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THE SITUATION OF TRADE UNIONS IN

Giorgos Bythimitris* September 2021

Under , a politician identified with liberal 1. POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL FRAME- centrism, the party of has attracted many WORK centrist voters (mostly from PASOK). Mitsotakis has also tried to consolidate such moves towards the political centre ground, POLITICAL CONTEXT appointing progressive politicians and former PASOK ministers The New Democracy party government, led by Prime Minister to his cabinet. Nonetheless, this shift has started to fade with Kyriakos Mitsotakis, is still riding high in the opinion polls, the advent of multiple challenges: migration, Turkish aggres- leading the main opposition party SYRIZA by 12 to 15 percent- sion, the health crisis and the economic crisis. The law-and- age points. The government has been able to capitalise on its order agenda has once again come to the fore, migration pol- successful management of the Covid-19 pandemic in spring icy has been toughened up, the media landscape is now last year, although the picture began to change somewhat further dominated by pro-government framing and the persis- from the autumn. It did not prove possible to prevent the tent transparency problem has been exacerbated. In a context spread of the pandemic and the national health system re- of uncertainty and rising complaints against health-care sys- vealed its chronic weaknesses. In the meantime, government tem inadequacies, labour market deregulation, and low levels measures have become inconsistent and confusing, while the of accountability and democratic sensitivity, the government’s economic recession has deepened, with private sector em- responses signal a return to conservative politics. ployees once again facing unemployment or underemploy- ment. SYRIZA managed to secure 31 per cent of the vote in Mitsotakis’ key policies can be summarised as follows: eco- 2019 elections but has not yet recovered from this defeat. The nomic growth achieved through resort to the EU Recovery social democratic party KINAL (formerly PASOK) backed gov- and Resilience Fund and additional funding form REACT-EU, ernment decisions in the first phase of the pandemic, but along with rising levels of foreign investment, structural re- more recent disappointing developments both with Covid-19 forms, tax and duty cuts, modernisation of the state and cut- and on the economic front have shifted the leadership’s line. ting of red tape through digitalisation, and improvement of Despite his populist rhetoric Kyriakos Velopoulos, leader of the internal security. The National Recovery Plan can hardly be nationalist party Elliniki Lysi (Greek Solution), differs considera- considered path-breaking, however, as there is little about so- bly from the far-right mobilisation and violent activism of the cial justice and climate change. Moreover, the government has neo-Nazi Golden Dawn (GD). The party thankfully failed to made no effort to engage the social partners and to broaden surpass the 3 per cent electoral threshold, and in October the legitimacy of the reforms. 2020, in front of the supreme court of Greece (Areios Pagos), its leading members were found guilty of managing a criminal On the other hand, government decisions seem more and organisation. more contingent upon the party’s right-wing hardliners. Most notably, the police crackdown on squatters and the repeal of the so-called ‘university asylum’ law, which had prevented the police from gaining access to university campuses, have given Mitsotakis high approval ratings across party lines. Only a few * Giorgos Bithymitris is a Researcher (Grade C) at the National Centre for Social Research, Institute for Social Research. He months after the Greek parliament repealed the academic holds a PhD in Social Policy from Panteion University of Social asylum rule, the government passed legislation that allows the and Political Sciences. His research interests focus on trade establishment of special police on university campuses as part unions, class identities, stratification and inequalities. He has published a book on trade unionism, and several articles on trade of education reforms. unions, class politics, political discourses, and class identities.

