of the land on which the convent and the hospitai are built, has stiil to be

95 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. 'bJournalde la Recette 1869-1870." June 1869 to May 1870 inclusive. The total does not indude a $20.00 donation, sent in July, from Father Tmdel to Amanda. 96 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Journal de la Déjxnse," from June 1869 to May 1870. 97 RHSI Archives. Bathunt. 'Chroniques des RHSJ." Ch. 12 . p. 101. The petition was brought to Bishop Rogers by Mr. Moore, the MLA for Gloucester. Rogers refrised CO sign it. The petition was presented at the first session of the IegisIature in 1869. 98 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère Pagé à Bishop Rogers. le 20 avril 1869. 99 PANB. Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. Bishop Rogers 2 M2re Reid. le 10 fév. 1873. reached." Perhaps to assure the Hospitailers that they would have their own resources. Gauvreau donated two tracts, each about 50 acres, and vaiued at $630, to them. Twenty- six acres were cleared for agriculture and the rest wooded. He had the transaction deeded to

Raymond and Mance of the Hôtel-Dieu Montreal. loO At any rate, if the Act of incorporation had not passed, it is not iikely the legislature would have approved their $800 allocation. A further strain on their precarious financial position may have put an end to their work in Tracadie. At the very least, the Act, which legitimised the Hospitallers' rote and afirmed the govemment's acceptance of them, shouid have served to ailay Rogers' fears.10' Certainly, it seems unlikely that the govemment would ever rernove the Hospitallers from the lazaretto, given the hospital's difficult history before their anival, and the fact that, with very few exceptions, the entire patient population was Roman Catholic. It was June before the Hospitailers received the fmt instalment of their allocation.102 In the meantirne money was raised from a variety of sources. They managed to eam a smdl sum from the production and sale of butter and milk, but hardly enough for even one of them to live on.lo3 Father Trudel sent another $20 to Amanda for the pharmacy. The Tracadie Cornrnittee, a group of local supporters, raised $86 which paid the costs of transporting their personal effects. Bishop Rogers gave them $40 in December.

RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. 'Grand Livre de Recette: Dons. Rentes. Pensions. Viagères et autres revenus du Monastère des RHSJ de Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie." Livres des Comptes. The land bordered the lazaretto property. The Hospitallers named Father Gauvreau an Honourary Founder of the Cornmunity. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Mère Pagé, Hôtel-Dieu Montréal à Mère Reid, Hôtel-Dieu Tracadie, le 23 déc. 187 1. The contract was made out to the Sisters birth names, Julie Céré (Mance) and Césarine Raymond. It was witnessed by George Kerr and signed 3 1 July 1869. Registered in Gloucester Co. on August 3rd. In this letter Pagé tells Reid to use a similar contract to accept any other donations of property. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSJ," Ch. 13. p. 104. PANB.Bishop Rogen' Correspondence. Bishop Rogers à Mère Reid. le I 1 juil. 1872. Rogen says the reason his diocese had incurred so much additionai debt is for the construction of the monastery in Chatham. Because of the precarious situation of the sisters in Tracadie, Rogers said he had to underrake new debts before his others wcre paid. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Journal of the House of Assembiy for New Brunswick 1869. "An act to Incorporate the Tracadie Sisters of the Hospital Sisters of the Hotel Dieu Saint Joseph," 2 1 April 1 869. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Journal de la Recette du Monastere des RHSJ de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie 1869." The initial payment was for $266, to cover their tirne in Tracadie from the end of September until the end of January. Their allocation was paid in four installments of $200 each. lo3 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Journal de la Recette 1869." Potatoes and butter brought in $19.20- Paquet gave hem $64.90, Babineau $ I and Gauvreau $2.42 plus wood to the value of $5.40 in January. Twenty-eight Tracadie fiunilies added a further 30 cords of wood, worth

an estimated $15. The foundation was in serious fmancid straits even with the governrnent docation. They needed the help of their Montreal mother house, which sent a total of $200

in 1869.1M Monseigneur Paquet, who died at the Hôtel-Dieu Montreal in My, Iefi hem $400 in his wil1.105 The continuing opposition of Bishop Rogen exacerbated the Hospitallers' problems, and even the youngest founder soon became aware of the complex issues involved in deding with an unsympathetic and intransigent church hierarchy. Viger

participated in the weekly conferences. She was the assistant secretary, and she was

responsible for Les Chroniques,where they noted the problems with the bishop. lo6 It would become increasingly evident to her that Rogers, who was only 42 years old. overruled and even derided older. experienced prelates, such as Paquet and Gauvreau. If the sisters wanted to succeed in Tracadie they needed Rogen' support. In May, nine months after her arrivai, Pagé was recalled. Mance was seriously ill, and Pagé was wanted

in Montréal, to take over her duties. 107 Pagé was also exhausted. No doubt the severe conditions she was living under brought about her indisposition, but Rogers' hostility

lo4 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Journal de la Recette 1869." See also: The Curtonuiq. 'Chapter 1: Foundations and Establishments." A community which is making a new foundation is expected to "lend them a reasonable sum up to 100 pounds if necessary, for each sister in the new establishment." Three years latcr the new community is expected to pay back the sum, if they are able, or pay an annuity to the house from which they received the loan. See also: PM.Sr. Quesnel à Bishop Rogers le 29 sept. 1869. Rogers requested a list of their foundations so he could visit hem when he went ot Rome to attend a meeting of the Vatican Council in 1869. They included Le Flèche, Laval and Ernée, Béaugé, Beaufort, Nimes and d'Avignon. These foundations gave Rogers a total of 2900 francs, specifically for the Hospitallers' foundations in Tracadie and Chatham. The Bishop turned the funds over to his secretary Thomas Barry, for diocesan work. See aIso: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Extrait des chroniques de la communauté RHSJ de Béaugé," 1 1 August 1870. This is a typed copy. Monseigneur Rogers spent a few days. "We gave hirn 2000 francs to help with the foundations in Chatham and Tracadie, plus a soutane and ceinture." See also: "Chroniques des RHSJ," Ch. 14, p. 108. 'O5 Losier & Pinet. Children of brus.See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Grand Livre de Recette." Monseigneur was given the title of "bienfaiteur." RHSf Archives. Bathurst. "Les offices de 1869." IO7 PANB. Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. Sr. Quesnel à Bishop Rogers, le 14 mai 1869. She was writing on behalf of Pagé who was infonned by letter from Monueal that Mance was critically ill. towards her community cenainly aggravated her condition. Rogers took the opportunity to

infom Soeur Quesnel, the acting superior, to be cautious with Father Gauvreau. When acting on behalf of the "pauvres lépreux," Rogers warned, Gauvreau did not think things through."h his zeal he surmounts al1 obstacles without consideration for the rights and

conveniences of others," 108 Fortunately, Pagé was not long in sending a highiy competant replacement. Forty- six year old Monique Reid took over as superior from Quesnel, as soon as she arrived in

Tracadie on 25 May 1869. Marie Philomène Sicotte accompanied Reid. Sicotte was a native

of Viger's home town, and both had been students of the Boucherville convent school in 1859. Sicotte. three years Amanda's senior, had, nevertheless, entered the Hospitaliers a year later, and was the fust postulant admitted to the new monastery.109 When, der several weeks, Rogers still had not certified Reid's position as Mother Superior, the Hôtel- Dieu in Montreal obtained his permission to sent their own chaplain. When Father Narcan anived a few days early. Amanda, who told her Montreal community that the others dubbed her the 'Sister Doctor with the hard heart', kiiled one of their two month-old pullets so Lurnéna could prepare a chicken dinner in his honour. 1 Father Narcan preached a week long retreat before he presided at the election cerernony on 26 July 1869.

Despite her great respect and admiration for Mère Reid, Viger felt the loss of Mère Pagé keenly, and was lonely without her. Over the years to corne, she would continue to look to Pagé for strength and support. 'Time has not erased the mernories of al1 of you who have been more than mothers to me," Amanda wrote near her second Christmas in

Tracadie. "We are about to start another year in exile, laden with crosses."l l2 Arnanda

Ieamed of a series of tragic losses in a letter she received in December of 187 1. The worst,

lo8 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. Bishop Rogers à Sr. Quesnel. le 2 juin 1869. log RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Circulaire de Sr. Sicotte. See also: CND Archives. Montreal. *'Annales des Enfants de Marie de la Congrégation Notre-Dame BoucherviIle." 30 1.220-70. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Pa& le 22 juil. 1869. l l RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Chroniques des RHSI,'' Ch 12 p. 104. l2 RHSI Archives. Montréai. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 19 déc. 1869. for her, was the death of a younger sister, at the age of 22, a week afier giving birth to a Little girl. "Oh! Que cette mort précipitée me fait une vive impression," she confided to

Pagé. "Dear Anna, next to me in age, was the Little one who was with me when 1entered." The same letter had announced the death of her Uncle , and that of a Iittle nephew who was only a few months old. 13 Viger found cornfort, whenever she was upset, in a few stolen moments of solitude, when she could read and meditate. But there was littie tirne to rnoum. Even during the hours of recreation, the sisten were continually busy, sewing and repairing vestments for the chwches in Caraquet, Pokemouche and eleven other missions. They made al1 the communion breads which were b&ed in iron moulds suspended over a fireplace fre. l4 The fust few pages of Amanda's letters were often filled with her feelings of affection for her dear sisters in Montreal. On 12 November 1872, in keeping with the pentecostai spirit, Arnanda wrote Pagé: 'Today should be a day of solitude where the sou1 converses with God alone. 1 don't think the dear Lord would mind if 1take a sweet satisfaction in visiting with you. it is essential for me to pour my heart out to you from time to time." She womed that if she did not learn to control her strong will, her health would suffer. "1 am only 24 now.. . 1 who want to live to be eighty." l15 In spite of her repeated vows to do better, she broke her resolutions after only a few days. In the same letter, she noted that al1 the sisters were weil, "living under the wings of Divine Providence." In spite of the efforts of their enemies, they were at peace, she wrote. l I6 Sometimes, as she sat by the bedside of a dying patient, she used the opportunity to write. *Al1 Our dear sisters are

l3 RHSJ Archives. Moctréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 29 déc. 187 1. l4 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, le 1O nov. 1872. l5 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. km,le 12 nov. 1872. l6 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean, le 12 nov. 1872. See also: Bishop Rogers à Sr. Quesnel, le 2 juin 1869. Rogers often contributed to the seige mentaiity detected in their letters by refe~ngto "enemies of their religion" and "plots" against them, etc. on retreat except for the one who is the worst of the bunch," she told her sisten in

Montreal, on one occasion. 1 17 Early in 1869, Reid had appiied for another confessor because Gauvreau was il. Rogers appointed his former secretary, Joseph Auguste Babineau. Babineau also acted as Gauvreau's vicar, taking over many of his duties, so it was quite naturai for him to become the curate after Gauvreau retked in September of 1871.Il8 Babineau, who was ody a year older than Viger, rernained the sisters' confessor for the next 30 years. Through Babineau, the bishop now had much greater control over the foundation. Babineau would howevq detail of what passed in the monastery, and, because of his position, he would easily be able to manipulate the Hospitaliers, especially the younger members. Il9 Like his predecessor, however, Babineau was anxious to help the leprosy victims, and he would do everythhg possible to improve living conditions for them. He aiso proved loyal to the Hospitallers, and managed to act on their behalf with the bishop, as well as with members of the Board of Heaith, who dlcontroiled the administration of the lazaretto. Babineau was not afkaid to circulate petitions, write letters to newspapers and lobby government representatives, but he was always careful, nonetheless, that his activities did not reflect negatively on Rogers. Quesnel, whose descriptive letters give such a vivid picture of everyday life, was recailed a few weeks before Babineau replaceci Gauvreau. She left on 14 June. 120

Numerous signs that the fomdation was taking hold were heartening to them dl. One hundred villagers attend& the benediction and unveihg of the convent bel1 on

RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, le 30 juil. 1871 et 22 déc. 1871. 18 Losier & Pinet. Children of Laz~cs.p. 87 h:"Mort du Père ûauvreau," Le Moniteur Acadien. May 13, 1875. He had been in Tracadie since January of 1852. l l9 Wade, 'Québécois and the Acadien." The contrast in the relatiooship between Rogers and Father Babineau, one of the htAcadian pnem to be ordained, with the Quebec-bom priests, Monseigneur Paquet and Father Gauvfeay seemed to support Wade's thesis. The Quebec clergy ofkn confionteci Rogers. They were united in their opposition to Confèderation, for example, when Rogers was using his position to urge parishioners to vote in favour of the union. On the other han& Babineau almost always followed Rogers' directives. 12* RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Les Chroniques, Ch. 13, p. 106. Sunday, 30 November 1870. The sisters served a lunch, and music was provided.121 The bel1 was draped in pink fabric and crowned with flowers for the occasion. The parishionen made donations for the privilege of sviking the instrument, and the Hospitaliers collected

$44. a large sum considenng the poverty of the area The foundation had become an integrai part of the local cornmunity and the sisten shared in that community's triumphs as well as its tribulations. Ail the flags were hoisted and everyone celebrated the day Tracadie received its telegraph system in June of 1872. Viger believed the telegraph would have a civilising influence, because "It linked the village, always a bit behind times, with the modem world." She wrote to her Mother Supenor and her sisters in Montreal. "Our hearts are joyous because it brings us closer to y~u."~~~ That year also brought one of the most important visitors to the lazaretto, the

Federai Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Doctor Joseph-Charles Taché, who undertook a study of Ieprosy. Viger was drafted to act as his private secretary when he came to study the cases in Tracadie.123 "I copy documents into his joumais al1 day long," Amanda wrote-lz' The information carne from govemment reports and commissions, Board of

Health minutes, letters and petitions. Al1 of it had to be done by hand, and in English. Doctor Taché assured her that the govemment would pay the community for her work. You never work for nothing when you work for them, he told her.125 This was not the first time Viger had been asked to assist a doctor in his research on leprosy. Doctor Monro of the Hôtel-Dieu in Montreai sent Viger an article on leprosy from neGazene, with the

121 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Quesnel à Mère Supérieure, le 6 nov. 1870. See also: Throniques des RHSJ," Ch. 13 p. 107. 122 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, le 18 juin 1872. 123RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 18 juil. 1872 and le 9 août. 1872. See also: Jean-Guy Nadeau. "Joseph Charles Taché." Dicrionary of Carzaciian Biography. Vol XIiI, pp. 10 12- 101 6. Taché (Baptised Charles-Joseph), a medical doctor who was a journalist, a pditician. a naturdist and humanitarian, made it his responsibility to lemal1 that he could about public health and hypiene. 124 RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 9 août 1872. 125 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Livres des comptes." See also: *Grand Livre de Recette: Dons. Rentes. Pensions, Viagères et autres.. ." A search of these detailed records does not reveal any payment made to her, or to the community on behalf of the Federal Government in 1872, 1873 or 1874. request that she compare the patients in the lazaretto with those described in the newspaper clipping.126 The lazaretto was frequently visited by govemment inspectors, other oficials and newspaper reporters. Viger usualIy escorted the visitors through the wards, answered questions, assisted with examinations, and, in the case of anglophones, helped with their interviews. The community numbered seven sisters in July of 1872. There were 24 sick in the lazaretto. The government gave $2400 to nin the institution, which included the allocation

for the Hospitallen. 127 The sisters, although they were responsible for the well being of their patients, were not able to make even small purchases for the lazaretto without applying fint to the Board of Health. Even the food for their patients was stiii king prepared outside. It was often cold and unpalatable by the time it arri~ed.~~~Doctor Taché was

shocked by the system, and surprised that the provincial authorities had not yet built a proper hospital, since the recornmendation had been made, on severai occasions, by several doctors. govemment appointed inspectors, commissionen and memben of the provincial legislature.

The religious rituals which were so important to the sisters were aimost al1 in place

by 1872. "We would like to produce here the lessons and the exmples we learned arnong you," Viger wrote to the comrnunity in *Montreal in December of 187 1. Six months later,

she told them diat she had examined the niles concerning the daily observances and nearly al1 were being followed. They were able to have mass in their convent chapel every

moming at 530. except on Saturdays. Music, an important aspect of religious life, was also Viger's responsibility. She sang and practised on the harmonium, from time to time.

126 WSJ Archives. Bathurst. Sr. Trudeau à Sr. St. Jean, le 8 août 1869. The letter was enclosed with Father Paquet's hem. The relique was preserved and would be kept under the tabernacle in the sistrr7s chapel. RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Premier Rapport Triennal de la Communauté des RH de l'Hôtel-Dieu de S t,-Joseph de Tracadie.. .," le 6 août 1872. 12* Losier & Pinet. Cltifdren of lazanrs. Ch. 1 1 and 12. The food was only one problem. Several provincial inspectors in the 1870s, as well as Dr, Taché, reported on the poor quality of the air, the shabby buildings, the lack of space, and the defective drainage. but she found it hard to concentrate, since there was so much else to be done. l29 Religious instruction for the sick was reduced to two or three times per week, at the suggestion of

one of the rnissionaries, who pointed out that the patients were there for a long term, and so did not need to have daily lessons. The absence of a real cloister caused Viger concem, but, on the other hand, she said, "The sistea did not leave the enclosure."I3o Viger was up at 4:30 to perforrn her spiritual exercises and dress before mass at 5:30. She often worked until after nine at night. She was so tired, in Iune of 1873, that

even a visit from her beloved Mère Pagé failed to cheer her. Pagé, once more the Mother Superior of the Hôtel-Dieu Montreai, was back in New Brunswick, called to help regulate the new f0undations.13~It is possible Pagé's visit was an inspection of sorts. Reid's first term of office would soon expire. Pagé rnight weii have been interested in ascertaining how the community was functioning, and who among them could carry on if Reid were needed back in Montreal. Pagé brought them copies of The Customary, and pointed out how the sisters could improve the ways they foilowed their des. She instmcted them on how to set

up an archives. At Pagé's 'suggestion', the harmonium was moved into the choir. Viger

promised she would try to use it more often. The three day visit left her exhausted. As

usual with visitors, it was she who was responsible for showing everyone around.132 Shortiy after Pagé's visit, Viger leamed that Brault might be transferred to Chatham. Viger wrote, "Brault could not be spared. No one else knew how to keep track of the inventory, or run the bursar's office." Construction of a school was about to begin. There were two of their nurnber continuaiiy working on that project. Only Brault or Mère

- pp - --- 129 RHSJ Archives. MontréaI. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, le 19 dé~.1870. 30 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean j. Mère Supérieure, le 8 juil. 1872. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de Soeur Marie Pagé." p. 279. There are no details about the nature of the problems, but it is likely Pagé went to assist the Supérieure founder of Chatham, Mère Davignon, as weil as Mère Reid, to regulate their new foundations. Pagé made a total of seven trips to New Brunswick. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Proceedings of the Congrégation Assembl Ma): 21-24. 1982. Part Four. Rogers used the opportunity to ask Pagé if her order wouid open a school in Saint-Basile. 132 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 29 juin 1873. See also: Proceedings of the Congrégation. It seems likely that Brautt was wanted to take over as Mère Supérieure for the Chatham monastery, since Davignon was recalled that faIl to found the Saint-Basile house. Reid could help Viger in the pharmacy. Besides that, whenever one of them was caiied on

to sit through the night with a dying patient, it left fewer Hospitaiies available the next day to cope with the rest of the work. Their numbers were at a minimum as it wad33 Brault

was not transferred. Instead, their head nune, Soeur Baudin was re~alled.13~A few days iater the Hospitailers were notifïed that Rogers would aUow them to open a novitiate at Iast. "We could not be happier." Viger wrote. "We are now in accord with the most essential of

Our holy rules which stipulate that each house must develop a completely independent community." 135

33 RHSJ Archives Montreal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 8 juil. 1873. 134PM. Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. Mere Reid 3 Bishop Rogers. le 13 sept. 1873. 135 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure. le 25 juil. 1873. Always Wai ting

Although she did not realize it at the the, the Common Schools Act, passed by the New Brunswick legislature in the autumn of 1871, gave her community an opportunity to expancl, and opened the door for yet another career for Viger- The Act, which launched a fiee non-sectarian school system in the province, banned the teaching of religion, as well as the wea~gof religious robes or symbols, or the public display of these articles in the classroom. Roman Catholics of both laquage groups were at the forehnt of the dispute that followed its passage. In response to the Act, the Bishops of Saint John and Chatham ordered their parishioners not to send their children to the public schoold The controversy led Bishop Rogers to rethink his position with regards to the Tracadie foundation. The average daily attendance at the only school in the district of

Saumarez was just 16 in 1868, and even this school was closed, leaviog Tracadie with no educational facility. Over half the adult population in the area were illiterate.2 When Rogers asked the Hospitallers to open a pnvate institution, they lacked lad, money and a novitiate fiom where they could recruit a teaching staff? If he wanted a school in Tracadie, where children would leam the tenets of their faith, Rogers had to allow the Tracadie foundation to accept novices.

Katherine MacNaughtoa The Devefopment of the Theory and Practice of Education in Nou Bnrmvick 1784-1900 (Fredericton: University of New Brunswick, 1947), Ch. 9, pp. 200-36. The parishes withheld their school taxes and, as a result, many schools were forced to close. in Gloucester county, where the parish of Saumarez is located, school attendance dropped by 1 1 17 students in the first year after the Act waspassed- Maurice Basque, Debra Keny and Roy Bourgeois. Deux siècles departicularivrne: Une histoire de Tracadie (Shediac: L'Imprimerie Chedik L tée, 1984) pp. 50-53. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Extrait des chroniques de la communauté RHSJ de Bauge de 11 août 1870. Les Chroniques. Ch 13, p. 107. See also: Ch. 15, p. 11O.There was no school in Tracadie when the Hospitaiiers opened theirs in 1873. See also: PANB. Monseigneur James Rogers' Correspondence, Mère Reid a Bishop Rogers, 29 octobre 1869. Reid asked Bishop Rogers to ailow the sisters to open a novitiate. Already, she said, they had had to turn away severai good prospects. While Viger's role in establishing and ninning Saint Joseph Day School parallels other important events in her Life, it is useful to examine this aspect in more detail, because it serves to illustrate the way the pmgress of her conimunity was restricted by the nature of their principal work, that of caring for leprosy victims. In fact, their detennined and continuhg dedication to their initial purpose, often over Bishop Rogers' objections, fkequently Ied to a pattern of failure in the midst of success, when Viger and her cornpanions attempted to expand their field of services. Now, for the fint tirne since her arrival, Viger was no longer the phmacist. The mother superior, Mère Reid, becarne the head pharmacist, while Sicotte acted as her assistant. Viger was completely responsible for acquiring the school, and for its later administration.4 And although she had no teaching expenence whatsoever, she was appointed the head mistress. To help them in this challenging new undertaking, the Tracadie comrnunity accepted their f3st novice. Five years older than Viger, 33 year old Luce Parant, fiom Paspebiac Quebec, entered on 14 September 1873. Parant was a teacher with four years of experience.5 Having secwed the approval of the Bishop, the little community of Hospitallers set to work to raise the hdsand procure the materials so necessary to the success of their proposed undertaking. Tracadie businessrnan, William Ferguson, obtained land, adjacent to the monastery, for the Hospitallers, deeding 7 1/2 acres to Soeurs Baudin (who replaced

Quesnel) and Sicotte, for the nominal sum of $30.6 A former carpentry shop, proffered by William Davidson, a Tracadie merchant and rnember of the Board of Health, was hauled to the site where volunteers canied out the necessary renovations.7 Villagers provided

RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Les offices de RHSJ de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie," 4 sept. 1873. PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère Reid a Bishop Rogers, 16 sept. 1873. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. k Chroniques, Ch, 15. PM.Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère Reid a Bishop Rogers, IO mai 1872. See &O: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Premier Rapport Triennal de la Communauté des Religieuses Hospitaliéres de l'Hôtel- Dieu Saint Joseph de Tmcadie," 6 août 1872. The Hospitaiiers, who had been in Tracadie just under four years, had holdings now worth $680. This included the parcel of land given them by Father Gauvreau in 1869. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. '2ettres a La Maison Me= de Montréai, 1868- 1902," Sr. St. Jean à Mère shingles and lurnber. Work on the school began as early as June of 1873, but, tbrough the summer, a lack of lumber and fiuids resulted in fiequent delays. Father Babineau loaned them an antiquateci table. Another make-shift table was fashioned out of an old door. A covered access, which led fkom the convent to the school, linked seven buildings, and, according to Viger, looked like the Victoria bridge in Montreal and drew the curiosity of the entire village.* Viger asked her Montreal community to obtain some French language text books, and recommended a shop where they rnight be available.9

The school was not finished inside, and the materials were less than perfect, but, nevertheless, I'fiternat St. Joseph opened on 9 December 1873. Notwithstanding the season, Viger and Parant had 50 students within 10 days, and more were coming al1 the the. l0 A number of their pupils were young women, several even in their early 20s. Viger, who taught first level English and French, said the pupils were al1 "eager to learn."I One hundred and four children, out of a possible 124, were present when Viger introduced them to Bishop Rogers and an entourage of seven priests, on 2 August 1874. The young people enchanted their guests. The bishop examined them on their catechism, as wel1 as on their knowledge of English and French. 'They performed well enough," Viger wrote, "conside~gthey had only been in school for seven months."l2 Viger had hoped to use the second floor of the school house for a novitiate, but it was soon apparent that they would need it for another classroom. 13 Their extraorduiary success in atûacting pupils did not result in a growth in revenue sufficient to support an increased teaching staff. The Hospitaliers set a fee of $3 a year for children in Tracadie. Those fiom outside the area were charged $4. Few families paid the

Supérieure, 8 août 1873. RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St Jean a Mere Supérieure, 8 août 1873. RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St. Jean a Mère Supérieure, 2 août 1874. Io RHSI Archives. Montréai. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 23 déc. 1873. l RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St. Jean. 23 déc. 1873. l2 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St. Jean a Mere Supérieure, 2 août 1874. I3 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 5 avril 1874. sum, but their chiidren were educated anyway. The financial records indicate that their school brought in very Little money. For example, in 1875, the Hospitallers received

$62.20 in revenues, mostly from the sale of books and other supplies, while operating expenses amounted to $55.82.14 Viger, desperate for more help, but with her resources strained to the Iimit, reported to the Mother House in Montreal that, 'We absolutely need novices if we are to fiilfill the different offices we have now, and will need in the fhre." Yet, they wanted only choir sisters, she explained, because there was so linle space. She reported that, '?n Tracadie, a choir sister, as weli as perforrning her own offices, did the same heavy dornestic chores as a lay sister." The Hôtel-Dieu in Montreal responded by sending two more sisters. However, there was simply no rwm, and the Tracadie

Hospitallers had to send them to Chatharn.15 They were able to take one new postulant, Sr. Marianne Losier, the daughter of the former lazaretto keeper Philias Losier, and one of the first students in I 'Externat St. Joseph. l6 But the shortage of teachers remaineci acute. Parant did not complete her novitiate17 and Viger herself could swcely give her full attention to her teaching, for it was she who always greeted guests, and showed them through the hospitai, and it was she who answered queries from the medical profession. Often this lefi the school with only one teacher. Meanwhile, although the clergy considered the Province's school law, enforced throughout New Brunswick, anti-Catholic, the govemment had moved some way towards a compromise, and pressure was being put on the church to conform to the new regulations. The Hospitallers in Chatham were also operating a school, and, at first, Viger,

l4 RHSJ Archives Bathurst. "Li- des comptes de RHSJ de L'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie, 1875." l5 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St. Jean a Mère Supérieure, 2 août 1874. l6 Mary Jane Losier and Celine Pinet, nie Children of hm:llie Story of tlte Lmaretto at Tracadie (Fredericton, Goose Lane, 1984). Losier and his wife, who got dong well with the sisters, acted as keeper and cook for the the board of health untiI.1874, when they were fired by a newly organized board whose manipulations resulted in a series of scandais. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean a Mère Supérieure, 2 août 1874. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Les Chroniques, Ch. 15. who had been elected mother superior in 1875, decided that she wouid comply with whatever decision the Chatham community rnade.18 However, before Chatham had dezided its course of action, Viger, in her usual direct mamer, fomiulated a series of conditions which she felt would have to be met if 1 'Externat St. Joseph was to continue to operate under the new regulations. The school was a sidelioe anyway, she said. 'We are nurses. Our real work is with the sick," l9 Viger presented a contract which the trustees of School District 3 signd They agreed to hire the Hospitallers as teachers for the school. The Hospitailers could continue to use the text books already in place, and the teachers were exempted nom "ceai~gan oath to the school remat the end of term or any other time."20

Not oniy would the school remain open, it would receive a much needed annual govenunent subsidy. But the trustees told Viger, that, in order for the school to have the higher designation stipulated in the contract, the Hospitallers would have to submit to the tacher examination at the normal schml in Fredericton, This wouid break their rules regarding the cloister. Seeing that the children would be left without instruction if they closed, Viger lowered her expectations. They would Live with the fees accordai teachers with Class III licences. The foundation would receive $95 a year for the schml, and, if the number of students required more than two teachers, they wouid receive an additional $30

l8 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Les Offices 1876." In addition to being the mother superior, Viger was. again, the chief pharmach. RHSJ Archives. Monnéal. Mère St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 9 mai 1876. 20 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Contrats avec la Commission Scolaire #3 de Tracadie," 6 May 1876. Although Viger beiieved Father Babineau drew up the contract, the legal laquage of the document suggests it was prepared by a Iawyer or a notary public; the Hospitallers were identifieci as "Sisters of Charity," and the handwriting does not compare to tbat of Father Babineau's. See also: MacNaughton. The Devefopment of the Theory and Practice of Education, pp. 209-27.The Common Schoois Act had been amended in 1873 to allow for the wearing of religious garb in the classroorn. Under the compromise of 1875, ûustees were given permission to rent for school use buildings belonging to religious orders. Further, the certificate of the Superior of any Roman Cathoiic teaching order wouid be recognized as a substimte for attendance at the Normal SchooI, but not in lieu of an examination for iicence. However, because the Normai School did not offer training in French, the great niajority of teachers in the Acadian districts continued to teach under local licences. The results of an 1893 governent investigation suggest that such compromises on the part of both Iocd trustees and religious orders were not uncommon in Gloucester County. for each tacher needed. Viger was pleased with the outcorne. They never removed the religious syrnbols hmthe waiis. In fàct, 'We have ail the benefits of the law without being subject to it," she noted.21 If Viger thought the problems of the school were reguiated, she was mistaken. The financiai records of 1876, 1877 and 1878 fail to show any additional revenues from the province for 1'Externat St Joseph. Trustees in many northern New Brunswick school districts had difficulties paying their teachers, rnainfy because of long delays in the payments of county and parish rates? Viger remarked that there was a 'Protestant school' receiving govemment hding, right at their door in 1878, and that the teacher was trying to Lure their best students? Kowever, in spite of such competition and the distance many children had to travel, the Hospitallers maintainai an average daily attendance of about

40.24 Moreover, l'likternat St. Joseph maintained a high standard, as indicated by its new status, under an amended school law in 1880.25 It was classified by school inspectors as a "Graded" school while nearly all other schools in the district were classified as "~iscelianeous".*6

To ensure the continued success of the school, Viger actively searched out novices with some teacher trainingyand, by 188 1, two young Acadian women had taken over the

21 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 9 mai 1876. 22 Jas. Smith, "Itispector's Report County of Gloucester." Journal ofthe LegisIutive Council of the Province of Nav Brunswick, 1876. 17 February 1876 to 13Apr. f 876, 23 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 16 nov. 1878. The school Viger was referring to was actwdly a public school. The Hospitallers were still charging fees for their school, only most of the families were not paying them. It is likely that most of the children attending this public school were French, 24 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 16 nov. 1878. 25 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 25 jm. 1882. 26 PANB. "Inspectors Reports of the Public Schools in New Bnmswick for the par en&d 1886." RS 1 13- Vol. 1880-1888. Of 24 schooIs visited by W. Mersereau in December ofl886, St. Joseph's was the ody one classified as a'graded' school.' See also: PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St, Jean à Bishop Rogers, 8 jan. 1887. District #3 had oniy one 'Superior' schooI. This was the higher level of Saint Jospeh Day Schooi, taught by Helene Dwwho held a Class 1 licence and taught 30 students in standards V-VEI in Z 'Externat St. Joseph .She refirsed to teach in the district after the Hospitaliers closed their school. teaching duties. Newly professed Marie Anne Doucet, 25, had taught under local Licences in Bathurst and Saint John, before she entdthe congrêgation.*7 Postulant Margaret Hachey, 2 1, held a valid teaching licence. She had begun her teaching career in Bathurst, at the age of 16.28 Doucet, classified as a teacher assistant, received no salary hmthe province. Hachey, who was granted only a third class licence, because she could not lave the monastery to write the teacher examination, was to receive $150 per ~ear.~gThe new teaching staff was hampered by a continued shortage of adequate resources, however. Viger made two requests for a French language Mathematics text, which was approved by the province, but she cornplainecl to the school inspector in 1882 that a full year had passed, and she had not yet received one? Despite such difficuities, the two young women proved capable indeed. When school inspector Valentin Landry visited l'Externat S Joseph, identified as District School #XW in his report, on 20 June 1883,62 of 70 students were present, 37 students wrote exams, and 27 passed The inspector ranked the school 'Excellent,' with a very good standard of teaching, and a good level of proficiency. In cornparison, not one of the 20 students present in the second school in Saumarez, identified as District School #XVLII, took examiLlations. The register was not kept up, and the teacher was ranked fair, with weak teaching skills.3

27 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Lettres CircufajrresNécrologies. "Circulaire de Soeur Marie Anne Doucet décédée Ie 28 juin 1934." Doucet entered in 1877. 28 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de Marguerite Hachey décédée 15 jan1885." The class of licence is not specified. 29 RHSJ Archives. Batliurst "Contract between Sister Marguerite Hachey and Trustees of School Dismct Number 3, nov. 5,188 1." Hachey signed her name "Margaret," even though, in the contract, her name was given the French spelling "Marguerite." 3O RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. 'lettres d9Affluresdes RHSJ de Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie." Sr. St. Jm-de- Goto to Valentin Landry, lnspector of Schools, 25 jan. 1882. PANB. "laspectors Reports of the Public Schools in New Bnuiswick for the year ended 1883," RS 1 13, Vol. 1880-1888. This is the second visit to the Saint Joseph School in Tracadie noted in the reports. Lnspector Landry also visited on 3 1 October 1882. He noted that Hachey had taught two temunder a local licence. See aiso: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Contract between Sister Marguerite Hachey and Trustees of School District Number 3," that states Hachey held a Class III licence. See &O: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Sr. St Jean to John Young, Secretary of the Trustees, School Distnct #3. 1 1 Jan. 1883. Viger wrote that Hachey never had a provincial licence; she had a local Licence renewed each tenn. The school's fine reputation did not guarantee adequate remuneration for its staff, however, and for Viger, now serving her second term as Mother Superior, the struggle to wrest the sisters' salaries nom government officials remained a constant In 1882, she was forced to make repeated requests for Hachey's salary. Apparently the money was held up because Hachey and Doucet would not go to Fredericton to &te the tacher examinations. "Inspector, you know it is impossible for us to fùlfiil this condition," Viger wrote. 'We have a right to this salary which was very conscientiously earned I was under the impression that as long as you granted us the licence, we would be paid"33 The sisters received $2 14.45 for their school in 1883. The sale of text books accounted for a sd portion of the money. Most of the revenue came fiom the govemment, but only after repeated appeals fiom Viger. In spite of these difficulties, the school remaineci open throughout the summer months. The milder climate attracted more students. Viger reporteci an enrolment of 99 children in the summer of 1883.34 And still the probiem continued. "1 am letting you know Sr. Hachey has not been paid for the 1st 3 tenns," she wrote in January of 1884.35 Viger appealed to the Chief Superintendent of Education, in the fdof 1885, in order to have the school drafts for Hachey and Doucet, being held penduig their attendance at the Normal Schwl, released "Soeur Hachey died in January," she infomed him, and, 'When Soeur Doucet received her licence fiorn Inspector Landry, we understood she would receive the govenunent ailowance, because the sdqfiom the district was

32 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Les Offices 1882-1886." 33 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Sr. St. Jean à VALandry, Il( jan. 1883. Viger made similar requests for payment to John Young, Secretary of the Trustees on 1 1 Jan. 1883; and to Landry on 3 1 January and 6 Febniary of the same year. See also: MacNaughton The DeveIopment of the Theory and Practice of Educarion, p. 232. Many French teachers were dlteactiing under three-year local licences in the mid- 1880s. 34 RHSJ Archives. Bathum Sr. St Jean à VA. Landry, 9 0ct.1883. "Lemes D'Affaires des RHSJ de H-Dde Tracadie, 1 juin 1868 a 24 oct. 1902." Acting on verbal advice fiom Landry given when he visited the school in June 1883, she asked him to send her a licence in her own name, "Amanda Viger," derthan in Sr. Hachey's name. 35 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Sr. St. Jean à V.A. Landry, IO jan. 1884. Lettres D'AEaires des RHSJ de H-D de Tracadie. 116 extremely smd." The community couid not &orci to lose this sum, Viger wrote. "In the name of justice.. . let us have this money which has been eamd"36 Viger continueci to operate the school throughout 1885 in spite of the difliculties. A lay teacher, Mary McDonald, was hired to teach standards N to VI. Doucet continued to teach standards I to m. School Inspector George Mersereau of Newcastle, who toured 1 'Externat St. Joseph on 23 May, mentioned that the sisters made wall car& in French sdarto the car& used in the English schools, and with the sarne pictures. He believed that al1 of the French schools in the province shodd have them.37 The educational standards remained high throughout 1886, the last year 2 'Externat SI.Joseph operated- McDonald and Doucet were joined by postulant Alodie Landry, who had eamed a valid teaching licence hmthe Fredericton Nomal School before she entered the Tracadie Hospitaliers. She had just begun teaching that tem.38

Ironically, it was not the difficulties she had struggied so long against that caused Viger to close the school. The first hint of the trouble appeared in Mersereau's 1885 report. "There is some dissatisfaction in the district over the present location of the school," he wrote.39 The inspecter hoped the fiction would simmer down. However, in 1886, a tmstee opposed to having the school too near the lazaretto was elected, and, in November, the school was 'moved'.m Mersereau thought that a lay teacher, Miss Due, who had been

36 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Sr. St Jean to William Crockec Esq. Chief Superintendent of Emication. 25 September 1885. Lettres D'Affaires des RHSJ de H-D de Tracadie. The letter was written in English. 37 PANB.George Mersereau Inspector of Schools District, #1, '%port of Visitation of Schools and Districts" 5 June 1885. See also: "Inspectors Reports of the Public Schools in New Brunswick for the year ended 1885," RS 113, Vol. 1880-1888. 38 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto to Hon. P. G. Ryan, 4 March 1886. Viger asked if Sr. Landry, whose three yeas licence would soon expire, could go to Chatham or Newcastle to write the exam, She ais0 noted that lnspector Mersereau would give Landry an excellent recommendation, Sr. Doucet had not been paid for three consecutive tem. See aiso: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Sr. St. Jean to M. Ryan, 24 March 1886. She acknowledged the receipt of the $60.00 owed to Sr. Doucet, and thanked him for extending Sr. Landry's licence. 39 PM."Inspectors Reports," RS113, Vol. 1880- 1888. George Mersemu, 5 Jime 1885. 40 PANB. "Inspectors Reports," RS 113, Vol. 1880-1888. George Mersereau ". ..Visitation of Schools and Districts for month of December 1886." hired to teach for the Hospitaiiers, would keep the school open in its new location. However, Miss Du@ refused. She had come to teach in the sisters' school, not in one that was in opposition to theirs, she told Viger. The school board was not able to procure the services of another teacher with a first class Licence, attendance dropped, and I'Extenurt St. Joseph never reopeneel Writing to her mother house about their decision, Viger explaineci that the sisters closed the school on 18 December because of difficulties created by the machinations of "a few Protestants".42 She told Bishop Rogers that she and Father Babineau had decided to close the school for the sake of religious honour, and to teach a lesson to the villagers, who had let themselves be influenced by ~rotestants.43The iospector did not state in his report whether the trustee who objected to the location of l'Externat St. Joseph was Catholic or Protestant; however, in 1885, Father Babineau was one of the trustees for the district, dong with M. Ferguson and Jérémie Mazerolle. James Young, a Protestant, served as a hustee in 1882 and 1883. It would be easier for both the priest and the Bishop to blame the closure of their schwl on the cornplaints fiom the Protestant community in Tracadie, since it lefi open a possibility that the sisters would be able to reopen, perhaps even in the near fiiture. If Viger realised that the real reason for the school's closure was because of its proximity to the lazaretto she would have laiown, since the Hospitaliers could not leave the institute, it would be quite impossible for them to resurne teaching. However, as the contagious nature of leprosy was better understwd, perhaps Babineau and Rogers were also concemed about the safety of the pupils. Babineau, as the chaplain and chef spokesperson for the lazaretto, would be very sensitive to aoy bad publicity that would ensue should a pupii attending Z'Exernat St. Joseph corne down with leprosy, no matter how the contagion was caught, so, with the approval of Bishop Rogers, Babineau advised

41 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St. Jean à Bishop Rogers, 8 jaa 1887. 42 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 26 déc. 1886. 43 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Bishop Rogers a Sr. St Jean, 8 jan. 1887. the Hospitallers to close it down. Nearly a decade later, in a Ietter to Viger, Rogers admitted as much: 'The school work which the.. . sistes had so efficientiy performed.. .for several years in Tracadie was abandoned, because it was feared that serious objections would be

made, which rnight mitigate against the interest of the lazaretto.. ."M There were only two schools, both classified as "miscei3aneous," open in Tracadie by May of 1887. Saumarez teacher, James McIntosh had only 10 students, of the 43 registered, present for the

inspecter's visit. Cathe~eLeBreton had 28 registered with 2 1 present.45 The children were not tested-

While it is certainiy tme that there were strong rivalries between Catholic and Protestant businessmen that affected how the lazaretto was adrninistered, nevertheless, the Hospitallers were highly regarded by nearly everyone. The Young family, as weU as the family of Dr. Smith, when he was in Tracadie, donated financiaily and contributed fumiture and clothing to theK work. The girls who came to the community for music lessons, among them the daughters of both the Youngs and the Smith, were from both Catholic and Protestant fafnilie~.~6The smali number of non-Catholics in Tracadie may well have felt intimidateci by the church dominated school, but its loss was more Likely the result of the particular nature of the Tracadie foundati0n.4~As people became more awace of the nature of leprosy, they became more fearful. The disease was relatively prevalent in the region, and most accepteci the view of the majority in the medical profession, that it was at least mildly infectious. It is little wonder, then, that a school in close proximity to a

44 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Bishop Rogers a Mèrr St Jean-de-Goto, 30 June 1895. 45 PM."Inspectors Reports," RS113, Vol. 1880-1888. George Mersereau. "...Visitation of Schools and Districts.. ." 6 March 1887. '%HSJ Archives Bathum "Livre des Comptes des RHSJ de i'HÔtel-Dieu de Tmcadie. Journal de la Recette et Joudde la Dépense du Monastère 1868-1888." Bewgin 1883, the sisters were giving music lessons for a fee of hm$2 to $3 a month. Anne Turner paid $6 for 3 months of lessons in 1883; C. Coughian $3 for 1 month and Genviève Arseneau $3 in 1885; Anne Young paid $3 in November of 1886. 47 Basque, et al., Deux siècles depanicularisme ,p. 66. The Protestant community, although srnail in number, exerted an influence on the economic Life out of proportion to its size. 119

lazaretto, taught by personnel who also were in charge of the siclc, would cause a certain amount of concem. Throughout the period of the school's operation, the first priority of the Hospitallers continueci to be the care of the sick, and it was to them that community tunied when illness or epidemic threatened. L 'Extemat St. Joseph had been open just under a year, when, in the fd of 1874, a smallpox epidemic broke out in Caraquet and Pokemouche, a parish about 20 kilometres northeast of Tracadie. Sicotte and Brault were sent to care for those who were i11.48 They remained in Caraquet for two weeks, taking over the home of two of the victims and gathering the remaining sick under the one roof. Of the 15 people who had smallpox, oniy four survived.49 The epidemic, in spite of its serious consequences, proved to be a diplornatic boost for the Hospitallers. Rogers was elated that the story of the outbreak, and the sisters' role in helping the sick was reported in three provincial newspapers. Plaudits for the Hospitallers came fiom everywhere. "Rogers

wrote a very flattering letter," Viger noted, and, "al1 the pnests were most satisfied."