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Mitsotakis’ efforts to appease internal right-wing currents government’s forecast published in November 2020, 5.1 per within the party were also apparent in the management of cent according to the IMF’s baseline scenario and 3.5% ac- refugee flows in 2019. The government has been criticised by cording to the European Commission’s interim forecast of Feb- human rights organisations for the country’s ‘new tactic’ of ruary 2021. Government debt has fallen from 184 per cent of migrant expulsion from deep inside its land borders. Serious GDP (2018) to 176 per cent of GDP (2019), although it is ex- questions have also been raised against the country’s intensifi- pected to increase to around 196 per cent of GDP in 2020, cation of the crackdown on migration on the occasion of the before declining again to around 183 per cent in 2021. This crisis at the Greek-Turkish border in February 2020. The hard- figure remains concerning. The fate of the economy in the ening of the government’s responses echoes the prevailing foreseeable future will depend on whether the government policies and practices within, at and outside the EU’s borders, manages to tackle the Covid-19 crisis. Mitsotakis has therefore also known as ‘Fortress Europe’. The overcrowding and the been trying to gain the trust of the international community. inhuman conditions at the Moria refugee camp on pro- At the end of January 2020, he enthusiastically tweeted vide the most acute evidence of the failure of both the hard- ‘Greece is coming back’, following the rating agency Fitch’s ening government positions and the EU’s migration policy. In decision to upgrade Greece’s credit rating from BB– to BB. The this vein, the introduction of tougher asylum laws in the au- global and European pressures for austerity-driven policies tumn of 2019 has been regarded as a domestic policy signal. have now been relaxed, and the government could benefit from this momentum. Nonetheless, another serious challenge is now looming with the management of the Covid-19 pandemic and its health, so- It should be noted that the government has already imple- cial and economic implications. Greece has performed com- mented employment and tax measures to cushion the finan- paratively well in contrast to some other EU countries, as al- cial impact on companies: tax relief for enterprises, freelancers, ready mentioned, but the situation is still uncertain and volatile. personal businesses, financing schemes, employment and so- cial security measures. These include facilitation of favourable SYRIZA and KINAL have been trying to reposition themselves regulations in the payment of social security contributions and to grow into their joint opposition role. SYRIZA’s leader from employers and freelancers, temporary suspension of em- Tsipras is firmly in charge, with no challengers. He has long ployment agreements against a state indemnity of 800 euros wanted to give his radical left party a social democratic profile (€) and full insurance coverage, participation of freelancers/ and establish it as a broad centre-left ‘progressive alliance’. scientists in the teletraining programme of the Ministry of Em- There is internal resistance to this, however. The party is cur- ployment and the extension of the Easter allowance payment rently embarking on a process of reflection, with policy devel- deadline. opments promised at its next conference. Workers have seen some benefits thanks to the gradual reduc- KINAL is looking on at these developments with open distrust. tion of the basic tax rate and social security contributions, and The party, led by Fofi Gennimata, is currently polling at only 5 he abolition of the solidarity tax. Plans were initially being dis- to 6 per cent, and fighting for survival. So far, it has been una- cussed to increase the minimum wage from €650 to €703, but ble to enhance its profile as an independent progressive force. the government has had second thoughts because of the Cov- It is therefore pursuing a policy of keeping an equal distance id-19 crisis. To make Greece a more attractive location for for- from New Democracy and SYRIZA. Instead of focusing on eign investment, the passed the Greek In- changes in terms of policy and personnel, resources are being vestment Incentives Law in October 2019. Privatisation projects wasted on internal power struggles and young people are no that failed to move forward under the SYRIZA government are longer inspired to vote for it. It is difficult to say whether the finally due to be concluded. next party conference will bring about a fresh start. At the same time, Nikos Androulakis, , Gerassimos Despite these potentially positive signals, the unemployment Geroulanos and Charis Kastanidis have already expressed aspi- rate of 15.6 per cent (2020) remains the highest in Europe, rations concerning the party leadership. with the number of unemployed women significantly higher than that of men (19.4 per cent of women compared with 12.5 Reflecting upon PASOK’s internal conflicts over the past 12 per cent of men). Greece also has Europe’s highest level of years, perhaps it would be wise for the party to undertake a youth unemployment, at 32.2 per cent (2020). Nevertheless, critical discussion on its position towards the ‘Keynesian’ and most newly created jobs are part-time roles or seasonal jobs. pro-welfare legacies of the 1980s. Poverty, social inequality and poor social cohesion remain sali- ent features of Greek society. According to EU Statistics on ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SITUATION Income and Living Conditions, about one-third (30 per cent) of After many years of crisis, Greece’s economy had started the population were at risk of poverty or social exclusion in growing again (by 1.87 per cent in 2019), before coming to a 2019 (almost 10 percentage points above the EU27 average). sudden halt because of the pandemic. According to the Euro- pean Commission’s macroeconomic forecast, the Greek econ- The Covid-19 situation has already impacted upon Greece’s omy is expected to record a recession of 10 per cent in 2020. priorities. The most visible example is digital transformation: Both the Greek government and international bodies expect a several public sector services have been digitalised quickly and substantial growth rate in 2021: 4.8 per cent according to the efficiently. The provision of digitalised services, such as medi-