48 PANB. Bishop Rogers*Correspondence. Mère Reid à Bishop Rogers, 11 Déc. 1874. Reid told Rogers that al1 of the sisters voIunteered but it was she who had to choose which of them to send. See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St, Jean a Mère Supérieure, 26 nov. 1874 and Sr. St. Jean a Mère Supérieure, 19 déc. 1874. Viger did not look derthe victims, but her letters outline the details of the outbreak and provide the ody information available on the source of the contagion. Its roots were in Montreai, where the first victim caught the disease. His brother, who was hmPokemouche, intended to bring the sick man to the Tracadie Hospitailers, but the Merer died before those arrangements could be made. The suntiving brother came down with smallpox on the ship bringing him back to New Brunswick. Subsequently the man's wife and eight children got sick Allard, the curate of Pokemouche, caught the disease when he tried to help the family. Only the wife and one child were still living at the time Viger penned her letter, just a few weeks later. Father Pelletier, curate of Caraquet, sought the aid of the HospiMers. "When they heard what happene&" Viger wrote, "Parents were afkid that he (Pelletier) introduced the contagion into the convent" Only 20 students of the 123 that were registered, came to school. However, Viger said, "it was just as weli since the sisters were aU working twice as hard to make up for the two who were in Caraqyet." 49 RHSJ Archives. MonWSr. St. Jean à Mère SupCrieiire. 26 nov. 1874. Sec also: Michael Bliss, Plague: A Story oflmaiipox in Montreal, (Toronto: Harper-Collins, 199 l), p. 50. There were 647 deaths from smallpox in Montreal in 1874. Bkexamineci the consequences of a smailpox epidemic on the city of Montreal in 1885 and concluded that the qidemic might have been containeci had civil and church leaders ceoperated with health authorities, in seeing that preventative meames, including a ciîy wide vaccination programme, were carried out. Caraquet and Pokemouche were srnader centres, but, stili, the outbreak would likely have been worse if the nursing &ers had not been nearby. Amanda was piqued, however, by the attention given her colleagues. "Everyone talks of nothing else but smallpox, smalipox, smailpox," she wrote.50 Both as head phamiacist and as headmistress of l'Externat St Joseph, Viger had proved her worth to the Tracadie foundation. Nevertheless, in the late surnmer of 1875, when she had just turned 30, it is unlikely that she was prepared to be elected the mother

supenor of her cornmunity.51 The election was a departure fiom their des, which required superiors to be a minimum of 40 years of age.52 Reid was still in Tracadie and Viger had written to Montreai months earlier asking pemiission, on behalf of herself, Sicotte and Brault, to re-elect Reid for a third term in office.53 The 36 year old Brault (the assistant superior, the head nurse and bursar) had the necessary qualities of leadership, although she, too, was underage. Brault, however, was in Chatham on a temporary, but extended leave.54 Sicotte's emotional condition would exclude her, and Soeur Leveque was ill.55 Viger was stunned. "It was God's will," she said, 'but God must have been very angry with me, to lay such a charge upon my young and inexperienced shoulders. 1 who am totally devoid of qualities, certdy those needed by a superior.. ." Nevertheless, with the encouragement of her comparions, she accepteci the challenge: "'Dieu le veut,' it wiU be my strength, and my rallying cry.""

50 RHSJ Archives. Monhéal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 19 déc. 1874. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''Les offices," 1 sept 1874. 52 Con.stiiutionsfor the Religious Hospiiders of SaintJoseph: Estabiished at Chicago on the 2 1 day of November 1903 (Chicago: George Cardinal Mundelein, Archbishop of Chicago, 1932), p. 105. 53 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 26 fév. 1875. 54 PANB.Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère Reid à Bishop Rogers, 30 juin 1875. in thk telegram, Reid asked permission to send BrauIt to Chathsm for an 'indefinite' time. It could be, as weil, that, given the importance the HospitaIlers assigned to the training of novices, they believed the more experienced Brault was the best cboice to introduce the new candidates into community life- 55 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst- "Circulaire de Marie Philomène Sicotte décédée le 3 nov. 1891." Sicotte seemed to suffer hma proIonged serious depression which came on shortiy after she arrived in Tracadie. It did not prevent her from fulfilling all other responsibilities, however. She was a particularly creative person who kept the chape1 and choir decorated. See &O: PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère St Jean à Bishop Rogers, 25 jan. 1875. Viger asked permission to send Leveque back to Montrd as her illness was worse. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Les Cnroniques, Ch. 16. Leveque, who was supposeci to take over the school, was in poor health when she arrived, six month =Lier. 56 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 3 sept 1875. "Dieu le veut, parole Amanda seemed to have learned how to direct and chelher energy, her determination, and her quick temper towards building the foun&tion. She was the dnving

force behind the school, and its successfbi operation. It took a confident woman to stand

up to govemment officials, and demand the sisters' salaries. She did not hesitate to treat the variety of il1 people who came to the dispell~afy.Her letters give a vivid portraya1 of Life in the commufuty. They are frank, sometimes acerbic, but always unclouded by romanticisrn, or an excess of humility. Although she could sometimes be sarcastic, this human 8aw did not stop the Hospitalles nom electing her their superior.57 Thus, in 1878, Viger took over as the head of a foundation which now numbered seven professed sisters, one novice and two postulants. Theu accumulated assets, in 1875, including land holdings, amounted to $2759. Their total revenues, which included the govemment allocation, remfkom produce fiom their land and barnyard, school and pharmacy arnounted to $1752.70. Their living expenses came to $1402.26.58 Yet despite this apparent stability, the Little foundation remaiaed hard prased to meet the increasing demands on its limited resources. Viger was the chief pharmacist once more, as well as the mistress of novices, while

Reid acted as her assistant in the pharmacy, and BrauIt was more or less in charge of the novices' daily routine. Bishop Rogers, who signed the List of offices, likely oversaw the election, since it was held the day after he presided at the Investihire Ceremony for Marianne Losier, who would later becorne the fint professed sister in their Tracadie house.59 The election results were promptly reported to the mother house, but several weeks went by before the Tracadie fomdation received any reply fkom the Hôtel-Dieu in

douce qui me do~eforce et courage, oui, Dieu le veut, sera me devise et mon cn de ralliement." 57 RHST Archives. Montréai. Mère Sr Jean à Mère Supérieure, 16 Nov. 1878. In this letter we have an example of her occasional sarcastic wit. Viger writes that Soeur Sicotte wanted novices at all costs, and had recruited a postulant who was outstanding, at least by her age. She was 42, her hair was as grey as a woman of70, and for good measure she had ody one tooh 58 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''Deuxième Rapport triennal de la communauté des RH de 1WÔteI-Dieu de St, Joseph de Tracadie dans le Diocèse de Chatham," 15 juil. 1875. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Livre des Comptes," 1875. 59 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Les Chroniques, Ch. 15. Montreal. '7 am convinced," Viger wrote," that the sad burden our sisters placed on me,

seerns so mealistic to all of you that you do not know what to say." Amanda was not only anxious for a sign of approval, she needed replacements. Clemence and Luména were both wom out. Luména was too tired to make the shoes.60 Linen and wwl were piling up

unspun, and there was no one to make lace. Five weeks had passed, Viger wrote, "and the whole community is waiting for some smali news.'$l It was hard for the Montreal Hospitaliers, who had never visited Tracadie, to imagine how isolated their colIeagues felt Loneliness dogged Viger almost constantly. "My mernories of al1 of you are as vivid now as if it were oniy eight days that passed insteaci of eight years," Amanda wrote in February of 1876. Two of the Tracadie sisters had recently retumed to Montreal and she imagineci their reception at the Mother House:

The scene which took place in Montreal when Sisters Leveque and Bonin returned, must have been a sharp contrast to the one that transpirai at their departure when we gave a Iast kiss to those two, who, happier than we, retook the road to the homeland.. . How 1 would like to hold you al1 tightly in my arms and squeeze myself into your hearts. 1 want to thank you profoundly for the services they have given our community. As members of the corps, they worked in your name. Each sp~gand fa we look fo-d eagerly for the Iittle packages and candis that you send us.62

The sisters also looked forward eagerly to news brought by those occasional visitors to the Mother House who renimed to Tracadie. Thus, Viger was anxious for Father Babineau, who had accompanied the two sisters to Montreal, to retum. The priest had spent three weeks as a guest of the Montreai Hôtel-Dieu, and bvedback in Tracadie, after an arduous trip through a blizzard and penetrating cold, in the early moming of 3 March. Babineau managed only a few hours of sleep before he appeared at the convent in time to

Say mas at 7:30 am. Viger wrote, 'We invited him for breakfast, but we made him tak

60 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Mere St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 5 oct. 1875. Also: Interview with Sr. Corinne LaPlante, 16 Dec. 1993. The shoes were made of Ieather in a shapeless one-sized pattern. They were instnicted to switch them on their feet every week, so as to preserve the lifè of their footwear. 61 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Mere St Jean a Mere Supérieure, 5 oct. 1875. 62 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Mère St Jeen a Mère Supérieure, Il fév. 1876. 123 the whole time." Amanda granted a prolonged recreation so everyone would be able to enjoy the beautifid car& and letters Babineau had bmught fiom their sisters. He retumed again at 4 p.m. for benediction, and after that they ail gathered in the parlour, where Viger gave him the news fiom Tracadie.63 This incident i1Iustrates the developing alliance between Babineau and Amanda, a relationship which intensified during Viger's mandate. Since he was their confesser he likely knew at least as much about her cornmUILity, and the individual members in it, as she did. Babineau understwd the forces that surrounded Viger, and was in a better position than she was to negotiate between the various factions. The confessional presented the priest with an excellent means to dispense advice, dong with penacces and forgiveness. Babineau served on the Board of Health. He was the Chaplain for the lazaretto, and he was responsible for convincing leprosy patients to lave their fdesand enter the institution. The relationship between Viger and Bishop Rogers, who had appointed Babineau, remained formal and, outwardly at least, cordial. Viger did her best to comply with the various ceremonials even though, with so few members, and in such limited circumstances, the ntuals were iikely less impressive than those in Montreal. Rogers hunself drew up a protocol that was to be foliowed when he visited, usually at least once a year. The Bishop's vestments, mitre and crosier were laid out in the parlour, with surplices for assistants, and the vessels needed for saying mas. The Chaplain, dressed in surplice and cape, preceded by two acolytes canying candles, led the Bishop to the chapel. A red carpet was placed down the centre aisle. The Bishop knelt and kissed the cross presented to him by the chaplain. Mer this, al1 foilowed in procession while an appropnate hymn was sung. The Hospitaliers took their places in the choir. The Bishop, pnests and acolytes proceeded to the altar where the bishop conducted the religious senice. When he entered the parlour, Viger and al1 of the sisters, the oldest nearest the dwr, were to stand in double

63 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Mère St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 3 mars. 1876. rows to receive him.64 A reception foilowed, such as the one which Viger held for Rogers

in July of 1876. Rogers, accompanied by Monseigneur MacDonald of Rince Edward

Island, joined the HospitaUers for breakfast. There he told them that Tracadie was %e

foundation closest to his heart".65 Viger was touched. Rogers though, in spite of his fine

words, still refused to ailow the Hospitallers to build their own monastery. They were govemment employees, and would, he believed, always be subject to the whims of p01itics.~6 Clearly, an alliance with Babineau was the best Viger could hope for, an ailiance with the Bishop was impossible.

The Bishop contriibuted very Little money to their community.67 'Tou have no idea, if you have never been here, how we are lodged," Viger wrote. She was anxious to build a proper monastesr with a regular cloister. Even more important, as far as she was concerned, was to have a hospital for the sick who were not suffering tiom leprosy. This need was brought into sharp relief by an incident that occurred in December of 1876.

Summoned by Father Babineau, Viger and Brault went to examine Father Nugent, curate of Pokemouche, senously ill with typhoid fever. Viger found it necessary to appoint two sisters to sit with him through several nights, leaving hem seriously short of workers. "If

64 PANB. Microfiim # 7686, "Visitation (Ceremony) of Convents of the RHSJ by His Lordship The Bishop of Chatham," (not dated). The six page protocoi details not oniy the ceremonid at mas, but how every aspect of bis visit wouid be carried out, 65 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 4 juil. 1876. 66 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Proceedings of the Congregation Assembly," (Montmil: Les Reiigieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph), October 1882. It is interiesthg to read that Rogers sent for Hospitallers to open a school in St-BasiIe-de-Madawaska in 1873. See also: PANB. Microfilm #7686, bTProcés-Verbal de la Prise de Possession des RHSJ de Montréal d'un couvent, chapelle et dépendance de Saint-Basile/Madawaska, le 2 nov. 1873." The SL-Bade Hospitallers endured much hanlship in make-shift quarters, but Rogers at Ieast issueci a Décret, permitting them to found a house and he conducteci a possession cermnony. See ho:RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Oeuvres des Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint Joseph du Nouveau-Brunswick (1 868- 1986). Revue de lu Société hisrorigue du Mdmaska (janvier-juin 1986). Edmundston: Le Madawaska 1986. p. 14. The Hospitallers opened a hospitai in Madawaska in 188 1. 67 RHSS Archives. Bathum. "Grand Livre de Recette: Dons, Rentes, Pensions, Viagères et autres revenues du monastère 1868." Bishop Rogers gave them less than $100 altogether, hm1868 mtil 1904, when he was forced to resign as Bishop of the diocese. Money came hmtheir houses in Montreal and France. Father Trudel continued to make donations fiom tirne to time. Those who contributeci the most rnoney, however, were the priests, mainly Fathers Gauvreau, Babineau and especiaily Théberge, curate of St.-Isidore. AU of them had leprosy victims and their fàmilies among their parishioners. we ody had an apartment even," she said, 'We could take someone in."68 Frustmted by the lack of space, she had workers quarry 50 cor& of stones, with the hop she could begin construction. However, the cost to bring the stones to the site wodd be $4000. "My

head spins," Viger wrote, 'khen wil1 we have enough for ail that?" Nevertheles, she did have an extension added for the novices in 1877.69 She raised the fùnds by auctioning the right to cut wwd on some of the community's lots, at a bazaar that she organized..70 Reid returned to Montreal at the end of that year, and Viger was left with no senior reiigious to give her advice.71

Although the Bishop's financial contributions to the Tracadie comrnunity were negligible, the community apparendy fond it poiitically expedient to make at least one significant financial contribution to the Bishop. In February of 1878, at a tirne when her foundation's financial resources had seldom been lower, Viger gave $200 to Bishop Rogers? There is no reference to the expendihire in the Chronicles or in any of her letters. Nor is there any correspondence fkom Bishop Rogers requesting money nom the Tracadie houe. However, earlier that month the priests of the diocese had attended a meeting, presided over by the Bishop, at the Hôtel-Dieu in Chatham. The purpose of the conference was to discuss an accumulated debt of $30,000,to detemine a method of settling the outstanding accounts and to establish a fund of $20,000 with which to build a cathedral.73

68 RHSl Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 22 déc. 1876. There was no doctor, and no way of getting one. See also: PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St Jean à Bishop Rogers, 22 déc. 1876. Viger told Bishop Rogers they were summoned to Father Nugent's side by a telegram sent from Father Babineau. 69 Sr. Corinne LaPlante. "Soeur Amanda Viger, la fille d'un patriote de 1837, véritable fondatrice de 1'H.-D. de Tracadie." La Revue d'historie de la Société histon'que Nicolas Denys. (jan-mai 1984), p. 66. PM.Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. Sr. St Jean à Bishop Rogers, 14 fév. 1877. RHSJ Archives. MonaéaL Sr. St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 18 déc. 1877. 72 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Livre des comptes 1878." The account books not oniy show that Viger gave Rogers the $200, in July she borrowed $200 hmher mother houe in Montreal, and S300 hmBoard of Health member and businessman, William Davidson. Sa7by the end of 1878, the HospiMers were in financiai difflculties. Their total revenues, hcluding the loans, came to $1982.48, and their living expenses came to $2105.33. 73 Vatican Archives de la S.C. de la Propagande, Canada. "J. Rogers' Report of the Conference of the Clergy of the Diocese of Chatham including the Bishop's Address on Thursday, Febniary 14, 1878," SC Coincidentally, in the eady moming hours of the &y the meeting was schedded, a fire demolished the church, coilege and episcopal residence. Even in the face of this catastrophe Rogers did not change his prepared address. He told the clergy who had gathered that the debt was the result of expendinires he had made on behalf of their parishes, and he singleci out several, including Tracadie, for special mention. The arriva1 of the Hospitailers for the lazaretto ha4 according to the Bishop, resulted in his undertaking the expense of building a mother house and hospital in Chah1n.7~Mer his address, the bishop withdrew while the priests deliberated. Finaliy, the priests agreed to levy a subscription among thernselves, and those of their parishioners willing and able to rnake a contribution.7~A liittle over a year later, by 17 April 1879, a total of $23,000 had been collected from across the diocese. In the end, however, most of the money was used to rebuild, and the diocesan debt rose to $36,000.76 It seems very likely that pressure was put on Viger, by Father Babineau, to pay a part of what the Bishop considered to be her foundation's share of the outstanding debt. An older and more experienced administrator might well have resisted such pressure. It is likely that, had Pagé or Reid been in charge, they would have at least delayed paying the $200, hoping the issue would be forgotten, or mtii they had convinceci a suitable prelate to intercede on their behalf. The older and more mature women, Pagé especially, had a wealth of experience to draw upon. Pagé and Reid were used to seeking advice fiom their larger community. Viger, dependent on Babineau for support, and f~lingto consider the fact that he was no older or more experienced than she, herself, may have felt inciined, or even

Vol. 21, 1880-1881. 74 Vatican Archives. "Repos of the Coderence February 14, 1878," p. 7. Whatever Rogers' qualities as a leader, bu.mil.@ was not one of them. ''No interest or place of any importance that required irnmediate attention was negiected," the bishop told them. "No other diocese in similar circumstances received more prompt, prudent, and fuii attention in every way hmits bishop," he said '5 Vatican Archives. "Report of the Conference, Febnisry 14, 1878." uResolutions," p. 9. 76 Vatican Archives. "Report of the Conference, 19 October 1882," Appendix: Resumé of total receipts and expenditures of the building fiinds fiom the date of the fire, 14 Feb. f 878, up to December 15, 1882. compelled, to toliow his advice.77 There is no record of her hsving consulteci even the few

other voting sistem in Tracadie conceming the matter. An older priesf less influenceci by the Bishop, might have argued that the Hospitallers were giving free health care to everyone in Tracadie who sought iâ, and educating the village's children. A more expkced Mother Superior might have pointeci out that the Bishop had received a fair remon his investment, since, because of the Tracadie house, Chatham and Saint Basile each had a foundation, where Hospitaliers were

running pharmacies, hospitals and schools. A good number of young Cathoiic women, mainly Acadian, had become members of theK order, and were actively involved in cornmunity development, education and health care. The Bishop overlooked the fact that the institution provided a significant, if modesf economic benefit for the people of Tracadie

as well. The Hospitallers ntn a productive fm.Revenues fkm the sale of hay, oats,

wheat, potatoes and eggs amounted to $286 in 1876. On the other hanci, the sisters purchased 16 cor& of wood, five from Michel Sonier for $4, six from Philias Benoit for $4.44, and five fiom Alexander Gold for $4, for a total of $12.44. Stanislas Walsh was on their payroll for $8.34 a month, A ''Journées d'homme" cost them $4.50 each, and there were two of these?

Yet it is little wonder that Viger felt compelled to tum to Babineau for guidance. By

the theshe was elected Mother Superior, the Little comrnunity of Hospitallers seemed stranded on an island in a sea of hostile factions. Because contracts with the lazaretto were

fairly lucrative, political patronage seemed to play a large part in how they were awarded. Throughout the 1860s and early 1870s- there were usually six members on the Board of Health. Except for the priest, they were generally businessmen, who bid arnong themselves to win the supply contracts. On 30 September 1868, just afier the amval of the

77 Losier & Phet, Children of Lazams, p. 87. Babineau, bom 29 Apd 1844, was just over a year older than Viger. 78 RHS J Archives. Bathurst %ivre des comptes 1878." 128 Hospitallers, the board decided to appoint members John Young and William Ferguson to manage supplies, so it would not be necessary to convene the board every thean item was needed for the lazaretto. Young apparentiy began to abuse the pnvilege by sending in supplies for the lazaretto which were not authorized or needed. When the board took steps to curb the practice by refusing to pay for the goods udess Young consulted his colieague, the practice stopped. Young, however, gained new powers in 1874 when the provincial govemment appointed four new members to the Board of Health. Babineau alieged in a series of articles deahg with the matter, that John Young's brother, MLA Robert Young, President of the Executive Council, as weli as a close fnend of John Young's, Mr. , the Surveyor General, were infiuential in arranging for these new appointments. A short thelater, the new ten-member board voted to dismiss the long-time lazaretto keeper,

Philias Losier. It was no coincidence that the vote in favour of this move was six to four, with al1 four newly appointed members voting with Young. A senes of new keepers were

sent in who were a nuisance to the Hospitaliers and patients. A short time later, the iazaretto cook was replaced. According to Secretary~Treasrer,AK. McDougall, the new keepers and cook were people indebted to Young in some way. Young was now fiee to manipulate

the supplies cornmittee and set his own prices at will. A cumbersome system of administration evolved. In 1878, two more appointments were made to the Board of Health, including Young's brother-in-law, Doctor ~mith.79Vigerand her community had no control over staff or supplies, and no more authority than any hired hand. And there was no one Viger could cornplain to, other than Babineau. With loss of control came loss of status. Doctor Smith, a brother-in-law of Tracadie MLA Robert Young, was reappointed as consulting physician to the Lazaretto shortly before Viger's first term as mother superior ended in 1878.80 His position could be

79 Losirr & Pinet. Children of hm.pp. 84-93. 80 RHSJ Archives. Bathm Ler Chroniques, Ch. 15. See also: Losier & Pinet, Chiidren of LAZam. p. 83. 'Tracadie Lazaretto: Papers rdated to the examination of applicants for admission to the Tracadie considered an attempt by the govemment to set a more professional tone for the hospital. Accordhg to Smith, the sisters had difficulty diagnosing leprosy in its early stages, and patients were admitted on examinations fiom physicians who were not experienced in diagnosing the disea~e.*~It is possible that Viger, like Smith hunself, and every other

attending physician, accidentally admitted people who did not have Leprosy, as the illness was difficult to diagnose. However, with ten years of experience on the lazaretto wards, and in constant touch with the sick, Amanda was as able as Smith to make the determination. Moreover, healthy people, especidy children, were deliberately admitted on occasion, after Smith became the lazaretto's full tirne administrator in 1898.82 But despite his apparent rnisgivings about the sisters' diagnostic abilities, mtil he became the full-tirne administrator, the doctor only visited the lazaretto four times a year. His home was in Newcastle, where he had a family, and a successful pnvate practice.83 The situation was difficult for the Hospitaliers, and in 1878, after Young succeeded in dismisshg McDougall, a long-time political and business rival, nom the Board on the grounds that he lived too far fiom the lazaretto, Father Babineau was Myincensed enough to begin a series of letters in the Mirumichi Advance to expose Young's

machinations. 84 The implications of corruption resulted in a joint Federal and Provincial task force, appointed in 1879, to investigate the public charges and counter charges. The members of the task force, the Attorney General, John James Fraser, the Minister of Public lazaretto, and other rnatters in relation thereto.**Journalof the House of hsembly (1879), p. 119-20. Journal of the Home of Assembly (1 879). Cited in Losier & Pinet, ChiZdren of Lazum, pp. 1 18- 23. Smith applied to the provincial govemment for the position, and his application was recommended by Dr. Taché. 82 Losier & Pinet. ChiIdren of ham,pp. 156-57. From an intenriew with the late Sister Victoria Branch conducted by Loiser and Pinet in Bathurs 30 May 198 1, Sister Dorina Frigault conducted by Losier and Pinet in Tracadie, 27 April 198 1. They were usuaiiy members of families where both parents had the disease, and no one could be found to care for the children. 83 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Les Chroniques, Ch. 16. See ah:Losier & Pinet Children of ham. 84 Losier & Pinet. Children of Lozam. pp. 85-93. The Miramichi Advance published Babineau's letters, beginning in Febniary 1879, under the pen name "Informer." In addition, the paper published one ietter fkom Young under bis own name, and two fiom kK, McDougaIl. The editor of The Miromichi Advance wrote six editorials in support of Babineau and McDougaU. The Union Advocate of Newcastle pubiished four letters hmYoung, who used the name "A Member of the Boani" 130 Works, P.A. Landry, and the Solicitor General of the province, J.H. Crawford, arrïved in Tracadie in Septernber of 1879. They found that nearly eveiy member of the Board of Health had a financial interest in the hospital, fumishing either supplies or services of various sorts. The practice set up a rivafry among hem, which, they said, marred effective management. The task force found the disrepair of the 36-year old hospitai deplorable, and

the structure inadequate for the needs of the patients. They were also critical of the location of the cookhouse in the keeper's residence and the lack of space for food stores. The task force recommended that the present Board of Health be disbanded and new members appointed, who would look after the lazaretto on a temporary basis while provincial and

federal authorities worked out terms for the transfer of the hospital to the federal authorities. Although Babineau and McDougall presented figures to indicate that Young

was reaping the greatest share of the benefits the task force refuseci to single out any one member of the board. The Final Report did, however, recommend that, after the temporary board was in place, the Hospitailers should be given a greater latitude in the employment and the dispersal of fÙnds.85 As her first terni as Mother Superior ended, Viger was not optimistic that the situation for the HospitaIIers would improve. 'Tn the ten years that we

have existed," she wrote, "we have fomed plans, and nourished our hopes but the years pass and we are always at the same place, waiting for the res~lts."~~

85 Losier & Pinet. Children of kam.p. 90. The fuidiags of the task force were reported in The Miramichi Advance on 30 June 1880, and Le Moniteur Acadien (Shediac, NB) 5 August 1880. 86 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, î2 déc. 1878. Chapter 6

Nothing Changes but Everythhg Passes away

Nearly twelve years had gone by before Viger and Brault were pennitted to visit their former mother house, or, as Viger aiways referred to it, their "dear home." They left Tracadie in the latter days of February or in early March of 1880. Their sojoum was to be more than just a social 0ne.l Viger said their long absence fiam Montreal left them ignorant of many new developments.2 They undoubtedly intended to take the oppominity to seek first-hand advice as well, for it is iikely the two women hew that the federal govemment

was about to assume control of the Iazaretto, a change which had been highly recommended by the task force investigation.3 In that event, the Hospitaliers would take over the full administration of the institution. There are few details about the trip, but they were in Montreal long enough for Amanda to reacquaint herself with her former companions, and to corne to know the newest members of the house. Viger found leaving Montreal the second time harder than it had been in 1868.4 She was no longer the idealistic 23 year old, confident that, with the fullness of tirne, the Tracadie foudation would become just like the others. Life in the large, thoroughly modem Mont Saint-Famille contrasteci vividly with the spartan conditions she and Brault lived under in New Brunswick. The weli stocked phamiacy, the large hospital wards, the

1 Provincial Archives of New Brunswick [PANB].Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. Sr. Brault à Bishop Rogers, 8 fév. and 22 fév. 1880. 2 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. Brault a Bishop Rogers, 22 fév. 1880. 3~aryJane Losier and Céline Piner nie Children of Latarus: The Story of the Lazareno at Trocadie, (Fredericton: Goose Lane, 1984). p. 90. See also: National Archives of Canada w]:Documents relative to the transfer of the Tracadie Lazaretto, RG 17, Vol. 296, File ?Y30502Task force members were Attorney General John James Fraser, the Minister of Public Works, P.A. Landry (the former Inspecter of Schools for the District of Saumarez), and the Solicitor General of the Province, J. H. Crawford. Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint Joseph [PHSJ], Maison Générai, Montréai. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 1 1 avrii 1880. There were five Hospitaiiers hmNew Brunswick foudations among the party. They included, besides Brault and Viger, Srs. Anastasie, Guimont, and Azilda Houde (a novice). Iist of doctors atniïated with the institution: no wonder she yearned to remain. Father

Tmdel took Brault and Viger to the station and waited with them until their train arrived.5

Viger was surprised and relieved that Bishop Rogers met them in Newcastle, as it was

three in the morning, an hour when the station would normaiiy be deserted They spent the next two nights in Chatham where Viger encountered her dear finend and mentor, Mère

Pagé, for the last the. Pagé, seriously ili in the infimüiry, burst into tears upon seeing the younger women.6

Bdtand Viger were still some distance nom Tracadie when they heard guns being fired in their honou.. AU of the Tracadie Hospitaiiers were at the door to greet them.

The travellers went to the chape1 immediately, where they renewed their pledges. Viger wrote, "1 had to use al1 my efforts to control my feelings for fear I would upset the dear sisters who were so glad to have us back." The next moming at mass, Soeur Hachey surprised thern by playing two pieces on an accordion she had received fiom one of her uncles. Mer breakfast, with Father Babineau as their guest, they entered the wards, where the patients gave speeches expressing their joy and gratitude that the two had retunied. "It was so beautifùl tears came to my eyes," Amanda rote.^ A few weeks later she penned a few hes of tribute to each member of the Montreal house.

As they had anticipated, the federal govemment took over the control of the lazaretto in November of 1880. The Hospitaliers were appointe4 with no change in their

RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean a Mère Supérieure, 1 1 avril 1880. See also: RWArchives. Bathurst, Livre des Comptes des WSJ de l 'Hôtel-Dieude Tracadie. "Joumai de la Recette et Journal de la Dépense de Monastère f 868- 1888," June 188 1. Trudel, who died in June of 188 1, left Viger $200 in his will. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean a Mère Supérieure, 11 avrü 1880. See aiso: PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère Bonneau a Bishop Rogers, 17 juin 1880. Bishop Rogers did not want Pagé to Ieave Chatham. Bonneau asked the Bishop to forgive her for their insistence that Pagé rem to Montreai, but they were adher iiiness wodd recur. See &O: WSJ Archives. Bathurst, "Circulaire de Marie Pagé, décédée janv. 1893." Pagé retunied to Chatham in 1878 because the foundation was in need of an experienced administrator. She went on to be reeIected Mother Supaior of the Hôtel-Dieu Montréal. In 1884, at the age of 73, she became the foundet superior of the Hôtel-Dieu de Arthabaska. Her heaith faiied her in the first weeks she was there. She di& in Montreal on 7 Januaxy 1893. RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 11 avril 1880. allocation, the chief administrators. "Remember Father Babineau in your prayers," Viger urged her colieagues in the Mother House in Montreal, 'Tor he worked night and day for our community and our sict"8 Father Babineau remainecl as the lazaretto chaplain, and Doctor Smith's position, that of consulting physician, continued unchanged. Babineau represented the sisters at the transfer. There was no longer a secretary/treasurer, cook, keeper or laundry womad Brault outlined the terms of the arrangement for Bishop

Rogers. 'We have the power to detamine all the lazaretto's needs, provided the sum does not go over $125 a month or $1500 per year." The $270 docated yearly for servants

wouid remain, but the Hospitailers could hire whomever they wanted. 10 'We look on this event as the surest guanintee of our fbture prosperity," Viger told her sisters in Montreal. Doctor Taché assured them that they would have no difficulty getting a new building, but warned them not to press the issue immediately because "Haste would ruin e~erything."~~ Nonetheless, Viger and Brault were now ready to spend a S 1500 grant aven to the Hospitallers for the lazaretto by the federal govemment in 1878. They had been feamil at the tirne that their work orders wodd meet with interference fiom members of the Board of Health, so they had invested the fiuids until the situation improved.I2 Now they were fkee to detennine their own priorities and to contract the work. They added a wing onto the lazaretto. The new annex, 45' by 25', contained a kitchen, a new pharmacy and storage space for supplies. 13 Brault asked Rogers for permission to take $500 from their own

* RHSI Archives. Monuéal. Sr. St. Jean a Mère Supérieure, 30 nov. 1880. See also: Losier & Phet. Children of kam,p. 85-93. Father Babineau exposed cormption among the various board members in a series of articles published in The Miramichi Advance, Chatham, in February and March of 1878, that led to the task force investigation. Losier & Pinet, Children of Lazam, fkom the documents related to the wnsfer of the lazaretto fiom provincial to federal control in the NAC- RG 17, Dept. of Agriculture, Vol. 296, File 30502. Io PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. Bniult à Bishop Rogers, 2 1 déc. 1880. I RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Sr Jean a Mère Supérieure, 23 déc. 1880. l2 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. Brault ii Bishop Rogers, 22 déc. 1878. Brault told the Bishop they had received the cheque, long with a letter hmthe Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Dr. Taché. The fun&, $1500, were to be used to renovate the lazaretto. The Hospitailers decided to invest the money for the tirne being. l3 Corinne LaPlante. "'Soeur Amanda Viger: La Fille d'un Patriete de 1837, véritable fondatrice de Mdsto renovate their old monastery as one part was nearly uninhabitable ui winter.

Rogers replieci that they could not spend their own rnoney on "govemment buildings", unless the state of the present structure threatened their health. If Father Babineau recomrnended the renovations, though, Rogers wrote," I wili have no Merobjection."l4 And so, with Father Babineau's support, the renovations went forward. The repairs to the monastery were more extensive than anticipated, partiy because the bearns in the addition of 1877 collapsed just as constnicîion of the new wing was underway. The work included a fumace room, convent kitchen, sisters' refectory, a workmom for the lay sisters and four smaU cells. 'We are over our heads in renovations, but so littie compared to what we wantea" Viger wrote.15 Meanwhile, she added, 'The number of seriously ill in the lazaretto increased, and the sisters have bem up with them every night since the first of ~ovember."l6 Despite their hi& hopes, the new administrative structure of the lazaretto proved to

be more beneficial to the country than it was for the ~os~itailers.l7 The federal government had no problems of cost ovemuis, graft or patronage. The sisters kept a strict control of their costs, and even the smallest item, from shoe laces to haïr pins, purchased for the patients, was noted. They used a separate register for the lazaretto, and this account book

was open for any governrnent agent to examine. l8 While they gained greater control,

however, the sisters' responsibilities were considerably heavier. 19 They hired a washer

-- - rH.-D. de Tracadie." La Revue d'histoire de la Société historique Nicalar-Denys: 12-1 Cjanv.-mai 1984). l4 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. Brault à Bishop Rogers, 7 mars. 1881. The Bishop's reply was in the margin of this letter and initialed by him on 17 March. l5 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St. Jean à Bishop Roger;, 29 nov. 188 1. See also: LaPlante, "Soeur Amanda Viger: La FiIle d'un Patriote." 16 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St. Jean à Bishop Rogers, 29 nov. 188 1. Viger was once again head phannacist for the hospital at this time. l RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Comptabilité Matière 1880- 194 1 ," Livres des Comptes. The sisters' financial records for the lazaretto are recordeci in this ledger. Every item pmhased, hmfood supplies to small notions and fabric is noted, with its cost. L8RHST Archives. Bathurst. "Comptabilité Matière 1880- 1941," Livres des Comprer. l NAC. Dept. of Agriculture File RG 17, Vol. 1603, file 1885- 1888. A notation was fixed in pencü to the departmental ledger for 1 Iuly 1884, signed by the accountant H. B. Small. "Rev. Babineau's salary woman, but now added the lazaretto cooking department, buiiding maintenance and the office of controiier to their own tasks. Doctor Taché returned to undertake a second inqujr

on the subject of leprosy in the region and Viger took time away hmher many duties to act as his personal secretary.20 And there were other unexpected duties as weU. Babineau, it appears, knew the value of good publicity, for he seldom, if ever, turned away a reporter. A parade of callers found their way to the lazaretto in the 1880s: A. M. Pope for Catholic World; Siska for Le Moniteur Acadian; reporters came hmThe Dai& Telegraph

in Saint John and from The HaIijia Chronicle, to name a few. Amanda answered questions and showed them through the wards, where they met and talked with patients.21 Viger was elected mother supenor for the second time in September of 1881, and she was re-elected to that position again in 1884. She was also the chief phamiacist. Sicotte

was her assistant, and the head nurse. BrauIt was the bursar and rnistress of novices. Sr.

Stanislas was the chapter secretary. in ail, the foundation included eight professed religious, two novices and two poshilants. Not only had the foundation grown in numbers, its demographic profile had changed as weii. A number of young Acadian women were now among their ranks, including: Marieanne Losier, Marie Anne Doucet, Margaret Hachey, Elizabeth and Octavie ~andry.22The increase in numbers had increased their cost of living by nearly $700 over the three year period fiom 1878 to 1881. Revenues fiom their land, school, donations and other sources came to $2700 in 188 1, while their yearly living expenses amounted to $2400. The fhdfor a separate hospital stood at s425.D The fifth

to be $50 per quarter next f~calyear". This increased his allocation fiom the federal government for his involvement with the Iazaretto fiom % 100 to $200. 20 LaPlante, "Sr. Amanda Viger." See &O: NAC. Mr. J. C. Tache "Questions Regarding Leprosy: Enquixy made by the Hawaiian Govenunenf" Ortawa: June 1885. RC 154.55 C3 T33. This document is comprised of a series of questions compiled by the Hawaiian Government, and ansvers provideci by Drs. Taché and Smith. For researchers, it offers an intereshg suz~unaryof some of the facts and myths that surromdeci the outbreak of leprosy in New BNnswick. If Viger was not a CO-authorof the report, surely her notes and observations, carefully recorded in Tache's jounials, helped the doctors with their responses. Losier & Pinet ChiZdren of Lazam. pp. 95- 102. * RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Les offices de RHSJ de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie," 4 sept 188 1. 23 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Quatrième Rapport Triennal de la Communauté des Religieuses triennial report, written at the end of August 1884, shows that their community stili nurnbered 12, but they had reduced their living expenses by $50. StiIl, their expenses exceeded their income that year, which amounted to only $2 195.24 Father Joseph

Théberge, curate of Neguac, helped them during this financial crunch, through generous gants that began in September of 1884 and continued until mid-Octobei of 1885.25 Financial difficulties plagued the foundation throughout the 1880s. Viger was still operating her dispensary with money from the govemment allocation. The donations that came in for the 2000 or more prescriptions they med each year fell far short of evem meeting their operaihg costs.26 The sale of produce fiom their fm,and the work they did for the various mission churches, brought a tiny income. The closure of Z'fitenat St. Joseph at the end of 1886 meant not ody a curtailment of an important area of growth for their institution, but, in the short term at least, a signincant loss of income when they were already in financial straits. The comrnunity, now nurnbering 16, needed fÙnds.27 The Hospitallers were barely supporting themselves in 1887. Current expenses were $2070; revenues were the sarne. They had not been able to Save anythuig for the 1st three year~.~~ The financial hardship that the Hospitallers faced was only one of many troubles that surfaced at this tirne. Viger was powerless to prevent iIlness and death tiom claiming

Hospitalières de l'Hôtel-Dieu de St-Joseph de Tracadie," 1 août 1881- 24 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Cinquième Rapport Triennal de la Communauté des Religieuses Hospitalières de l'Hôtel-Dieu de St. Joseph de Tracadie," 24 août 1884. 25 RHSI Archives. Bathurst. "Grand Livre de Recette: Pensions, viagères et autres revenus du Monastère des RHSJ de Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie," 1868. He donated a total of $ Z 100 over a period of 12 months. The Hospitailers were to pay 5% interest on the surn annually until his death. 26 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Livre des Comptes* 1883. The entries show that the pharmacy took in $69.66, whiie costs of its operation amounted to $100.75, The figures were similar throughout the 1880s. The number of prescriptions fded seemed to vaq fiom between 2000 to 2500. Viger was the head pharmacist, but it was likely Sicotte who Iooked after the more routine cases. 27 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. 'bLettns D'Maires des RHSJ. de R-D.de Tracadie." Mère Doucet to MJ-O. Villeneuve, 8 nov. 1888, and to Dupuis et Frères, 9 nov. 1888. In both letters Doucet asked for an extension of credit over a penod of three months. This was an indication of just how limited the community's financial resources were. And the problems were compounded in 1889, when it appears hma number of other business letters that certain parents were not paying, or paying only part of the dowries for thei.daughters who joined the comxnunity, RHSJ Archives. Bathum "Sixième Rapport Triennai," 24 juillet 1887. their first New Brunswick members. Tuberculosis proved particufarIy devastating. Twenty-six year old Margaret Hachey died on 25 January 1885, the first of three deaths over a 22 month period. Viger idomed Rogers, when Hachey was dyin& that "The cornmunity was losing a subject in whom they had placed a great ded of hope."29 Hachey was the nrst Hospitaller to be interreci in Tracadie. Marieanne Losier, who had spent the 10 years since her profession on the Iazaretto wards, died only eight months Iater. Adda Houde, 28, passed away in October of 1886.30 Death's spectre did not deter others from entering. In April of 1885 two postulants, Alodie Landry and Madeline Pitre, were ready for their investiture3 In August of 1886, Luce Blanchard and Margaret Marie (Adélaide Robichaud) were received as novices.32 Sr. Marie daAnges (Eluabeth Doucet) was ready for her habit in ~eptember.33The community also had several boarden during this period, including the tacher, Miss MacDonald, Amanda Somany and a Miss Ferguson. Hélène

Savoie boarded with them in 1887. Sormany, 16, who came from Lamèque, changed her stahis in Jme of that year, when she became a postulant. Viger also took in a Madame GalIant and her six children for five weeks. They charged her $1 .O0 for educaîing the children and -30 for laundry services? The heaviest blow for Viger, in this dificult period, was the recall of Soeur Brault. One, the mother superior and pharmacist, the other, the mistress of novices and bursar, their duties combined comprised the rnost important functions of the institution. Now only