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cal prescriptions, residence cards and so on, was made availa- of postal workers was also impressive. Overall, the strike mobi- ble in the first phase of the pandemic. Distance learning and lised thousands of workers nationwide, and was partially sub- teleworking became prevalent in both academic institutions jected to state coercion (some unionists were fined for violat- and schools. ing Covid-19-related restrictions). It also revealed the division between left-wing unionists and the block of socialists-con- Digitalisation has made progress in the private sector as well. servatives who have fiercely resisted GSEE’s industrial action Before the pandemic, seven out of 10 Greek companies had during the pandemic. GSEE’s basic contribution to the ongo- only 25 per cent of their workforce in remote work. After the ing battle against labour market deregulation in the context of outbreak of Covid-19, 6 out of 10 companies have more than the Covid-19 crisis has been to launch a platform called the 50 per cent of their employees working remotely. ‘Anti-Covid-19 Group for Information and Support for Work- ers’. The aim is to ensure that the public receive adequate in- formation and to report violations of workers’ rights.

2. POLITICAL CONTEXT FOR TRADE UNIONS The weaknesses and lack of unity in the move- ment have been evident since the beginning of the pandemic, Until recently, Greek trade unions were assessed in terms of as shown, for example, by the de facto cancellation of the their role during the crisis. The rescinding of collective agree- annual GSEE conference twice in mid-March 2019. Finally, on ments in their entirety and the increased general flexibility of 25 February 2020, the third conference took place with a po- labour relations as part of the bailout plans weakened the lice presence, and even PAME protests outside the conference trade unions considerably. centre. In the GSEE council election, the PASKE faction, closely aligned with KINAL, won again, with 17 seats, while the DAKE Having exited the memoranda of understanding, it was to be faction, closely linked to New Democracy, came second, with expected that the trade unions would once again play a more 11 seats, and PAME came third, with 10 seats. The trade union active role. This is by no means the case, however. The most activists aligned with SYRIZA are divided into two factions, visible actions taken by the three largest trade unions – name- both of which performed poorly in the election (5 and 3 seats, ly ADEDY (Civil Servants’ Confederation), GSEE (General Con- respectively). The government was represented at the confer- federation of Greek Workers) and PAME (All-Workers Militant ence by Vice-President Panagiotis Pikrammenos; KINAL presi- Front) – have been to call general strikes. Disillusionment with dent Fofi Gennimata gave the welcome address. The fact that trade unions originating from the crisis years, combined with both were in attendance is regarded as a positive sign for a acceptance of the need for a culture of dialogue and compro- fresh start in terms of dialogue between the social partners. mise in Greek politics, have resulted in an increasing reluc- tance among workers to participate in strikes. The two largest confederations – GSEE and ADEDY – have failed to make internal changes, losing both the initiative and The spread of Covid-19 and the ban on mass gatherings fur- credibility. Hardly anyone nowadays believes that their person- ther complicated relations between the unions and their al situation would be improved by joining one of these trade members. The standstill has augmented workers’ sense of unions, and the level of organisation is, accordingly, fairly low. powerlessness and isolation in many economic sectors. On the Recently, there have been discussions on whether workers in other hand, the government and the mass media tend to dis- precarious employment should be able to join a trade union. regard any grassroots initiative as morally irresponsible and/or Workers in informal employment, whose numbers have in- illegal. creased sharply in recent years, could potentially become trade union members. Opinions within the trade unions differ on Major unions such as POEDIN (Federation of Hospital Workers), this, however. Certain organisations, such as the Centre of OENGE (Federation of Hospital Doctors), EKA (the Centre of Labour Unions, EKA, believe that such workers have Athens Labour Unions) and PAME called for action in Novem- great potential to help renew the trade union movement. This ber 2020 in pursuit of demands that the government support is also true for the left-wing factions of GSEE (both those the health care system with new hires and requisition of pri- aligned with SYRIZA and leftist parties, and the one aligned vate sector facilities, equipment and staff, as needed in re- with KKE). On the other hand, there is a view, particularly sponse to the pandemic. In mid-November PAME called for among union leaders, that accepting workers in precarious action against the government’s insufficient support of public employment would call into question the status of existing transport (a key factor in the spread of the virus). A few days trade union members. later, ADEDY and PAME called a general strike in protest against the Ministry of Labour’s draft law that includes regula- tions on working hours, overtime, industrial action and trade unionism. The transport unions also joined forces with PAME 3. TRADE UNIONS IN GREECE – FACTS AND and ADEDY, including the Athens city bus and underground DATES railway employees’ union (SELMA), the urban rail system un- ion (STASY Union), the marine engineers’ union (PEMEN), as DEVELOPMENT SINCE THE 1970s well as the sailors’ (PENEN) and ship’s cooks’ unions (PEEMA- Trade unions were officially inactive during the military dicta- GEN). The seafarers’ representatives accused the shipowners torship (1967–1974), although many unionists participated ac- of imposing intolerable working conditions. The participation tively in the struggles for the restoration of democracy. Fur-