29 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Comspondence. Sr. St. Jean à Bishop Rogers, 3 janv. 1885. She said Hachey's work in the iazaretto wards edified ail of them. 30 NAC. Federai Department of Agriculture, Sessional Pqers, Dr. AC. Smith, "Annuai Report of the Lazaretto, Tracadie, 3 1 déc, 1886:" "In life it was theirs to soothe the dering of those whom a mysterious Providence laid an afflicting hand.. . now they sleep by the shore near to those for whom they dieb" See also: PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. .Sr. St. Jean à Bishop Rogers, 1 oct. f 886. "This good sister sent her soui to God this moniing at eIeven forty-five.. . assisted by Father Babineau and sumunded by the entire community." PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St. Jean à Bishop Rogers, 11 avril 1885. 32 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St Jean à Bishop Rogers, 9 août 1886. 33 PM.Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St. Jean a Bishop Rogers, 2 1 sept 1886. 34 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Journal de la Recette, 1886," Livres des Comptes. Board for A. Sonnany was $ i 0.25. Viger, among the founders, remaineci in Tracadie. "The departure of dear Sr. Brauit, fixed

for 3 January, lies heavy on our house and fills our hearts with sadness so great ody fâith can reiieve it," Amanda wrote. "This cross is one thousand times heavia than ail the others Divine Providence deemed we submit to."35 Viger was still feeiing the pain of Bradt's remvery deeply when she wrote Taché seven months later. "She was one of our founders, and one we regarded as the strongest paar in our Little community." Viger took over as Mistress of Novices. "The formation of new subjects," she wrote, "is one of the most important tasks."36 In September 1887 Marie-Anne Doucet was elected the Mother

Superior, the htof the Acadian entrants to hold that office. Only five years younger than the 43 year old Viger, Doucet, who had entered in 1877 during Viger's ktterm as Mother Superior, was the second to be professed in Tracadie. Sr. Sicotte was the assistant superior and head nurse. Viger was the mistress of novices, the pharxnacist, and the chapter secretary? The closure of their school marked the end of one era, but the start of another. Viger had already taken steps to expand theu field of services in the summer of 1887,

when, as she told Rogers, they had taken in an elderly fmerand his wife in exchange for their home? The house was later relocated. Initially, they planned to use the building as a residence for sick ~riests29but these plans were altered when two Hospitallen, both Acadians, Luce Blanchard and Marie des Anges, apparently recovered fmom niberculosis. Their cures were seen as miraculous, and, in thanksgiving, Viger wrote, the Hospitaliers tumed their efforts towards opening an orphmage50 Most of the $600 needed to renovate

35 RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean a Mère Supérieure, 26 déc. 1886. 36 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. St Jean à Taché, 5 juillet 1887. Viger said she dropped her otha tasks to take over as Mistress of Novices. 37 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "LesOffices," 2 sept. 1887. 38 PM.Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St Jean à Bishop Rogers, 9 aoiit 1887. 39 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère Doucet à Bishop Rogers, 24 avril 1888. This might have been an excuse they gave to Bishop Rogers in order to gain his approval, shce it appears the building was intendeci for the orphans. RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Les Chroniques des RHSIde Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie Fondé en 1868, p. the house came hmFather Théberge?' Viger was responsible for overseeing the work Sicotte and Marie des Anges were assigned to care for the children. The orphanage opened in Iuly of 1888 with three children. Within the year they had 10.42 By April of 1890,22 small children were in residence on the second floor of the house. Elderly people were lodged downstairs. Whereas the government had subsidued their school, the Hospitailers assumeci the full financial burden of the orphanage. The sisters not only fed and clotheà the youngsters, they were making the children's shoes. 'We have an $800 debt to pay with

nothuig," Doucet wrote, 'but the Lord will provide."43 One of Doucet's first acts as administrator was to arrange for a speciai cornmernoration to celebrate Amanda's silver anniversary. 'We will be forever gratefid to our 'maison mère' for haWig Ieft her (Viger) with us," she told the Montreal house, ''to

help us establish and then to direct this poor little co~~llllunity.May she remain with us long enough to enjoy the shade of the vine she cultivated with so much care and ~acnfice."~

Doucet invited Bishop Rogers to attend the celebration.45 Cûrds and letters poured in, as many from France as fiom Canada. Rogers came, in spite of fiightfùl roads. Nine priests also braved the conditions. "The mass and dinner were more in keeping with a fiftieth anniversary," Viger wrote to her sisters in Montreal. She added, "If 1 contributed something towards the establishment of this institution, at the cost of a few sacrifices, you have more than repaid me by the goodness with which you admitteci me as a member of

- -- . -. .. - .- . .- 134. Details of the cures, pIus copies of letters of authentication written by Dr. L.D. MignauIt of the Hôtel-Dieu de Montreai, are copied hem. Neither sister was personally examined by the physician, who based his remarks on his analysis of the symptoms of the disease as desaibed in an account written by hem, of each sister's iilness, and subsequent cure. 41 RHSI Archives. Bathunt "Grand Livre de Recette." Father Théberge gave a total of $1085 over a period of three years beginning in June of 1887, specificaliy for the orphanage. See ho: "Livre des compte," "FFrais de la Construction de I'OrpheIinat" 18%- 1899. Théberge continueci to be a generous contributor towards this work. 42 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère Supérieure, 26 déc. 1888. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst, "Les Offices," 1 sept. 1888. 43 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Sr. Doucet à la Maison Mère, 12 avril 1890. 44 RHSJ Archives. Monhéal. Sr. Doucet à Mère Supérieure, 18 déc. 1877. 45 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. Doucet à Bishop Rogers, 17 janv. 1888. this holy profession, and gave me the opportunity to becorne a bride of our ~ord.''46 Viger went on to outline the substance of her own remarks on the occasion:

In speaking of my reiigious profession I commented on the transitory nature of thiags of this earth. There is not much vestige left of the ceremony there was in Montreal twenty-five ymago. Monseigneur Bourget, who heard my vows, is dead. Our dear Mistress Marchessault is dead. Mère St Louis, who took her habit that day too, is also dead; and our Mère Pagé, Superior then, is no longer at ou.dear 'chez nous'; and me, I am here. 1s this not the point on which to insrnie in the firmament that nothing changes but everything piisses away?47

Viger had seen the smaU commuity of six triple its number. She had already spent nine years as head of the institution. She was the phamacist who trained Sisters Doucet, Losier, Houde, Blanchard, Landry, Daigle and Sonnany in that profession.48 The school she opened was, for the 13 years it existed, the best in the district. Doctor Taché's knowledge of the pathology of leprosy in New Brunswick he owed, in large measure, to her. Amanda lost her last link with the Mont Sainte Famille of her youth, when Philomène Sicotte died of heart failure on 3 November 189 1. "She was in Tracadie twenty-hvo years and four months," Viger recalled. "She entered the Novitiate in Montreal one year after me.. . for the last thuFy years we were always together with the exception of the nine months that I was here before her."49 Viger was convinced that it was Sicotte's intercession from beyond the grave, which caused their long awaited plans for the new lazaretto to finally gamer some serious government attention.50 Architectura1 designs had been dram and construction contracts

46 RHSJ Archives. Montrt5a.I. Sr St. Jean à Mère Supérieure, 3 fév. 1888. 47 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean, 3 fév. 1888. 48 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. 'les Offices 1880- 1890." See also: "Circulaire de Marie Amanda Sormany décédée 4 fév. 1946," p. 8 1. It appears that Sormany, in particular, showed an ability in science, and Viger undertook to train her in everything she knew. 49 Sr. St. Jean a Madame Joseph Rochelieu (Orpha Viger), 26 déc. 189 1. This letter is one of eight letters, six fiom Amanda Viger and ~WOhm Soeur Dagenais of the Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska, sent to Orpha Viger, who was living in St.-Basile-le-Grand. The letters, which dated hm189 1 until 1906, have been saved by Hemiine Demers Lanctot, Orpb Viger's granddaughter, and loaned for research purposes to Soeur Corinne Laflante. In this letter, Viger said she had been up all night nursing another sister who was dying. "AH the sisters are tired and our poor legs could do with a rest" 5o PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Secrétaire du Chapitre a Bishop Rogers, Il avril 1891 et 2 1 déc. 189 1. Viger was the chapter secretary at this tirne. See &O: Losier & Pinet. Chiltiren of kanu, were under negotiation when Doucet and she traveiied to Montreai together to visit the Hôtel-Dieu in May of 1893. Rogers sanctioned the trip. The two women accompanied Sr. Robichaud who needed medicai treatment. However, it seems Rogers sincerely wanted to honour Amanda, the only remaining founder.51 This was the 25th dversary of the Tracadie monastery. Rogers encouraged them to visit and inspect as many houses founded by the Hospitailers as they thought necessary so as to have an idea of how each functioned? Viger and Doucet stopped at their newest New Brunswick foundation in Carnpbellton (established in 1888), as weii as those in Saint-Basile, Kingston and ~ontreaI.53Viger said the trip, which Iasted about two weeks, lefi unforgettable mernories in their hearts.54

Yet Viger's hopes for an orphanage and generai hospital must have stU seemed a long way off when she viewed the progress the other foundations were making. Their institutions, especially the monastery in Chatham, were modem buildings compared to the humble quarters in Tracadie. Chatham, CampbelIton and Saint Basile were ninning schools, took in orphans and elderly people, and were caring for the sick. But, as Rogers never weaxied of pointing out to her, the Tracadie foundation was shaped by the fact that it occupied govemment land. The transitory nature of politics, hostilities between Protestant and Catholic, and Rogers' own financial WO~~Sand mistrust of government., kept

pp. 11 8- 1 19. See also: RHSJ Archives, Montréal. Secrétaire du Chapitre a Mère Supérieure, 25 déc. 1893. The Hospitallers received the architectural drawings for the hospital hmthe government. PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Bishop Rogers à Mère Douce&5 mai 1893. The Bishop granted permission for the trip, and mentioned in this letter Amanda's 25 years in Tracadie. 52 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Bishop Rogers a Mère Doucet, 5 mai 1893. 53 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Mère Doucet à Bishop Rogers, 29 mai 1893. Doucet told the Bishop that they gathered important information hmal1 of the houses, and gained knowledge which would help them enonnously. The Hospitallers now had four houses in New Brunswick, as weli as new foundations in Quebec, Ontario and in the United States. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Proceedings of the Congregation Assembly. (Montteal: Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint Joseph), October 1892. In addition to these four, the Hospitdiers now had foundations in Arthabaska (founded by Pagé in 1884)- Windsor, founded in 1888, and were in the process of establishing a foundation in Winooski which opened in 1894. 54 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Robichaud B Mkre Supérieure, 22 déc. 1893. Viger added the note, addressed to the mother superior and the sisters in Montreai, to this letter hmSr. Robichaud- constantiy before her the threat that whatever they built might one day be taken fiom them. She also had to contend with the limitations imposed by the nature of their principal occupation. The fact that their school was quietiy closed showed the reluctance, even church officials ha4 to open a debate on the merits of operating other institutions and the lazaretto aimost under one roof During Doucet's fïrst two terms as Mother Superior, Viger and Babineau continueci their cwperative efforts to oversee the construction of the lazaretto, and to gamer support for an oqhanage. They took advantage of the opportunity presented by the lazaretto construction to win concessions fiom architects and contractots.55 Doucet appreciated their efforts and, in December of 1895, when she was the secretary of the chapter, she pemed a tribute to Viger, who was the Mother Superior once again: 'This will be the last time we wiil be celebrating the beautiful season of advent under this blessed roof which has been witness to so much deprivation.. . and where, for the last twenty-five years, a well loved mother sacrificeci for the good of her religious family and the comfoa of the poor afflicted ones. Our beautiful building.. . is the excellent miit of this.. . heroic devotion."56 Doucet added that Father Babineau's zealous allegiance, '5vanquished all the difficulties."57 There is no betîer evidence of how Viger feit about Bishop Rogers than his exclusion fiom the Ceremony of Possession held in conjunction with the opening of their new monastery and lazaretto, on Friday, 8 March 1896. There was not enough the, she explained. to invite the Bishop, since, due to an influenza outbreak mong the sisters, leprosy victims and orphans, she decided to close the old lazaretto and move to the new

55 Losier & Pinet Chifdrenof Laz~1m.s~pp. 11 1-38. See &O: RHSJ Archives. Moneréal. Secrétaire du Chapitre à Mère Supérieure, 10 déc. 1894. The Iazaretto was completed on the outside, and the Hospitaliers had governent permission to add a wing for their orphans at their own expense!. The architect and the engineer volunteered their services for the design of the new wiog and asked Viger to submit her pians to hem. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Doucet à Mère Supérieure, 20 déc. 1895. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Les Offices," sept. 1893- sept 1899. Viger remaineci the Mother Superior over the next six years. Doucet was re-eIected in September 1899. 57 RHST Archives. Montréal. Doucet à Mère Supérieure, 20 déc. 1885. 143 building before the new structure was completely finished? The ceremony was held in the evening after the sick were already installed. The Hospitaliers gathered in theu former chapel. Father Babineau removed the Holy Sacrament ûom the altar and the Hospitallers followed him outside under the stars. They wallced slowly up the nitted bmken path, each carrying a Lit candle. Behind hem, near the sea, was their old disease ridden and rat infestai institution. 'The sight of the red and white flames at that hour of the night had a very beautifil effect. We entered our new building through the main door, to the chiming of the beli." Father Babineau placed the Holy Eucharist in the chape1 where they sang the

tan^ Ergo. Benediction followed, and the services ended with the chanting of the

Lnudale. The chaplain led the commuaity through the entire building, blessing each of the departments. "Our poor sick were overcome with j~y."~~Babineau said the first mass a few days later.60 Perhaps, in November, when she presided at the ceremony to transport the remains of the departed Tracadie Hospitallers to theV new cemetery, delayed until then, while the Hospitallers themselves prepared the grounds, she was remindeci of her kt weeks as a Hospitalier. Each coffi was canied by four men while the church beil chimed.

The community, the orphans and a few parishioners participated. Father Babineau blessed the graves before the coffins were buried once again.61

58 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire du chapitre à Mère Supérieure, 17 mars 1896. 59 RHSJ Archives. Monmiai. Le Secrétaire du chapitre a Mère Supérieure, 17 mars 1896. 60 RHST Archives. Montréai. La Secrétaire du Chapitre A Mère Supérieure, 8 sept. 1896. According to this letter, the old Iazaretto accidentally bmed to the growtd on 13 May, five weeks &terthe move. See dso: Losier & Pinet. Children of Lozu~~p. 125. Two sister had been doing laundry in the old buiIding htafternoon. The fïre apparently started in the chimney and was undetected until the building was nearly completely enguUed in flames. See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Le Secrétaire du chapitre a Mère Supérieure, 20 déc. 1895. IronicaUy, in this letter, the chapter secretary mentioned that the Deputy Minister of hiblic Works, M. Gobeil, visited the lazaretto on 13 December 1895, and ordered that none of the old hospitd funiiture be rnoved to the new building. He reportedly told Viger that the best thing to do with the oId structure was to set it on fie. 61 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. La Secrétaire à Mère Supérieure, 26 déc. 1896. It sgms the conirs were opened before they were transported. "What happiness it was for us to contemplate the remains of these well loved ones who seemed to sleep so peacewy. Their habits appeared the same as when we placed them in the tomb. But, when we touched them, they turned to dut. The bodies had not decomposed. We were not able to gather any bones." '9 cannot approve of your inc-g for the Hôtel-Dieu a large debt for the projected

orphanage.. . especially if the building be on goverment gmund .. . '42 Rogers wrote to Viger nearly a year before the lazaretto opened. Warned, then, that they "must pay as they go", Viger and Babineau managed to raise enough hdsto begin construction by June of

1896.63 The wing, four floors which measured about 70' by 45', was added behind the sacnsty, giving the new institution a T shape. ''1 drew the pians myself," Viger wrote to her sister, Orpha. There was no contractor. The workers were hired on a daily basis. '7 supervise the labour under the direction of Father Babineau to save money."a Besides the orphanage, she said, there would be a few rooms reserved for the non-leprous sick. The gray haired Amanda was 50 years old in 1895, and during the next seven years she would suEer consistent and recwrbg heaith problems. Although she seldom mentioned her physical condition, an excerpt hmone of the letters dento her sister, Orpha, gives us an indication of her failing health. "The new convent is five minutes walk from the old and it is al1 1 cmdo to get there. Do you how 1 weigh 197 Ibs. With such a

big body 1don? walk very fast," she said.65 The Hospitallers voiced their concem for Viger's health in several letters written at this tirne. It was no use telling her to rest, because she would refuse, and her rare energy helped her overcorne al1 siclmess, the secretary,

62 PM.Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. Bishop Rogers à Sr. StJean. 30 juin 1895. 63 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Sécretaire à Mère Supérieure, 8 sept 1896. "Father Babineau cornpletely supports Viger's 'grand designs.' He donated % 1000, oversees the construction, orders the matends and Iooks deral1 the correspondence which goes with a work of this nature. His servants as well as his horses and carriages are always avaiiable to us.. .Father Théberge, hma neighbouring parish gave us $2000. This, together with the savings fiom the community, WU allow us to complete the outside of the buiIding." See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''Frais de la Construction de l'orphelinat 1895-1 899." Babineau not only donated his time and energy, he gave a total of $49 14 towards construction ofthe orphanage; Father T'héberge donated $2721, and the Hospitallers from rhe various monasteries, particularly Montreal, gave $36 17.64. Altogether, $11,252.64 of the $12,329.85 costs carne hmthese three sources. The rest of the fiinds were raisesi fiom bazaars, raffles and 0th- projects orgmked by the Tracadie Hospitallers. There was no debt 64 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto à Madame Joseph Rocheleau, 27 déc. 1896. 65 RHSJ Archives Montréai. Sr. St. Jean à Madame Joseph Rocheleau, 25 déc. 1895. Viger asked how al1 of the family were, and said how much she minded being so far away f?om them, especially at that time of the year. Soeur Amanda Sorrnany reported.66 Sormany said, a few weeks later, that Viger had taken charge of the construction of the orphanage herself, and, as a result, she was

extremely tireci. 'Wer legs are swollen and the pain is so great she can't sleep at night''67 Many of the sisters were il1 with a cold in the spring of 1897, but Viger's condition was cornplicated by a general wealcness that lingered derthe worst of 'la grippe' had passed. Doctor Smith, who had moved to Tracadie in 1895, warned d the sisters that they had to rest more? By April of 1898 Amanda had developed a serious hart condition.69 in January of 1899, she could not use her right shoulder because of a chronic and painful inflammation. The only way she codd get any sleep at ail was with narcotics. The celebration of her 36th anniversary on 2 February 1899, was hampered by concerns for her health, Sormany wrote, "as weli as by our fear that this year will close the blessed reign of this one who wore the name of mother so well. The memones of her goodness, and of her heroic devotion will always live in our hearts. The works will always be there, speaking eloquently of her courage and her rare energyn7o But by December of 1900, Viger reported to Orpha that her condition had irnproved. She had been in the infinnary since August, she said, but was on the edge of recovery. 'You know 1 weighed two hundred and

66 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère Svpénem, 20 déc. 1895. 67 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère Supérieure, 26 déc. 1896. 68 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère Supérieure, 19 mars 1897. In this letter Sormany mentioned the amval of three leprosy patients, two young men and one woman, hmwestern Canada, whom Doctor Smith had brought himseIf. None of the three knew each other and none spoke Engiish or French, The woman had "left her three smaU children in the care of her husband and was nearly out of her mind with grief." See also: Losier & Pinet. Children ofluzam, pp. 126-38. This was a very dificult period in the history of the Iazaretto. CompIaints hmthe lepmsy patients began to surface. Doctor Smith had moved to Tracadie where he gradually took over hmFather Babineau the deof chief adminisfrator of the hospital. The sisters received no increase in either their allocation or in the iùnds the govemrnent granted for the patients. As a result, there was no money available to improve the diet or clothing ailowance for the sick. The conditions were magnifieci by the fact that the newcomers (immigrants to Western Canada) were not familiar with the retigious customs, language or diet imposed on them in Txacadie. 69 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère Supérieure, 16 avril 1898. 70 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère Supérieure, 4 avril 1899. Sormany also reponed that the new hospital opened in September of 1898. Since that tirne, 30 people had been treated there. eight pounds last summer, now 1 only weigh one hundred and fie-four. 1 have no regrets about losing the fat, but 1 am weak as a resuIt"71 It is difficult to gain a tme perspective on Viger's relationship with the New Brunswick Hospitallers, since her Iast days in Tracadie were mired in controversy. The correspondence up to, and including, the period of her illness indicates that she was tdy loved by her community. Nearly every letîer containeci affectionate references to her- As well, there were many and fiequent tributes to Father Babineau, who was also highly regarded.72 Until the year of the "troubles", as the Hospitallers caUed this sad period of their history, Viger and Doucet seemed to enjoy a niendship similar to the one shared by Pagé and herself. From 1887 onward they altemted as superior in two consecutive, three year ternis, and Mistress of Novices, in the other yem. Of the entire community of 27

Hospitailers in 1902, ail had been trained in Tracadie except Viger herself And one of Viger 's novices, Amanda Somany, was fol10 wing in her footsteps, consistently holding the duties of Secretary of the Chapter and assistant phamiacist.73 Had Viger not been ill, it is unlikely that the events that led to her recall wouid have transpireci, and she could have expected to remain in Tracadie for the rest of her days. Doucet and Sonnany had bot.expressed that wish, as already shown in their letters. The desstipulated that it was important, if possible. to leave religious in the houses they had founded, especially %ose who have been superiors therein? Amanda remarked, on the