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thermore, union activities were subject to stringent controls by dent, but is instead run by an executive committee. PAME is a the state in the first few years after democracy had been re- member of the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU). stored. The law on trade unions updated in 1982, which laid While GSEE and ADEDY often take industrial action together, the groundwork for proportional representation, marked the PAME always organises its own demonstrations and industrial beginning of a very active period – by Greek standards – for action, making regular attempts to sabotage both trade union trade unions, who were involved in policy-making and social confederations. PAME’s mobilisation capacities remain effec- dialogue. However, close links between the (governing) par- tive today, especially in comparison with GSEE, whose poten- ties and trade unions was already evident at that time, subse- tial to mobilise its members has been substantially undermined quently resulting in a system of ‘give and take’. The argument in recent years. that clientelism was to some extent augmented with the en- largement of the public sector in the 1970s and 1980s is now EKA, the Centre of Athens Labour Unions, is a regional trade commonly shared and has been empirically tested. On the union confederation that is also the largest second-level con- other hand, another fact can hardly be disputed: the enlarge- federation in Greece, with around 110,000 members. EKA is ment of the Greek public sector was also an outcome of the a member of GSEE and ECTUN (European Capitals Trade Un- new roles and responsibilities that the Greek state assumed ion Network) and is extremely active, in terms of both mobili- within a more complex and interconnected international envi- sation of its members and the research-based initiatives of its ronment in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Suffice to institute. say that, even at its peak, average employment in the Greek public sector was close to the EU15 average. GENOP-DEI is one of Greece’s most important sectoral trade unions. It has significant influence owing to the high (though Full collective bargaining freedom was established in the declining) number of employees working for the Public Power 1990s. The following years saw the introduction of flexible Corporation (DEI) and its key role in the planned phase-out of employment contracts for the first time, creating a new cate- public financial support for coal-mining. GENOP-DEI’s position gory of workers characterised by both flexibility and vulnera- regarding decarbonisation is that it cannot not be fully at- bility. These workers, facing precarious working conditions, tained within the next two years, insofar as Greece’s renewa- were not unionised, initially. Since the early 2000s, however, ble energy sources are currently insufficient. However, it has there have been notable efforts to unionise them in various lost popular support because of financial scandals and ques- sectors, including telecommunications, hospitality, industrial tionable lending practices. cleaning and courier services. There are some small unions in the private sector that keep The loss of power suffered by trade unions started in 2010, their distance from official trade union structures (GSEE). They with the onset of Greece’s bailout plans and implementation might fall into the category of ‘social movement unionism’. of austerity measures imposed on the country, as well as the Typical examples of social movement unions are the Book and massive increase in unemployment. Paper Union (BOPU) and the so-called Assembly of Workers on Motorbikes (SVEOD). Their broader influence remains mar- ginal, however. THE TRADE UNION LANDSCAPE Greece’s official trade union confederations are GSEE (General In terms of trade union structure, Greek law makes provision Confederation of Greek Workers) and ADEDY (Civil Servants’ for three different levels: Confederation). A trade union federation of regional relevance is EKA, the Centre of Athens Labour Unions. One of the most a) First-level trade unions: these unions are legally important and powerful sectoral trade unions is GENOP-DEI, autonomous and their activities are generally limited to a the General Federation of Employees of the Public Power Cor- particular region or business. They may be part of a poration (DEI). national sectoral trade union or regional trade union confederation (second-level). GSEE primarily represents workers in the private sector, but b) Second-level trade unions: these are either national also public sector workers on temporary contracts, as well as industrial or occupational confederations (sectoral trade workers in public companies under private law. ADEDY is the unions such as GENOP-DEI) or regional organisations, confederation for workers in the public sector, workers em- such as the Centre of Athens Labour Unions (EKA). ployed by legal entities under public law, and local govern- c) Third-level trade unions: national trade union ment workers. GSEE and ADEDY bring together many sectoral confederations, such as GSEE and ADEDY, made up of trade unions and regional federations. second-level trade unions.