71 Sr. St. Jean a Mme Joseph Rocheleau, 27 déc. 1900. 72 Losier & Pinet. ChiIdren of Lazam, p. 137. Fmrn NAC. RG 29, Vol. 5, file 121419. One of the last acts îhat Father Babineau carried out on the Hospitallers' behaif was to secure a smaii raise for them, which amounted to an increase of $200 in 1899, and a Mer$200 in 1900, bringing their total ailocation to $1200. 73 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst 'Tes Offices," 4 sept. 1902. Besids Douce4 Viger , Sormany, and her sister, LaDawersière, the choir sisters included: Mailet, Landry, Daigle, Vautour, Robichaud, Louise Léger (the head nurse), Pagé, Pitre, Ste. Joseph (sister of Louise Léger), Hachey and Michaud. 74 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. The Custonrary adLittle Rules of the Religieuses Hospitaliers of the Congrégarion of St.Joseph (hmthe French edition) La Flèche: E. Jourdain, 1850, (Kingston: Hôtel-Dieu, 1905), p. 6. On the other han& founding Hospitaiiers who wished to be recalled could be, provideci they had serveci for a period of six years in the new establishment. occasion of the 25th anniversary of the foundation, that "It was an honour to be the only one remaining among the fkst group of religious who came twenty-five years ago. To have been able to be a part of the modest but dear Tracadie Foundation is more than a cornfort for me, it is almost a kind of glory"7s Viger's nine month confinement in the infinnary overlapped with a four rnonth vacation taken by Father Babineau in the winter and spring of 1901. Whiie he was away, Father Wheten became the acting chaplain and the Hospitallers' confèssor. Viger wrote that the pnest was a fiequent visitor, and that Doucet met with him alone in the parlour, with the door shut. Wheten sometimes joined the Hospitallers in their comm~tyrwm during evening recreation, and occasionally, when he was there, Doucet extended the recreation period.76 By the time Viger was weU enough to realize what was happening, it was clear the community was growing very fond of Wheten. Amanda wmed Doucet that she should change her direction, or she would regret it later. But, accordhg to Viger, the warning was ignored. When Father Babineau retumed in June he found his reception less than enthusiastic, particularly arnong some of the younger Hospitallers.77 It is natumi that Doucet might form an alliance with Wheten. Mer all, Viger had a similar arrangement with Babineau. With Amanda ill, and Babineau not around, Doucet ükely needed someone in a position to give her advice. For the first time, the HospitaIlers would have prolonged contact with a pnest other than Babineau, and it is logical that a few

75 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. Sr. St. Jean à Bishop Rogers, 7 mai 1893. 76 PANB Microfüm #7687. "Religieuses de Femmes: Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie," Diocése de Bathurst 1868-1902. "Mémoire de Sr. Saint Jeande-Goto aprés son départ de Tracadie," août 1902. Viger gives a complete account of the events that led up to the "troubles" in this 20 page document. A note on the bottom of the letter indicates that Amanda wrote it in Tracadie, at the request of Father L. N. Dugai, but mailed it fiom Arthabaska that September. Father Fitzgerald, the curate of Pokemouche was one of two appointed extraordinary confessors. The other was Father Stanislas Doucet who resided in Bathurst. Two weeks afler Babineau le% Fitzgerald tumed the responsibility of hearing the Hospitaliers' confessions over to his vicar, Father Wheten. The story of the dispute unfolds in a long series of letters over a 17 or 18 month period beginning in August of NO1 and ending in 1903, when Fathet Babineau was Mytransfed out of Tracadie. 77 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. "Mémoire de Sr. Saint Jeande-Goto après son départ de Tracadie." of them at least, might prefer Wheten. The incident which led to Viger's recall, Father Babineau's forced resignation as the Hospitallers' conféssor and Bishop Rogers' retirement, began when Babineau found Father Wheten hearing a sister's confession.78 Babineau chastised the Mother Superior in fiont of the whole cornxnunity7saying that, under the circumstances, she had no right to appoint another confessor. Bishop Rogers listened to both parties in the dispute and acknowledged that Babineau was mistaken. Rogers found that the Mother Superior, who was obliged to find another confessor for two of the Hospitailers who would not confess to Father Babineau, had followed ail the correct procedures. However, he decreed in writing that ". ..dl parties retum to their respective duties"? Viger, dthough she did not agree with Babineau's actions, urged her community to remember ail of the good thhgs he had done on their behalf, and to put this incident behind them, as Bishop Rogers decreed. However, the Somiany sisters (Amanda and her younger sister, Isabelle, Soeur La Dauversiere) in particular, asked Doucet to change the confessor. According to Viger, Doucet was influenceci by the two Sormany daughters who were both will ful. Soeur Sormany' Doucet's assistant, Viger wrote, was young and inexperienced: "She has too much self confidence and wants to be boss.''80 There were several incidents,

78 PANB. Microfilm #7687. "Decree of the Bishop of Chatham N.B. Aug. 9, 1901." Written in English. 79 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. "Decree of the Bishop of Chatham N.B. Aug. 9, 1901." The Superior tried to have either of the two appointeci extraordinary confessors, but neither one of them was avdable. See &O: Wémoire de Sr. Saint Jeande-Goto." Bishop Rogers visited the community for the last time on 12 September 1901. He came to preside at the profession of Sr. Haché. Since there was stiiI a lot of tension between Doucet and Babineau, Rogers met al1 the sisters in the community mom where he toId them to remah submissive to their chaplain. "When you obey him it is myself you obey because he is my representative here." According to Viger's account, after he left, Doucet told Viger that the bishop was senile and was repeating himself. La Dauversière added îhat the bishop uttered nothing but stupidities, and such remarks continued to be made during recreation, about both the Bishop and Father Babineau "A sort of war sbrted then." PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. "Mémoire de Soeur St. Jeande-Goto." Viger apparently did not notice that Amanda Marie Sormany not only bore Viger's Christian names, but &O shared some of ber own character traits. Sonnany's career in pharmacy was also expanding in a way paralie1 to that of her own, Sormany acted as Doctor Smith's assistant when he saw patients, and it appears he and Sormouiy worked together in the phannacy. No doubt Viger forgot that, when she herseifwas 3 1 years old, Sonnany's age, and a member of the Hospitallers for 15 years as Sormany was, she was in her second year as Mother as the letters written at the tune attesteci to, that showed Father Babineau no longer commanded respect in the community. Yet he rehed to resign, and Bishop Rogers refuseci to replace him81 Amanda not only loved Babineau as a fiend, she was also more fdarwith the desthan was Doucet She was the only HospiMer trained in Montreal, where she leamed very early that obedience to a Bishop's decree took precedence over all other considerations. As weli, she likely resented her own advice not only king ignored, but mocked by women who were younger, and who were either h;Uned by her, or were novices when she was the superior. And perhaps above all, Viger, after di the years and al1 they had gone through together to build the fomdation, would have a hard time contemplating what her life would be like without Father Babineau. Another era had started but neither Babineau nor Viger were prepared for the changes. It was evident that Doucet had her own way of doing things, and Viger's illness had given her the oppominity to exercise some autonomy.82 Normally, Doucet could expect that her request for a different coofessor would be granted.83 If that had happened,

Superior. See &O: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de Marie Amanda Sonnany décédée 4 fevrier 1947." and Eloi Dffirace. "Henri-Armand Sonnany," Dictionnajre biographique du Nord-lh du Nouveau- Brunswick: Premier Cahier. Revue de la Société hhtorique Nicolas Denys, 1 1,3 (1983)- p. 65. Certainly if there was a member in the foundation who resembled Viger herself, it was Amanda Sormany. the daughter of H~M-Armandand Virginie (Haché) Sormany, of Lameque. Mi. Sormany worked for the Fmhg Company. He was a reiigious leader in the community of Lamèque where Amanda, isabelle and a younger sister, Joséphine, (Sr. Mariedu-Sacre-Coeur, who was a novice in Tracadie at this tirne, died in 1904) were boni. She boarded with the Hospitaliers at the age of 14, and, at that time, was pennitted to folIow the head nurse and the pharmacist as they made the rounds in the wards. She was ody 15 when she entered, ihe same age as Viger had been at entry. * Clerics often meddled in the affairs of the religious communities, caused divisions among their rnembers and spread rumours about sisters they disliked Marta Danylewycz, Taking the Veik An Alternative to Mam'age, Motherhood andSpinster hood in Quebec, 1840-1920, (Toronto: McCIeiland and Stewart, 1987), p. 81. 82 PM.Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. %Mimoire de Soeur St, Jean-de-Gom." Viger complained that, "The sisters who want to see the doctor, now see him in his office, where they have to pas publicly in fiont of his other patients, instead of in the pharmacy, in the presence of the pharmacist, as they did before." Doucet aIso stopped reading to the sick in the afternoons. 83 interview with Corinne LaPlante, December 1994. in addition to the chaplain, the siners were aliowed the services of an exîraordinary confessor four times a year, or whenever one of the sisters re~uested it, provided the superior judged the request to be a rriasonabie one. if the chapiain no longer had the confidence of the community, the Superior had the right to ask for a change of confessor and to expect her wish to be granted. The Supenor has total jurisdiction over intenial matters that affect her community. However, when a bishop makes an order a matter of a decree? it has to be obeyed, it is possible Amanda wouid have accepted the resolution of the issue as 'God's will', as she had so many other Iosses. Mead, the situation was allowed to escalate. Babineau used every opportunity to convince the Hospitailers that they did not have to obey Doucet84 The religious fdyAmanda loved was divided, each side accusing the other of not following

the des, of disobedience, of plotting and of back bituig. UOh! Peace. Holy peace wanted for the happiness of al1 those who are dear to me." Amanda wrote to Orpha shortly before Christmas in 1901.85

But things had gone too fàr and the peace Viger Ionged for would be restored ody with the aid of outside intervention. The Sonnany sisters infonned their parents and their brother, Father Wilfred Sormany. Father StanisIas Doucet learned about the situation fiom Father Sorrnany, and it was Father Doucet who contacted the coadjutor of the diocese, Monseigneur Thomas Barry. Mother Doucet informed the Mother Superior Brosseau, in Montreal. "The whole countryside knew," Amanda later re~alled.~~Eventud y, the matter

had to be settled by the Apostolic delegate to Canada, Archbishop Diomide Falconio. Father Babineau was forced to resign fiom his ofice as confessor, and Bishop Rogers was retired in favour of Thomas ~arr~r.87Archbishop Falconio ordered the Hospitallers to take

84 PANB. Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. Sr. Losier R.H. de St. Joseph a Mgr Rogers, 19 avril 1902. This letter gives readers an idea of how Babineau was exacerbating the situation. Losier said Babineau sought her out when she was done in one of the offices and told her the mother superior need not be obeyed because she was acting against the constitutions. "She was taking advantage of my innocence to fool me; that she and the other sisters wanted a change of confessor, and if1 too felt htway, then he looked on that as an insult on my part." 85 Sr. St Jean a Madame Joseph Rochelieu, 21 dk. 1902. Viger never mentioned the controversy in this letter, but it no doubt wits behuid her strange plea. 86 PANB. Bishop Rogers*Correspondeme. 'Mémoire de Swur St Jean-de-Goto." 87 PANB. Bishop Rogers*Correspondence. Miaofüm #7687 contains copies of Doucet's letters to Bishop Rogers as weIl as other letters fiom Viger and Monseigneur Thomas Barry, aIi addresseci to Rogers. There are several Ietters fkom Mère Doucet, idorming Rogers of the hostility in her community. In one, Sr. Doucet à Bishop Rogers, 2 1 avril 1902, Doucet remindeci Rogers that her previous letters remaineci unanswered, and begged him to appoint another confessor before the foundation in Tracadie coiiapsed. "Several sisters can no longer tolerate the situation.. . It is certain they WUeither Ieave the community for other foundations or even.. . into the world," She wrote, "For my part, 1cannot be held responsible for al1 that takes place here because, in the first place, 1advised the authonties, and, in the second place, it is the confessor himseif who told the sisters they are no longer obliged to obey me." There are Ietters, dated 1,2 and 3 July 1902, hmthe newly appointed Bishop Barry dealing with and about Father Babineau, who did not want to resign as Confesser. One, from D. FaIconio à l'abbé J. G Babineau, 28 Juin 1902, in effect 151 part in a retreat which would be conducted by a Jesuit, Father Danel, and, foliowing that, the foundation would undago a canonicai visitg8 They were forbidden to talk about the subject of an election of a superior, solicit votes, or campaign, until afkthe canonical visit was over.89 And in fiiture they would have to follow ail the desregarding the cloister, whether dealing with priests or lay people. Father L.N. Dugal, the Vicar General of the diocese of Chatham, was appointed to conduct the visit immediately following the retreat, He arived in Tracadie on the evening of 12 August 1902.90 Du@ interviewed each Hospitalier privately. Eighteen of the 28 sisters appeared to support Viger, including nine

of 15 choir sisters and ail the novices except Marie-du-Sacre-Coeur (Joséphine, a tkd Somany sister). Niue Hospitallers stood with Doucet, including her assistant, Amanda Somany. Dugal found both sides were too attached to certain priests, but concluded that

there had been no improprieties. The fiction among the Hospitaliers appeared to have been exaggerated, Dugal wrote. Since Father Danel arrived about 10 days earlier than Dugal, presumably he wodd have been a settling influence among them. No doubt the retreat they

had just finished had helped to restore some spirit of tolerance.

dismissed Babineau, but was only shown him on 2 July after it was clear that he would not resign otherwise. Falconio wrote that since Babineau had already served as confessor for the Hospiders far longer than allowed under Cannon Law, "nothiag would juste extending the mandate," and therefore his position as confessor for the sisters of the l'Hôtel-Dieu St. Joseph de Tracadie was terminated. Another letter fiom Falconio, this one in English, to Rev. Father (uot named but Likely L.N. Dugal), 12 Aug. 1902, confinns that Rogers was &O removed fiom office. Falconio wrote that Thomas Barry, the coadjutor of Chatham, "is now the bishop as I have transmitted ail the documents." The apostolic delegate appointed the Vicar General of Chatham, L.N. Dugal, to carry out a canonical visit of the Hôtel-Dieu Tracadie, and report his findings to Bishop Barry. 88 A. Danel, SJ. b6~t~ri~edes Lazarets de Sheldrake et de Tracadie Nouveau-Brunswick," unpubiished and undated manuscript, (Probable date 1902) Université de Moncton, Centre Universaire de ~hippagan.Father Danel remained Gth the Hospitallers for four months. In that thehe wrote this history of the lazaretto. See also: Losier & Pinet Children of 1Azal~l~.Father Félix M. Lajat, author of Le Lazaret de Tracadie et la Communauté dm religieuses Hoqvitaiières de SaintJoseph, based much of his work on Danel's manuscript. 89 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. D. Faiconio, Archevêque de Larisse, Délégué Apostolique au Canada, Ottawa, à Mère Supérieure et aux soeurs de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Saint Joseph, Tracadie, 7 juillet 1902. PANB. Bishop Rogers* Correspondence. L.N. Dugai, Vicaire Général a Monseigneur TS.Barry, Bishop of Chatham, 13 août 1902. 152 In generai, Dugal wrote, the regular order of the day as required by their constitutions, was followed weii, and he was impressed with how capably they ran the Lazaretto, hospitai and ophanage. However, his report makes it clear that the 'ïracadie foundation was flawed fiom the beginning, and the "troubles" were a rdtof its defects. The Hospitalfers were not weli enough informeci about religious life. They did not have sufficient insûuction fiorn their chaplain, and they had never leamed how to meditate. They had al1 the room necessary to make a cloister in accordance with their de,and enough land for an outside enclosure. However, they were under the impression that the desof the cloister did not apply to them because the bishop had never officiaily proclaimed their foundation. "rom ttiere rested their too easy facility to receive priests in their community rmm, or to take walks outside of their land under the most f?ïvolous pretext.'*l It must have proved difficult indeed for Viger, who had retained the support of the majority, to accept DugaI's solution as 'God's will'. In order for peace to reestablish itself in the institute, Dugal said Father Babineau should cease al1 connection with it. The mother superior should have no important charge for a period of time, especially not that of Mistress of Novices as they "have a profound aversion to Mère ~oucet."g2The departure of Sr. St. Jean, "should put an end to the schism," Dugal wrote.93 A grief stricken Amanda left at the end of the canonical visit on 17 August 1902, right after a final benediction. The Hospitaliers were weeping so hard they could only whisper the Te Deum, a hymn

91 PANB.Bishop Rogers' Comespondence. L.N. Dugai, Vicaire Général à Monseigneur D. Falconio, Archevêque de Larisse, Délégué Apostolique au Canada, 19 août 1902. 92 PM.Bishop Rogers' Comspondence. Dugal a hg. Barry, 19 août. 1902. 93 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. L.N. Dugal, Vicaire Générai à Monseigneur TI. Barry' Bishop of Chatbarn, 13 août 1902. See also: L.N. Dugal à Bishop Barry, 4 juillet 1902. The decision to recall Viger fiom Tracadie and send her to Arthabaska was the idea of Mère Brosseau, superior of the Hôtel- Dieu in Montreal. Dugal found it an excellent idea, "Sr. St. Jean will render immense se~ceto Arthabaska and it will be a very honourable door through which to Ieave Tracadie." See also: Soeur St. Jean à Bishop Rogers, 8 nov. 190 1. Viger might have been surpriseci to find she was recalled since, in this letter, she asked the Bishop to arrange a transfer for Doucet, which "is the unanimous wish of the rnajority of the community," she wrote and Soeur La Dauversière as weli, since she is one, '%ho will continue the discord even though she is the youngest-" comrnonly sung at special celebrations? Father Babineau won permission to accompany

Amanda. They wanted to stop in Chatham ht, but they wae not given that authorization.g5 Soeur Brdtretumed to Tracadie to lead the foundation in the aftennath of the 'troubies'. The choice of Brault as mother supenor pmved an excellent one, and calm was gradually restored.96 Dugai's findings seemed to blame the chaplain for what he viewed as the spiritual Iapses arnong the mernbers of Viger's community. Viger should take some responsibility as

well however, since, in the midst of the many changes that transpireci in the 1890s, neither she nor Babineau likely took the the to see that the novices were properly instructed. Doucet was their mistress fkom 1893 untii 1899, but Doucet herse1f had not had anything

like the intensive training that Amanda had had during her novitiate. As far as this researcher has been able to determine, Amanda never asked Bishop Rogers for a cloister, while Brault, Reid and Pagé al1 had requested permission to build one. But even had she made such a request, it seems clear, given Rogers' feelings towards her cornrnunity, that he would have refused. Viger herself, according to her bioppher, was not "dways on her hees." Rogers had initially wanted a non-cloistered order and, in effecf he nearly got his wish. His refusa1 to allow the Hospitaliers a cloister was gradually changing the character of the foundation, especially in the last years of the 19th century and the early years of the

94 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Chroniques des RHSJ, de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie Fondée en 1868," p. 175. 95 PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. LN. Dugal à Monseigneur TF. Barry, 13 août 1902. See also: Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto à Monseigneur James Rogers, 11 sept. 1902. Viger apologized for not being able to stop in Chatham as she wished, so she couid thank the bishop for di the help he had been to their community, now "so rudely battered by the tempest." It appears, fiom severai letters on the subject, that Father Babineau continued to harass the Hospitallers throughout the fdand winter of 1902-1903. See &O: Losier & Pinet. Children of Lazam, p. 137. Babineau was transferred to St. Leonard in the spring of 1903. He died there on 3 1 March 19 15. Miramichi Advance. 26 March 1903. Bishop Rogers died in Chatham on Sunday, 24 March 1903. 96 RHS J Archives. Montréal. Sr. Paquette. Ler Annales de l'institution des Religieuses Hospitoiières de SaintJoseph de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal 1860-1881. Original Volume 3. p. 166- See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. Tirculaire de Delphine Brauit décédée 22 oct. 1918." Brault remained six years in Tracadie, where she celebrated her 50th anniversary as a religious. She returned to Montreai in 1909 and died in 19 18 at the age of 79 after 62 years in religious Life. 154 20th when it was pretty well in the han& of the Acadian Hospitaliers. Pertiaps it took the 'troubles' to reverse that trend, And, by that time, Amanda's loyalties were, perhaps irretrievably, dividd When all else failed, Faîher Babineau could count on Amanda, and her loyalty cost her her 1st resting place. While she relied on his advice almost cornpietely, he, as the Letters have shown, was equdy devoted to her. Father Babineau had the Bishop's trust. Even ideas the Bishop did not agree with were given approval if they were 'sanctioned' by the curate. Given that she, like ali religious women, was poweriess to act without approval fiom the patriarchy, is it any wonder that she let Babineau act as her mentor? Pagé needed Bishop

Bourget to realize many of her pians; and Marie de Laferre would not have gotten fa without the partnership of Jérome Le Royer de La Dauvenière. Amanda might not have taught her Acadian novices to meditate, but she did teach the Acadian Hospitallers many other useful skills. Amanda Sormany was the chief pharmacist for 27 years. She was the mistress of novices for 12 years, and she was elected the mother superior of the Hôtel-Dieu Tracadie several times, holding that office for a total of 18 years.97 Marie Anne Doucet and Isabelle Sormany were credited with the founding of Académie Sainte-Famille, a private boarding and day school which opened in 19 12. They drew up the plans themselves, based on their visits to boarding schools in Quebec. In addition to offering an academic elementary and high schwl programme, they taught domestic science, and a bilingual commercial c0urse.~8In 1922, Isabelle Soxmany inaugurated a programme of professional development, encouraging the Hospitallers in

97 RHSJ Archives. BathUiSf. 'Circulaire de Amanda Sormany décédée 4 fév. 1946." Her biographer suggests that Sormany was a very strict mistress of novices and superior, implying, perhaps, that she lacked the warmth Viger had had, which made her novices tdy love ber. 98 "Oeuvres des Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph du Nouveau BruIlSwick (1868- I986)." Revue de la société historique du Madawaska (Janvier-juin 1986). Ch. 12, pp. 1-2. See also: RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. ''Circulaire de Marie-Anne Doucet décédée le 28 juin 1934." Doucet was the Bursar during the construction of Mont St. Famille, and, to Save money, she did most of the interior painting, working day and night. Tracadie to obtain their RNs, and medical diplomas in phamiacy. In 1930, the hospital received its accfeditation hmthe American Coiiege of Surgeons, and opened a nursing schwl the same year. Isabelle Sonnany went on to become the founding superior of the Sanitarium Notre-Dame-de-lorades in Bathurst, a Tuberculosis hospital tbat opened in 1932. She was also instrumental in founding the Hôtel-Dieu Saint Joseph in Bathurst in 1942. When al1 of the foundations undenvent a stmchiral and administrative change in 1946, it was the 'saucy' little Isabelle Sonnany who became the first Superior General of the Religious Hospitallers of New Bnuiswick.99 The new administration uniteci alI the provincial foundations under one goverhg body, and, in their new constitutions, the cloister was abolished But perhaps Viger would have found her greatest cornfort fiom knowing that it would be two lazaretto nurses, Hospitallers Eva Albert and Imelda Cyr, who founded a lazaretto in San Pablo, Pérou in 1948. Later, Tracadie Hospitallers would open schools, hospitals and Iazarettos in Lima, the Andes and Iquitos, al1 in Latin

~merica,O0 Amanda had worked side by side with Pagé and Reid in Montreal while still a teenager, and she had their example to follow fkom her earliest days in Tracadie. In New Brunswick, she and her contemporaries, Quesnel, Brault, Sicotte and the others, al1 women of considerable ability, quickly established a close and cwperative working relationship. The support of Amanda's CO-workerswas strengthened by the feelings of kinship that grew among them. In the absence of their secular families, Hospitailers bonded with each other. They shared letters and joined in the celebration of feast days and

99 "Oeuvres des Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph du Nouveau Brunswick" See dso: PANB. Bishop Rogers' Correspondence. "Mémoire de Soeur Sr. Jean-de-Goto." The youngest professeci sister in Tracadie in 1902, Soeur La Dawersière, 25, was the one, who, according to Viger, taunted Father Babineau, and goaded the other Hospitailers by saying that she was the only one who dard to stand up to him. *O0 "Oeuvres des Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph du Nouveau Bnmswick (1868-1986): This is a fact-based pictonal history of the Hospitailers and their work in New Brunswick There were many other institutions opened in New Brunswick by members of this order. 1 have chosen to highIight just those that were particularly associateci with the Tracadie bouse. 156 anniversanes. Hospitaliers prayed for each other's causa, and grieved when one of their

members was ill or dying, wherever they were. The cornmon ties that held all of the monasteries together insured sentiments of loyaity, wmth and devotion among the individual members. The houses even supported one another financially through economic crises. Thus it is understandable that Dugal chose to separate the leaders in the dispute, for harmony within the house would be vital to its successfid operation. But even in adversity, Viger remained a woman of great power. Her intelligence, scientific ability, administrative talents, aptitude for leadership and, not leasf her writing skills, placed her among the most talented women in the institution, not only in Tracadie, but in Montreal as well. Some of her letters, especiaily those that concemed 'the troubles,' indicate that she had a temper, and that she might have been professionallyjealous of the young Sormany sisters. Still, the majority of the Hospitallers agreed with her point of view. The novices were particularly loyal to her, whatever her failures. The tragedy is that, after 34 years of service in Tracadie, after years of niendship with Doucet, an4 just at the point when she could rest and allow others to lead, she was forced to lave in an atmosphere of sadness and defeat. What she had wanted, wrote her biographer, she wanted too much. Viger not only followed in her mentor's fmtsteps, she inherited fiom Pagé an institution thaf as in Tracadie, bore its own particular flaw. And, as in Tracadie, the flaw rested in its initial structure. The Arttiabaska house was founded as the result of the work of Joseph-Auguste Quesnel, Eulalie Quesnel's brother, following the wishes of his late wife, Marie-Mélanie Quesnel. Quesnel, the Sheriff of the district of Arthabaska, offered the Hospitallers his home. Under the contract, he and his fdycouid continue to live in one wing of the house until his death, and until his children marriedl The five founders, including Pagé, 71, and Quesnel, 65, who arrived in Arthabaska on 2 October 1885, resided ternporarily in a house they named Nazareth, adjacent to the Quesnel property. Here they began sheltering the sick, the handicapped and a few boarders. The HospitaIIers moved into the Quesnel residence a little over a year later, and walked to the Nazareth house.2 In 1887, Pagé decided to build a new monastery which would include a chape1 and hospital. The structure was linked to the Quesnel residence by a wded comdor.3 Despite Quesnel's apparent generosity, however, the hancial position of the Arthabaska foundation remained precarious. Mr. Quesnel, in the name of the community, arranged the fùnding through a sexies of complicated negotiations involving bis famiy members. hancial institutions and creditors. The Arthabaska Hospitallers had few documents in writing, with the result that, at Mr. Quesnel's death in September of 1889, they owed $20,000.4 Their property was seized by a sherifi land, buildings, furniture and

Claire Perreault, RHSI. L+esIO0 ans de L 'Hôtel-Dieu D ilnhobaska: 1884-1984. (Arthabaska: Les Editions pourquoi pas, l983), p. 29. Perreadt, historian and RHSJ archivist for the Hôtel-Dieu d'kthabaska,- chronicled a narrative history of the Arthabaska foundation. RHSI Archives. MonW. Soeur Eulalie Quesnel "Notes sur l'institut et le premier Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal,"- 15 sept. 1902. p. 36. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. Eulalie Quesnel*"Notes sur l'Institut et le premier Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal,"15 sept. 1902." p. 37. Pernault Les 100 ans de L 'Xotel-Dieu D Arthabaska, pp. 29- 141. Aithough the Hospitaiiers were almost forced to Ieave Arthabaska, they decided to rwain, but were reduced to living on dry bread and livestock In the end, they managed to keep their building, but most of the rest was auctioned. An outstanding debt of $7000 stiU remained in the fd of 1902, when Amanda Viger arrivai in Arthabaska. There is no sign that the members of the Arthabaska house were aware of any controversy smundingAmanda's departtue from Tracadie. The Hospitallers welcorned her with warmth and enthusiasm and officidy elected her their Mother Superior on 3 September 1902. The coadjutor of the diocese of Nicolet, Monseigneur J.-S.-H. Brunault,

who presided at the election ceremony, congratuiated Amanda, and assured her that her 34 years of success in Tracadie fdied him with codïdence.5 Perhaps the voting sisters underestirnated Viger's vision and detemination. However, the seeds of her grand design were surely sown when they decideci, shortly afler her election ceremony, to more or less give her a fiee rein. As the assistant secretary wrote, "In order for her to succeed we are leaving her entirely and joyously at the divine cdof her celestial spouse." They were weII aware of the state of their finances; it was just that they did not want their present debt to wearing habits that were tittIe more than rags. They had to ration theù fuel in the tough northem Quebec winters. As with the foundation in Tracadie, the Hospitallers in France sent fun& to help their sisters in Arthabaska. Mont Sainte Famille aiso helped, but they were short of money as well, due to the extensive expansion of the last 35 years. However, the Montreal house underwrote loans on behalf of the Arthabaska community, and, without their CO-sien,the Arthabaska house would have had no operating grant. See also: RHSJ Archives. Montréal, s'Notessur 1lnstituttwin her account, Quesnel defends the actions of her brother, saying he went bankrupt on behalf of the HospitaiIers and that his devotion to them could be compared to the dedication of JhmeLeRoyer de La Dauversière. However, it seems fiom the evidence presented by Perrault, that Mr. Quesnel gave with one hanci, and took back with the other, as when he conceded building tots to the Hospitallers on land he had aiready teased over to them for their use for a period of 15 years. Moreover, each of his children held a mortgage on the land, and one, Arthur, wanted $1000 in payment in retum for releasing his share of the mortgage. The senior Quesnel borrowed the money to pay his son, but the Hospitallers had to turn over to him two post-dated notes for $500 each. The Hospitaiiers also agreed to pay Arthur Quesnel 1/16 of the capital realized fiorn the use of the land each year. On another occasion, Quesnel arrangecl for the community to be able to borrow up to $8000 fiom a certain bank However, after using $4000, they found that Quesnel had withdrawn the remaining $4000. Every transaction seemed to carry with it conditions that lefi the Hospitaiiers increasingly worse off. Finally, in 1888, Bishop Grave1 of Nicolet ordered the community to settle their accounts with Quesnel, and case to have any Mer agreements with bim. According to Perrault, Pagé was tomented by the situation since it involved not oniy Eulalie Quesnel's brother, but the fkther of their first novice and newly professed Soeur Corinne Quesnel (Sr. St. ), RHSJ Archives. MontréaltréalZettres-Correspondenfe de Anhabaska 1902-1906." La Sécretaire du chapitre de I'HÔtel-Dieu de St.-Joseph, Arthabaska, a Mère Supérieure l'Hôtel-Dieu de St-Joseph Montréai, 15 sept. 1902. Besides the bishop, the= were five other priests who atîended a reception for Viger foiiowing the ceremony. hold back the work, because 'They had the strength and courageous heart of the one who is loved so much by Jesus."o

"1 thought I was well placed in Tracadie for life, but God wanted me elsewhere," Viger wrote to Orph '2 expected to be lonely. It cost me so much to lave my dear lepers, the house that 1 began and thirty sisters whom I fomed in religion.. . but 1 am not lonely at ail. I feel stronger than 1 have been in the past six years." The peaceful comrnunity of Arthabaska must have been a welcome change fiom the 16 months of tumioil in Tracadie; and the mundings, although much smaller and more crowded, reminded her of Mont Sainte Famille.7 The words of praise hmBishop Bninault seemed to renew her assurance. She did not go to Arthabaska to retire. Viger said, '4 have been so busy since I came that 1codd not find an instant to write."* Viger was, indeed, busy. She resurrected a project to build a laundry, which had been started by her predecessor, Mère Marie du Sacré-Coeur, in 190 1, but was cancelled for lack of funds. The Hospitallers were already doing the washhg and sewing for a reiigious community of men. Viger reasoned that a laundry would allow them to do the work more efficiently, and even expand this service. And, while they were at it, why not enclose the new facility in an additional wing, so that they would be able to accommodate more of the sick. The rooms were needed: the laundry wouid generate revenue, and they would not have to turn anyone in need away, for lack of space.9 On the eve of the new construction, the Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska consisted of 85 people, comprised of 2 8 Hospitaliers, and 57 elderly, sick, boarders and a few servants.

RHSI Archives. MonW. L'aide de La Secrétaire (Sr. StAaphaël), "lettre des obédiences," à Mère Supérieure, 5 sept. 1902. RHSI Archives. Montréal. La Sécretaire (Soeur Perron) à Mère Supérieure, 15 sept 1902. * RHSI Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean-de-Goto, L'Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska, à madame Joseph Rocheleau, St-Basile-le-Grand, 2 1 déc. 1902. RHSJ Archives. MonW. La Secrétaire à Mère Supérieure, 18 sept 1903. 'Thete are so many times during the year when the deficiencies in our location prevent us hmrespondùig to the needs of our two large counties and force us to refùse the elderly of both sexes, orphans, the idhm and the sick who corne to us looking for a place to stay." Some of the voting sisters were not anxious to incur an additional debt, but Viger quashed their objections. To delay, she said, would show a want of confidence in God and a lack of charity to the poor who are living without shelter, and without protection. 10 In

bringing her plan to hïtion, Viger had an dy, who had not kenavailable to the previous mother superior. It seems that Bishop Elphege Gravel, who had taken over the newly created see of Nicolet in 1885, remernbered the early struggles and was not about to approve of an adventure that could only hcur more debt In contrast, Bishop Brunauit, who was coadjutor in 1902 and who was appointed bishop afier Gravel's death in January of 1904, was more open when Viger presented the plans to him. After she had succeeded in winning a grant of $3000 nom the town council for her project, $1000 hmFather Buisson, the former curate of Arthabaska, and the promise of additional fbds from other sources, Bishop Brunault decided that the time of testing was past. "Qui bâti, pâti," he wrote (a French proverb meaning ''one who builds, suffers). 1 Perron, the secretary for the

chapter, added, 'We will take on the suffehg, it is our capital which will go to the credit of the unfortunate."l2 The contract was awarded in August of 1903 for the sum of

$10,940, payable in increments of $500, as each phase of the work was completed. 13 Viger seemed to throw herself into the task, sustained by an "invincible courage and strength." However, her legendary drive was already a subject of concern arnong the

Hospitaliers. Perron wrote, 'We shudder over the health of our mother who does not want to take care of herself, and lavariably answers our representations by saying that it is no worse for her than for us."14 Viger wrote a few weeks later to report that the bishop had allowed them to negotiate a loan of $20,000 so that they would be able to pay off the present mortgage, and consolidate the remainder of the debt. Amanda, who needed the

Io Perreauit Les 100 AN de L 'Hôtel-Dieu D 'Arthabaska, p. 145. l l RHSJ Archives. MonW. La Secrétaire a Mère Supérieure, 18 sept. 1903. l2 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Semitaire du Chapitre à Mère Supérieure, 18 sept 1903. Perreauit. Les 100 ans de L 'Hôtel--Dm D 'Arth

''The exterior is finished except for the @enes for which the carpeuters have to fit the window frames. We started dl that with nothing. 1borrowed $20,000."~7Her womes over the debt were beginnuig to surface in this letter, ''1 sent one of our non-cloisterd sisters to gather funds in the United States. The dear child has been there since October, but it is not gohg as weil as I would have wished," Viger wrote. "1 don't know how I am made but 1 could not refuse the poor. 1 would prefer to sleep outside rather than reject a child of Christ, but to house thern we have to have money, and we don't have any." She asked Orpha if she could collect a few doilars fkom among her fiends and acquaintances. 'We are praying to Saint Joseph, and we are breaking the ear drums off the Infant of Prague.. . I'm joking, but we are in extreme need."lg The construction was only one of several concems Viger faced in 1904. A prolonged drought, which Iowered water reservoirs throughout the district, caused critical

lS RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Soeur St. Jean, L'Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska, à Mère Supérieure, 5 aov. 1903. l6 RHSJ Archives. Bathwt "Cirnilaire de la tris honorée Mère StJean-de-Goto (ML. Amanda Viger) décédée 8 mai 1906," Lettres CircuIaires Nécrologiesv pp. 107-108. The community told Amanda that they felt they were too few in number to perform them. l7 RHSJ Archives. Montréa!. Sr. St Jean à madame Joseph Rocheleau, 2 jan. 1904. RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à madame Joseph Rocheleau, 2 jan. 1904. shortages that winter. These diffidties were cornpounded by cold so intense the earth fkoze to a depth of six feet, and neariy all the water pipes broke. Viger wrote, "We had to cart our water from the river in barrels Monday to Saturday, and sometimes, on Mondays, we had to hire men and horses. In spite of that we had to ration the water to the point that we were suffering."lg There were five cases of typhoid fever among the sick, and a number of seriously il1 among the elderly. Three Hospitaliers were ailing, two with tuberculosis. The grant hmthe city, $2772 instead of the expected $3000 that had been pledgeà, did not quite cover the cost to equip their new laundry. However, Viger's fund raising efforts had garnered some success. The lay sister rehimed nom the United States, to the great joy of the entire community. She had managed to raise $ 1700.20 That SUITLmer the women in the smunding parish organized a village fair which lasted eight days and brought in a Mer$1275.2~ This bit of good news was offset by two accidents: on 3 August a gasoline reservoir exploded, setting the new building on fie. Insurance covered most of their losses, except for $200 needed to repair the washuig machines. A month later one of the fumaces exploded when a workman forgot to open the damper. Several pieces of iron were driven into the walls and the debris broke through the ceiling of the fumace rmm, stopping at the floor of the sanctuary where mass was in progress. "The altar was Iifted by the jolt, the tables were displaced the chandeliers fell.. . It caused a general pani~."2~Bishop Bninault comparai the trials the Arthabaska community were enduring to those suffered by the Montreal founders, and pointed out that L 'Hotel-Dieu de Monfika1 had become one of the most flourishing. Viger, of course, knew, from her experience in Tracadie, that no work of this sort was done without a great many problems. One can only wonder what

l9 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 16 mars 1904. 20 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean i Mère Supérieure, 23 mai 1904. Perreault Les 100 lurr de L 'Hôtel-DieuD Arrhabasrko; p. 149. From a letter written by Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 27 sept. 1904. 22 Ibid. p. 150. further misfornine Amanda expected though, when she wrote, 'Po not be ~urpnsedto see our small Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska tested by repeated accidents, by crosses of ail sorts; hm there rests the portent of a prosperous fiiture."B It was a fiture that Viger would not be a part of She leamed in rnid-December that she had cancer on her left side- She was nished to Montreal where she underwent surgeryp but she retumed to Arthabaska afier only six weeks at the Hôtel-Dieu Montreal. The members of the Arthabaska house were so encouraged by her apparent return to health that Sisters Dagenais, the assistant superior and bursar, and Humibise, the mistress of novices, infonned the Hôtel-Dieu in Montreal that they had decided to nominate Sr. St. Jean as their superior for a second three-year temi? Viger wrote, following the election ceremony, "Bless me and bless the dear Little fdythat 1am devoted to, as weU as the arduous work confided to my hands." This was the seventh time that Amanda had held the office of superior. 'Tt is no small burden.. . as you know from your expenence reverend mother. Have pity on us, and through your fervour, make up for the chill in my heart.'"6 Viger probably understood that her recovery was not permanent, and felt driven to complete what she had started Perron wrote, "Her courage is only equaled by her great heart; remaining on her feet in spite of overwheiming fatigue, her one thought is to encourage us."27 The ktfloor of the new wing completed, Father Buisson moved into one of the apartments reserved for priests, paying the Hospitailers room and board Other priests from the area, with Brunault's encouragement, contributed a mer$1500 towards the construction costs. Viger found the means somehow to begin sheke~g10 orphans.

23 Ibid. p. 150. 24 RHS J Archives. Bathurst. ''Circulaire de Mère St Jean-de-Goto.'' p. 109. See also: Hermine et Edouard Lanctot, interviewed in their home in St. Lambert, by Eugenie Doucet on 10 Jan. 1990. Madame Lanctot said that Doctor Hingston's son told the famity that his father remembered Viger hmher earliest years as a reIigious, and he could not operate on her, because, for him, it wouid be like operating on his own daughter. Dr. Hingston wouid have been 76 years old in 1906. 25 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. Srs. Dagenais et Humibise a Mère Supérieure, 3 juiiiet 1905. 26 RHS 3 Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean à Mère! Supérieure, 16 sept. 1905. 27 RHSJ Archives. Montréai. La Secrétaire à MèreSupérieue, 23 déc. 1905. 164 However, this work met with objections hma few of the voting sisters who believed they shodd concentrate theïr efforts on ca~gfor the sick.28 Moreover, the positive deveiopments were offset a few weeks later when the brotbers and their small coiiege were transfened to Victoriaville, and therefore withdrew their patronage hmthe sewing and Iaundry services supplied by the Hospitaiiers. Bishop Brunault stepped in and ordered al1 priests in the diocese to purchase their candles and communion wafers hmeither the Hospitallers, or nom the Sisters of the Precious Blood, who were equally in need.29 Amanda was clearly exhausted by the time the new year came. In spite of being very weak and tired she was seldom in bed before midnight, she told Orpha. "The young people of today would have a hard the to do as well." Worry over money was a definite preoccupation: "May we have a mild winter. Cod and wood are so expensive."30 Once again she appealed to her sister for help: 'Pon't forget we have to be in great need before I would beg.. . Al1 joking aside, we are in an extreme condition.. . it is a great worry for a mother superior."3 1 Amanda leamed, to her deep regret, the cancer had recurred, and on 30 January 1906, she made arrangements to remto Montreal. "They tell me I have to do my best to cure myself, or, at least, prolong my life. As for me, it makes no difference whether 1 live or die. One's health is up to the will of God." What mattered more to Viger was the community of Arthabaska "which 1love more than myself.. . to leave it in this financial state is a sacrifice above al1 sacnfices."32 Once it was evident to the doctors that there was nothing f.urther the medical profession could do for her, Viger insisted on rejoining her community. The news that she would be back among them was not well received by the Hospitallers in Arthabaska, who womed that Amanda would not rest properly, and would

28 Perreauit. Les 100 ans de L 'Hotel-DieuD Anhabaska, p. 15 1. 29 Ibid. p.151. 30 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à madame Rocheleau 2 jan. 1906. RHSJ Archives. Monnéal. Sr. St Jean à madame Rocheleau 2 jaa 1906. 32 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure,30 jan. 1906. likely insist on trying to be involved in all that went on amund her. They asked the Montreal Hospitaliers to induce her to remain there: The supenor's rwm neighbours the community room, the choir, the telephone, the cloister enmance where the bel1 rings continually, and Mer, her great desire to follow her work, and seeing herself incapable of responding, will be a more intense suffering than any other. Her devotion has never before known an obstacle because the Lord always relented before the great spirit of her faith, and her unlimiteci confidence. Her strong desire to return to her dear Arthabaska has affected us profoundly, thinking perhaps, that she has not seai it through?