PAME (All-Workers Militant Front) is the trade union organisa- The links between trade unions and political parties have tradi- tion of the Communist Party of Greece. It was formed in 1999 tionally been very strong in Greece. The parties have direct and is opposed to capitalism, the European Union and the representation in the unions, namely in the form of political government. It sees itself as an independent trade union factions standing for election under a different name. The movement, but nevertheless participates in GSEE and ADEDY number of votes for a particular faction will then decide the elections. PAME represents both private and public produc- number of seats on the managing committee of the trade un- tion sectors. It has neither a managing committee nor a presi- ion. The faction with the most seats, or a coalition made up of

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several factions, subsequently appoints the president of the WORKING CONTEXT OF TRADE UNIONS trade union confederation. The close links between political Trade union freedom is laid down in Article 23 of the Greek parties and trade unions are another reason behind the lack of Constitution: ‘The State shall adopt due measures safeguard- public trust in unions. Trade unions have fallen into disrepute ing the freedom to unionise and the unhindered exercise of as a result of numerous scandals, abuse of power and the related rights against any infringement thereon within the lim- pursuit of personal interests, but also a growing anti-union its of the law.’ The establishment, objectives, financial autono- hostility orchestrated by power elites and governments. Finally, my and election process for trade unions are defined by the one should also consider the anti-union and individualistic cul- Greek Law on the democratisation of the Union movement ture that is being cultivated within the workplaces in Greece. and the guaranteeing of workers’ movement freedoms. This Amidst the Covid-19 crisis, and within a period of two months Law also safeguards the right to strike and specifies the re- (November-December 2020) GSEE received 450 complaints quirements for exercising these rights (Article 20). The law on from employees experiencing employers’ foul play. In most strikes was reformed in 2018, forcing the trade unions out on-

Table 1 Largest trade union confederations in Greece

Members (only those International Confederation (in local language and/or abbreviation President / who voted in their memberships (English – English name and/or abbreviation in brackets) Vice President union’s last election) name – abbreviation)

President: Γενική Συνομοσπονδία Εργατών Ελλάδος, ΓΣΕΕ GSEE Ioannis Panagopoulos 333,000 (2020) ITUC, ETUC (General Confederation of Greek Workers) General Secretary: Nikos Kioutsoukis President: Ανώτατη Διοίκηση Δημοσίων Υπαλλήλων, ΑΔΕΔΥ Ioannis Paidas 264,375 (2019) ETUC, PSI, EPSU ADEDY (Civil Servants’ Confederation) General Secretary: Dimitris Bratis

Table 2 Largest trade associations and individual trade unions in Greece

Trade association / trade union International (in local language and/or Confederation President / Members memberships (English abbreviation – English name (abbreviation) Vice President name – abbreviation) and/or abbreviation in brackets)