Viger was back by 14 March, suffering fiom a severe cold and the stress of the joumey. Nevertheless she was weil enough to send a special apologetic th&-you note to

her mother superior who had tried to convince Amanda to stay in the larger and better equipped infïrmaryof Mont Sainte Fde.AAer expressing her great love for all her 'dear ones' in Montreal, Viger wrote, "1 was dealing with a mother's heart, and, Oh! I know one thing, the heart of a mother, cannot misjudge her own child."34 The care she had received

in Montreal Nled her with a gratitude that "she would carry with her as long as Life itself," she wrote. Viger foumi, pressed between an envelope of holy cards given her as she left

the city, "'une image verte'. .. 1 can assure you, that in our impoverished state, I like these green pictures very much."35 In the end, it seerns the Arthabaska community were profoundly touched by Viger's desire to remain with them, even though they lacked rnany things that would make '?he life of a sick person more comfortable."36 Viger suffered severely, physically and emotionally, over the next few weeks. "The weight of our debts, especially that portion she felt she was responsible for, pressed on her heart." The Hospitaliers reminded her to have confidence in

33 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère-Supérieure, 6 mars 1906. 34 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St. Jean- à Mère Supérieure, 26 mars 1906. It is possible that Amanda met Isabelle Sormany whiIe in the Mont Sainte Famille hthmy, because, in this letter, Viger writes "1 suppose Soeur La Dauversière, whom 1 Ieft so ill, is better, shce we haven't had any news." 35 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. Sr. St Jean à Mère Supérieure, 26 mars 1906. 36 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère-Supérieure, 19 mars 1906. Divine Providence, using the words she often used to admonish them. They found that, "The smallest expression of encouragement hmthe least arnong us did her good.. ." It pleased her when the individual rnembers of her community came to her room and sought her counsel. "Her simplicity drew us to her, perhaps, so rnuch so, that we forgot the usual

fodtyshown to a rn0ther."~7 Father Babineau, to her great joy, was permitted into the cloister for a final go~d-bye.~*She received the 1st rites of the Roman Catholic church in the aftemmn of 20 April. If Viger had appreciated just how supportive Bishop Brunadt was of her work, she rnight not have suffered so much over the debt. He demonstrated much more interest in the Aahabaska community than Bishop Rogers had ever show for her Tracadie House. Brunault sent the assistant, Sr. Dagenais, a cheque for $400 that April to cover the interest on their loan which was due in May. "I am happy to do if" he wrote, "So that my dear daughters of the Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska will find.. .another excuse not to lose courage in the midst of their troubles.. .the clergy and the faithfùl understand that you are in extreme need, and that I absolutely support the life and the prosperity of your house." Brunault visited Viger on 23 Aprii. Seeing how sick she was, he absolved her of ail her duties as Mother ~uperior.~~ Peace settled on her. The nursing sisters were giving her medication to help her sleep, and, it appears, she began to drift in and out of consciousness. She told one of her care givers that she felt she was dwelling more in heaven now tban on the earth. Amanda awoke on the morning of 1 May to a vision of Mary holding out her arms towards her. She

3' RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de St Jean-de-Goto." p. 1 12 38 RHSJ Archives. Montréal. La Secrétaire à Mère-Su~érieure.20 avril 1906. See dso: Hennine et Edouard Lanctot, interview: Madame Lanctot believes that &ha wk pennitted to see Amanda as weU, and added it was the first time the two sistes had seen each other since Amanda left home. See also: Sr. Dagenais, Assistante Secrétaire7Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska, a Madame Rocheleau, 25 avrii 1906. Dagenais idormed Orpha of Viger's condition. ifit were up to them, she said, they wouid aUow the family to corne to the cloister to see her, but Amanda did not want them to see her like that. Nonetheles, it could be possible that Orpha came by herself,and was pemiitted a visit. 39 Pmdrk IO0 amde L 'Hôtel-DieuD Arthabaska, pp. 154-55. had always held a special reverence for the 'Virgin Mother", she said, and she would like to die in May, the month dedicated to her. Marie Louise Amanda Viger, Soeur Saint Jean- de-Goto, passed away with the name of Jesus on her lipç, in the early hours of the eighth of May 1906. The entire Arthabaska community of Hospitailers were dl on their knees around her bed-4 "Just as she never refused our Lord, He displayed His greatness for His dear bride by granting her, at the end of her life, al1 the spiritual favours and blessings it was possible for her to have," Dagenais wrote to Orpha. "She rendered her beautifbl sou1 to God calmly and contentedly."4~ Bishop Brunault permitteci the Hospitaliers to open their choir for visiting religious, and four members of the Congrégation de Nope Dame and two hm 1 ''sumptionde k Sainte-Vierge joined them. "The requiem mass was sung by a choir fiom the town, and served by a deacon and sub-deacon, something that rarely happens for us," Dagenais wrote. Many distinguished visitors attended. "She had the esteem and admiration of everyone who knew her fiom the very youngest of the poor orphans.42 Rain fell abundantly on the day of her fimeral, but the religious noticed that during the singing of the 'Xibéra", a dazzling sun radiated over the choir, and ody disappeared after the last verse. "C'était frappant. It was as if our mother who knew how to emanate joy around her so well during her life.. . wanted to lighten our hemone more tirne, with a sunbeam of hope and peace.'743 Amanda, who was the third Superior to head the foundation, was the first to wish to be buried in the community cemetery. A 30 hour prayer ritual that culminated in a solemn service on the morning of 17 May was held for Amanda in the chape1 of the Tracadie Hôtel-Dieu. The Hospitaliers, apparentiy forgetting the 'troubles' that took her fiom their midst, said she was "the sou1 of

40 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst "Circuiairr de Sr. St Jean-de-Goto," p. 1 14. 41 Sr. Dagenais Assistante Secrétaire, à Madame Rocheleau, 1 1 mai 1906. 42 Sr. Dagenais Assistante Secrétaire, à Madame Rocheleau, 1 1 mai 1906. 43 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst. "Circulaire de Sr. St Jean-de-Goto." p. 1 14. 168 their community and of their works." Bishop Barry, who was in Rome at the time of her

death, came to the Tracadie house to deliver his condolences penomlly. The next moming, 5 Jdy, he sang a solemn high mass on her behalf. Fathers Babineau, L. O'Leary, LE. d'Amour, F.C. Ryan and Eudists LeRoy and Guillemin crowded around the tiny altar, to assistu

Today Amanda rests, with ali the deceased sisters of the Hôtel-Dieu Arthabaska, in the burial vauit under the present monastery complex But the story of Amanda Viger does not end with the death of Soeur St. Jean-de-Goto. For her story is the story of the congregation itself and of the women who ran it. It is the story of their expansion and it is

the story of their contribution and, perhaps above all, it is the story of their faith. Amanda, it appears, was aimost born to religious iife. But, still, she was the only

one of Eudoxi and Bonaventure's five young daughters and two sons to have made tbat career choice, and she did so in spite of Bonaventure's rnisgivings.45 Her uncle, Father

Trudel, seemed to have gentiy instilled the flame of religious fervour in the littie girl. It was he who paid for much of her early education. It was Father Trudel who directed her towards the Hospitaliers, and it was he who encourageci her, in the difficuit days of her noviciate, when she needed it most. But why did he focus his attention on Amanda unless she exhibited, at a very young age, certain inbom character traits, such as a concern for others and a nascent spiritual sense? Did these, combined with her natural exuberance, an inquisitive min& a keen intellect and an active imagination, lead him to believe that she had the makhgs to become a religious? And, if the little girl was somewhat bossy and opinionated, if she was impatient, stubborn and somewhat arrogant, were not these also qualities that most leaders needed if they were to succeed?

44 RHSJ Archives. Bathurst Chroniques des RHSIde Hôtel-Dieu de Tracdie Fondé en 1868, p. 179. 45 Hermine and Edouard Lanctot interview: Bonaventure Viger did not want Amanda to enter religious lifè because he felt it would be too hard, and she wodd be parted hmher family. 169 Whatever abilities Amanda had before she joined the Hospitders had certainly been e~chedby her experiences in the Boucherville convent. There, while steeped in religious doctrine, she was aiso encouraged to study languages, literature, mathematics and science.

Public speakhg skills, music and art all helped Amanda to learn to set high standards, and to cultivate the best within herself. Viger's excellent education, however, would lead to few career options after graduation. She could have marrieci and had a family. Many women chose that route and, within that framework, enjoyed full, useful and satismg lives.

However, Amanda was too ambitious to live within the confines that were the lot of marri& women in the mid-19th century. She needed a wider scope for her endeavours.

Single women had very iittle status in Quebec society. She would not Likely have been pennitted to five on her own, and, if she were, she would have been looked on, by both men and women, as a curiosity at best A career in one of the professions or the sciences would not have been open to Amanda, any more than it would have been to any other young woman of that era. Religious life, then, offered Viger the best oppominity to continue to develop and use her gifts. She would be able to help others and attain personal religious salvation, while following a lifestyle which was highly acclaimed. The Hospitailers welcomed the new entrant. Soeur Marchessault, like Trudel, saw in Amanda's ternperarnental outbmts, the makings of a 'true vocation.' After dl, she reasoned, it was often those with the most forceful natures who became leaders. Lnstead of suppressing the young girl's character, she attempted to direct those energies towards serving God, and followiog whatsoever could be determined was 'God's will.' Amanda might have found her first months tedious while memorizing des, foltowing the lengthy religious instructions, and reciting the endless prayers, and that would account for her bad humour. Soeur Raymond might have been among the first to teach Viger to appreciate interesting and useful work. One can imagine how much Amanda would have enjoyed sorting through the old documents and letters that made up the two hundred years of Hôtel- 170

Dieu history. As she helped to put the archival collection in order, Amanda had the opporrunity to familiarize herself with the very be-gs of the institute, and the lives of the women who helped to build it. A sense of belonging to an organization which had accomplished so much, in her eyes, would increase Amanda's determination to mold herself in the image of these Hospidiers, and to foilow in their footsteps. Although it would appear that few people led more anonymous Lves than did

religious, that was not tnie for those who rose to the higher positions within the

community. Viger's talents as a phamacist had already attracted the notice of the doctors who practised medicine in the Hôtel-Dieu. This was, no doubt, a factor in the decision of the HospitaIlers to select her as the pharmacist for the Tracadie foundation. And, Likely it was the faith the doctors had in her abilities that gave her the confidence to attempt to cure leprosy, and undertake to give medical treatment to the people in Tracadie, shortly af€ershe arrived. It is evident that the founders of the Tracadie Hôtel-Dieu were selected from among the best in Mont Sainte Famille. This was the first new foundation for the Montreal house in over 15 years. The religious who came to Tracadie were going relatively far away f?om

their mother house, in the days when travel was difficult, to a temtory where the govemment was known to be hostile to Roman Catholics, to take over a hospital which was managed by that same govemment. They needed a group of women with good judgement, whom they couid trust to act independently, and who were not anaid of challenge or hard work. Pagé had already demonstrated her excellent administrative skills. Brault, the head nurse and bursar, was likely selected because of her accounting abilities. Quesnel, the Assistant Supenor, was known for her love of the desand ceremonies which gave religious life its flavour. She wouid be expected to see that the new establishment was placed on a firm spiritual footing. Soeurs Clémence and Bonin were refatively young, and likely strong, healthy and energetic. Viger had a multitude of talents. 171 It is possible that the decision to dowher to remain in Tracadie had already been detennined. The administrators in Montreal knew the foundation would take sorne time before it could be considered firmly established Amanda, already possessed of the qyaiities of leadership, was the logicd choice to guide the community over the long term, and through this difficuit period of growth. Viger would see that the foundation was firmly planted. And, when her work was done, she could retire, and enjoy the fniits of her labour. This speculation is reinforceci by the fact that the Montreal Hôtel-Dieu sent Soeur Sicotte to Tracadie a few months afier the founders arrived Sicotte, aithough shy and melancholy, complemented Amanda's character in rnany ways. The two women were both from Boucherville, and had been in boarding school together. Sicotte would act as a cornpanion for Amanda, in the same way that Quesnel often assisted Pagé.

There seems to be a lot of misunderstanding today regarding the lives of female religious. The acclai.they once enjoyed by society no longer exists. Unfortunately, they are often viewed as being largely unproductive, either portrayeci as emotionally repressed women full of anger and resentment, or as silIy ineffectuai creatures with littie knowledge of the world and few marketable skills. This study should serve to put such ideas to rest. Viger arrived at the monastery door with an inherent candor and honesty that would not be suppressed. Her letfers, always descriptive, sometimes sarcastic and occasionally melancholy, are free nom the sanctimonious senhentality that mar the writings of some men and women in religious life. One thing they dernonstrate, above all other considerations, is that she never doubted ber choice of vocation. She found endless opportunity for personai growth and development. Pagé, in the absence of her rnother, became a matemal figure to her, as well as a role model. She looked on her sisters in religion as family, and religious life gave her a sense of purpose. Following whatsoever was God's will, gave Viger direction, and, even as she faced numerous disappointments, this ideal became a shield against self-doubtand despair. The confidence and fàith of Viger and her community in ttieir mission and their achievements rested on sure foundations. Their successes and contributions, as this thesis attests, were real indeed. Con- to what we may think,Amanda and her coiieagues did not lead empty iives. As their biographies and Letters show, they enjoyed a high sense of satisfaction and personal happiness. Bibliography

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-Sr. Saint Jean-de-Goto. 'Zettres à sa soeur Madame Joseph Rocheleau le 26 déc. 189 1 à 1 1 mai 1906. (collection of 1O, including 2 fiom Soeur Daginais in Arthabaska to Madame Joseph Rocheleau). 'Translation des Corps des Soeurs Défûntes de L'Hôtel-Dieu de Montréal: Nécrologie des Religieuses Hospitalières de St.-Joseph décédés depuis L'Etablissement de ce Monastère à Montréal ou Ville-Marie en l'année 1659 jusqu'en 1860." Mon-: plinguet & cie 186 1.

- Vie D Adèle Coulombe: Religimes Hospitalières de L 'HoteZ-Dieu de Montréal en Canada, Montréal: L'Hôtel-Dieu à Montréai, 1863.

Les Archives des RHSJ. Maison Provinciale Notre-Dame de L'Assomption. Bathurst. Chroniques des RHSI de 2 'Hotel-Dieu de Tracadie Fondée en 1868. "Act de Profession de Soeur MarieAnne Doucet," 14 octobre 1879. Cérémonial des Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph sou la Règle de Saint- Augustin. Montréal: Le Nouveau Monde, 1872. -Chroniques des RHSI de 2 'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie Fondée en 1868. -"Circulaire de Clémence Bonin décédée le 10juillet 1887." -"Circulaire de Delphine Brault décédée le 22 oct. 1918." -"Circulaire de Marie-Anne Doucet décédée le 28 juin 1934." -"Circulaire de Phdomène Fournier dite Luména décédée le 22 mai 1895." -c'Circulaire de Marguerite Hachey décédée le 15jan. 1885." -"Cimilaire de Marie Pagé décédée le 3 jan. 1893." "Circuiaire de Eulalie Quesnel décédée le 4 mars 1903." '"Cimilairede Monique Reid décédée le 27 oct 1882." "Circulaire de Marie Philomène Sicotte décédée Ie 3 nov. 189 1." 'Circulaire de Amanda Somany décédée le 4 fev. 1944." c'Ckc%irculairede StJean-de-Goto (ML. Amanda Viger) décédée le 8 mai 1906." "Contract between School District No3 Trustees in the parish of Saumarez on the one part and 'Sisters of Charïty' [sic] as Teachers in our said district school of the other part," 6 May 1876. H2 Histoire de Tracadie D03-100. Tontract made between Sister Marguerite Hachey on the one part and the Trustees of School District No. 3 in the Parish of Saumarez of the other part," 5 November 188 1. H2 D03-100. Tontract made between Sister Eugenie Basque as the assistant of the one part and the Trustees of School District No. 3 in the parish of Saurnarez of the other part," 25 May 1882. H2 DO3- 100. "Contract made between Sister Mary Ann Doucet as the assistant of the one part and the Trustees of School District No. 3 in the parish of Saumarez of the other part," 25 November 1882."H2 D03-I 00. "Contract made between Sister Mary AM Doucet as the tacher of the one part and the Trustees of Schod District No. 3 in the parish of Saumarez of the other part," 5 November 1884. H2 D03-100.

Comtihctiomfor the Religious Hospitalers of Saint Joseph: Established at Chicago on the 2 1 day of November 1903. Chicago: George Cardinal Mundelein, Archbishop of Chicago, 1932. Comtitutio~~~de lu communauté des filles de Saint-Joseph Établies danr 1W6tel-Dieu de la Flèche en Z'Honeur de lu Sainte Famille de Notre Seigneur, de l'Autorité de Monseigneur l'Illustrissime et Révérendissme Evèque d'Angers. (le 19 octobre 1643) (tYPed C~PY) Coutumier et Petites règle^ des Reli@mes Hospitalières de la Congrégation de Saint- Joseph. La Flèche: Imprimerie de E. Jourdain. M. DCC-L. C~usromavand Little Rules ofthe Religious Hospitaliers ofthe Congregaiion of 3.- Joseph: (from the French edition) La Flèche: E. Jourdain. 1850. Kingston: Hôtel- Dieu, 1905. -"Extrait des chroniques de la communauté RHSJ de Baugé," 11 août 1870 (a Srped COPY 1- "Grand Livre de Recette: Pensions, viagères et autres revenus du Monastère des RHSJ de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie, 1868."

-Indenture between Victorine Baudin and Philornene Sicotte of Tracadie of the fkst part to Delphine Brault, Amanda Viger and Philomène Sicotte in or of the same. Received and Registered 24 September 1873 as number 335 and on pages 543 and 544 Vol. 23, Volume of Records of the County of Gloucester.

-'lettres Circulaires Nécrologies" 186 1- 1884; 1884- 1901 ; 1900- 19 15; 19 15- 1935. -'Zettres D'Affaires des RHSJ de H-D de Tracadie," 1 juin 1868 à 24 oct, 1902. -"List of articles deiivered at the sister house and the Rev. Mr. Gauvreau," Tracadie on 22 Aug. 1868.

-"Livre des Comptes des RHSJ de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie. Journal de la Recette et Journal de la Dépense du Monastère 1868-1888." Manual of the Religieuses Hospitalers of Saint-Joseph (translation approved by the ordinary.) Montreai: Institution for Deaf-Mutes, 1896. "Obédience à Marie Pagé et à une de ses soeurs donne a Montréal," le 24 août 1873.

-"Obédience de Monseigneur 1'Evêque de Chatham Jacques Rogers," le 25 juillet 1869. -"Offices de RHSJ de I'Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie, 1868- 1899." -"Plan par terre des Mansardes," Hôtel-Dieu de Tracadie, 1869. 'Tremier à Septième Rapports Triennal, 1872- 1890." -Proceedings of the Congregation Assembly. (Montréal: Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph), October 1982. -'Recettes et Prescription de Montréal: Catalogue de la pharmacie Hôtel-Dieu, Tracadie." RHSJ. Bathurst, 1868. "Registres des délibérations faites dans les Assemolées Capitulaires. RHSJ Hôtel-Dieu Montréal, 173 1- 1876.

-"Souvenir du 250 &ne anniversaire de l'anivée des trois premières religieuses hospitalières de Saint-Jospeh à Ville-Marie: 1659- 1909.'' Montréal: W.F.Daniel, 1909. "Testament de Marie-Anne Doucet, 30 aôut 1932." -Une Grande Arne: La Révérende Mère LaDauversière ,unpublished manuscnpt. Vallée-Lourdes, N.-B., 1957.

Bibliothéque dc Boucherville. CadQstresAbrégés des Seigneuries du Dishiet de Montréal: Vol. 1. Québec: Stewart Derbishire et Georges Desbarats. (1 863). Bibliothèque Gagnon. ,Montréal. L.-O. David, Les Patriotes de 183 7- 1838. Montréal: Jacques Frenette Editeur Inc., 1849.

Le Moniteur Acadien . "Héroisrne des Soeurs Hospitalières de St-Joseph: Un petit bout d'Histoire sur le Lazaret de Tracadie," 25 oct. 1887.

National Archives of Canada. "Canada East Census 1851 ." Chambly Co, Boucherville. Microfilm # C- 11 17. Archbishop of Toronto, John Joseph Lynch to Sir John A. MacDonald, Aug. 22, 1885; reply fiom the Minister of Agriculture, J.H. Pope, Sept. 7, 1885. MG 26A Vol. 323. "Documents related to the transfer of the lazaretto Eom provincial to federal control." RG 17, Dept. of Agriculture Vol. 296 File 30502. -Reports of the Federal Dept. of Agriculture Cm.Parl. Sessional Papers, 188 1- 1902. -Mr. J. C. Taché. "Questions Regarding Leprosy: Enquiry made by the Hawaüan Goveniment." Ottawa: June 1885. RC 154.55 C3 T33.

-Tracadie Lazaretto accounts for July 1, 1884, Dept. of Agriculture File # RG 17 Vol. 1603, file 18854888.

Provincial Archives of New Brunswick. Census 187 1 Gloucester County: District of Saumarez; Shippagan: Le Centre de Documentation de la Société Historique Nicolas- Denys, 1980. Amenciments to the Bill entitled "An Act to Incorporate the NB PharmaceuticaI Society and to regdate the sale of drugs and medicines," 29 March 1884. -"AU act to Incorporate the Tracadie Sisters of the Hospital Sisters of the Hotel Dieu Saint-Joseph,"JournaZ of the House of Assembly, 1869.2 1 April 1869. Correspondance Monseigneur James Rogers. Microfilm #7686 and #7687, IV. "Religieuses de Femmes: Les Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph de l'Hôtel- Dieu de Tracadie," Diocèse de Bathurst, 1868- 1902.

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Provincial Legislative Library. History of Pharmacy in New Brunswick 1884- 1934. New Brunswick Pharmaceutical Society: Saint John: NB Phamaceutical Society, 1934.

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