President: Ομοσπονδία Λειτουργών Μέσης Theodoros Tsouchlas Εκπαίδευσης, ΟΛΜΕ OLME (Federation ADEDY 41,000 ETUC, EI Deputy President: of Secondary School Teachers of Greece) Theodoros Malagaris

Γενική Ομοσπονδία Προσωπικού President: ΔΕΗ, ΓΕΝΟΠ ΔΕΗ GENOP DEI (General Georgios Adamidis 15,500 GSEE EPSU Federation of Employees of the National General Secretary: (2019) Electric Power Corporation) Antonios Karras

Ομοσπονδία Συλλόγων Υπηρεσίας President: Πολιτικής Αεροπορίας, ΟΣΥΠΑ OSYPA Konstantinos Triantafyllou ADEDY N/A ETF, ITF (Greek Federation of General Secretary: Civil Aviation Authorities) Kostas Minas

cases companies are accused of blackmailing their staff by to the streets. This was one of the measures agreed with cred- forcing them to work even though they are on furlough. Sim- itors as part of the economic adjustment programmes. The ilar complaints have been published by PAME, while then La- reforms made changes to the quorum required for a strike bour and Social Security Minister Yiannis Vroutsis has issued ballot in first-level trade unions, increasing the number of reg- warnings against companies that violate labour regulations istered members from one-fifth to half. As has been the case and has promised new institutional and legal initiatives. to date, strikes are agreed on the basis of a majority vote.

First- and second-level trade unions do not usually disclose A new law governing demonstrations was passed in July 2020. their membership figures, and it is impossible to find informa- This legislation was aimed at preventing the centre of Athens tion on membership figures in the public domain. Plans are and other cities from repeatedly grinding to a halt as a result of now in place to introduce an electronic register in which mem- small-scale demonstrations. Each demonstration now requires bership figures will be reported. an organiser/coordinator responsible for keeping the peace

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and acting as a contact person for the police. The new law The government took the decision to set the minimum wage stipulates that the organiser is responsible for any damage re- in 2012, reducing it from €750.00 to €586.08 (for workers sulting from a given demonstration. However, organisers are over 25 years of age) and/or €510.95 (for workers under 25 exempt from this responsibility if they have announced the years of age). Even after Greece’s exit from the bailout, the demonstration in a timely manner and can prove that they Greek Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs continued to set took all necessary measures to ensure it ran smoothly. A po- the minimum wage by law, following consultation with the lice-appointed ‘police intermediary’ will act as the contact per- various social partners. On 1 February 2019, the minimum son between the local police forces and the organiser of the wage was increased to €650.00 and the lower minimum demonstration. wage for under-25s was eliminated. The criteria for setting the minimum wage include productivity, competitiveness and the general economic situation in Greece. CORE ACTIVITIES OF TRADE UNIONS Over the course of the crisis, trade unions have seen a massive The GSEE is involved in the tripartite social dialogue within the decline in terms of clout. Their position in the dialogue be- framework of various national institutions, such as the Man- tween the various social partners has weakened. In terms of power Employment Organisation (OAED), the Unified Social their core activities, they have also been marginalised. The ebb- Security Fund (EFKA) and the Economic and Social Council of ing of the protest movement, especially after SYRIZA assumed Greece (OKE). This relatively new body was modelled on the power, had its own impact on trade union demobilisation. But European Economic and Social Committee. It is made up of the main reasons for their marginalisation lie rather in the un- representatives of the various social partners, political parties ions’ own dysfunctioning and their institutional marginalisation and civil society and acts in an advisory capacity in advance of in the context of austerity policies. Collective bargaining took the drafting of relevant laws. However, it is very difficult to say place at a sectoral level until 2010. The outcome of these nego- whether and to what extent trade union representation has a tiations was declared to be universally applicable. Given that meaningful influence on social policy decisions. the Greek economy is overwhelmingly made up of small and micro-businesses that do not belong to any confederation, this In terms of social mobilisation, the unions that took some ini- universal applicability was a general policy to ensure that the tiatives during the Covid-19 crisis are mainly those affiliated pay scale was not undermined. Collective bargaining was also with PAME, with the agenda revolving around workers’ safety possible at the company level, provided it did not fall below in the workplace, employment protection and strengthening what had been agreed in any industry-level bargaining (favour- of the public health system. ability principle). Overall, approximately 90 per cent of all work- ers were covered by collective agreements. The collective agreement system and free collective bargaining were effec- THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF TRADE UNIONS tively eliminated during the course of the austerity regime. The Over the past ten years, Greek trade unions have suffered trade union monopoly on negotiations was broken up by the huge losses in terms of their influence, credibility, trust and decision to allow non-union employee representatives to be agenda-setting power. Their political impact is currently ex- involved in concluding company-wide collective agreements. tremely low. The fact that there has traditionally been no social The principle of universal applicability was suspended, the ret- dialogue embedded in the various institutions has contributed roactive effect of collective agreements was reduced from six significantly to weakening their position. to three months, and their period of validity was limited to three years. The National General Collective Agreement was Trade unions are generally regarded as unreliable, ineffective, effectively suspended in 2012. As a result, the minimum wage organised on clientelist lines and dependent on political par- was unilaterally set by the government. The damage inflicted ties. In a survey conducted in 2013, 95.2 per cent of respond- on collective bargaining after the implementation of the above- ents said that trade unions had done nothing or very little to mentioned measures is reflected in the drastic decline of collec- prevent social austerity policies from being implemented. Two tive bargaining coverage, which, according to OECD data, fell years earlier, relatively early on in the crisis, just 7 per cent of from 100 per cent in 2010 to only 25.5 per cent in 2016. respondents said they trusted trade union leaders.

In August 2018 the Greek Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs For decades, Greek trade unions have been too closely tied to took initial steps to restore collective bargaining autonomy political parties and state-owned enterprises in their struggle and began gradually to reintroduce universally applicable sec- to gain privileges. During the crisis, both creditors and society toral agreements. A law was passed by the conservative gov- alike accused them of being complicit in the escalation of the ernment in autumn 2019, effectively abolishing the favourabil- social and labour market crisis. Nor were they helped much by ity principle. This stipulated that regional sectoral collective the decision of SYRIZA, which was in power until July 2019, agreements could in future be less favourable than national not to recognise unions as a negotiating partner. It is worth industry-level bargaining. Under certain circumstances, com- noting that former Prime Minister Tsipras never once met with panies would also be entitled to deviate from the provisions of Ioannis Panagopoulos, the GSEE President. the respective sectoral agreement, such as when facing finan- cial bottlenecks. Trade unions responded with demonstrations Given this rather gloomy picture, it is fair to say there are sig- and strikes, with the opposition party SYRIZA accusing the nificant political and social challenges to overcome. It is a government of returning to the days of austerity. question of winning back trust, making changes in terms of

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personnel, overcoming party dependencies, developing inno- vative tools to articulate members’ interests, recruiting new CONTACT members and improving the level of representation of women and young people. Trade unions need to rediscover their posi- Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung | Athens office tion as a relevant player both in the policy-making process and Neofytou Vamva 4 | 10674 Athens | Greece at the grassroots level. In addition to making changes in terms Responsible: Arne Schildberg | Director of personnel (for example, GSEE President Panagopoulos has [email protected] been in office since 2006 and was re-elected in 2020, al- https://athens.fes.de though he was eligible for retirement from 2010), there is also the matter of overcoming the divisions within the trade union Commercial use of all media published by the movement. Another crucial issue that has remained unre- Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is not granted without solved for decades is the huge and widening representation the written consent of the FES. gaps inside the union organisations. Of the 45 members of GSEE’s administrative board, only two are women. There are also few unionists with migrant background. There is much room for improvement in internal democracy. The fact that GSEE cancelled two conferences in 2019 reflects a structural lack of democratic ethos, and a limited participatory culture, exacerbated by established bureaucratic elites who are unwill- ing to open up to new entrants, but also by narrow-minded militants who are unable to commit themselves to basic prin- ciples of union revitalisation, such as democratic participation and coalition-building.

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