DOCSLIB.ORG

Understanding Syrian Political Movements to United States Foreign Policy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Understanding Syrian Political Movements to United States Foreign Policy Syracuse University SURFACE Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects Projects Summer 8-9-2017 Proxy Conflict urnedT Civil Crisis: Understanding Syrian Political Movements to United States Foreign Policy Katherine Barymow Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/honors_capstone Part of the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Barymow, Katherine, "Proxy Conflict urnedT Civil Crisis: Understanding Syrian Political Movements to United States Foreign Policy" (2017). Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects. 992. https://surface.syr.edu/honors_capstone/992 This Honors Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 © (Katherine Barymow 2017) 2 Abstract The Syrian crisis in terms of its crimes against humanity has surpassed most politicians’ wildest expectations: it seems that with every passing news cycle the west is informed of new atrocities commited against innocent Syrian civilians, in addition to violence perpetrated by Syrian Islamists themselves against westerners in ill-advised cries for help. The extent of bloodshed can be both horrifying and mystifying to the average American. How is it possible that the international community allows these crimes to proliferate and self-perpetuate in this modern day-in-age? Hearts sink with every image of a child in dire straights as a result of this man-made catastrophe, with more organizations donating to the Syrian plight than ever before; however, westerners to a very valid extent are starting to believe that they are throwing pennies down an endless abyss of despair and irrepaiable damage to the Syrian people, political system and urban fabric. Even relatively uninformed Americans are becoming more engaged in political proceses as a result of the terror and destruction witnessed in left and right-leaning media alike. We now find ourselves in a place where we identify with each other through an intersectional humanity: a deep and unrelenting search for answers and relief in an impossible crisis. What possibly could have caused such deep distress between Syrians, their government, Islamist organizations and international actors alike that caused the situation to devolve to such bloodshed? To what extent are superpowers really contributing to the reparation of the Syrian quandary, and perhaps more importantly, to what extent are superpowers responsible for this state of affairs? In a sense, it can be difficult to objectively point a finger at one’s self for another human’s pain, let alone an entire nationality. For this reason, this capstone will employ a strict methodology of historical, case study analysis to understand varying view-points in what epitomizes a mutli- faceted conflict. Through the collection of these various threads of research, from Arab and American authors alike, we begin to decipher overlapping historical narratives that share a story of unique, complex interconnections in policy applications of the United States towards the Arab world as a result of dogmatic developments that determine a web of superpower diplomacy applied with respect to one another, as well as various political pawns throughout the developing world. In the case of Syria as a case study, we see that the dogmatic developments between the United States and the French, Soviets and Saudis not only dictated their own relations, but truly molded political discourse with respect to Syria and their own domestic revalations. Since the fall of the Ottoman era and the conception of Syria, the United States has formed Syrian international and domestic policies through its proxy relationships with France, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and Saudi Arabia. These relations, categorized by three eras of American foreign policy, correspond closely with the development of the Syrian crisis in a narrative that depicts it as a situation over a century in the making. The various evidence, either in the form of testimonials, policy decisions and legislation alike, can begin to offer Americans some insight into the way the United States has failed the Syrian people, and more optimistically, point to opportunities for productive engagement. As painful as these stories may be, they are crucial to the development of superpower diplomacy towards Syria, as well as developing nations in the Arab world and developing nations alike to prevent a crisis like this from forming again as a result of short-sighted strategy. 3 Executive Summary One of the blaring difficulties of the Syrian civil crisis is the complex nature of its various interwoven proxy-relationships with respect to world powers and developing nations alike. This can paint a convoluted picture for non-expert and expert audiences alike, and for this reason the capstone includes an executive summary to define the project in terms that work towards clarifying the problem, variables, description, methods, argument and significance of the project. The problem we witness today with respect to the Syrian civil crisis is that we struggle to identify an objective set of variables that explain the unusual extent of complexity and suffering on the part of Syrians as a result of proxy superpower conflict. In this case, we will identify superpowers as the former Soviet Union (Russia), United States, France, Britain, Saudi Arabia, etc. In many cases the author will reference western nations, which will not include the Soviet Union for the sake of clarity, as the Soviet Union mainly stood at odds with other broadly defined western nations during the Cold War period, as well as the decades immediately preceeding and proceeding this era encapsulated by the first and third constructed historical narratives. In order to construct the three narratives, we will distill our analysis to include the comparison of one superpower with repsect to its counterparts: in this case, the United States. The United State’s foreign relationships with superpowers will be described with respect to three dogmatic periods, relating to theories of [1] Wilsonian initiative with respect to democratizing nations, [2] Cold War Policy, more specitifically anti-communist proliferation rising out of the Soviet Union, and [3] the self-described war on globalizing terror perpetrated by Islamist groups. The United States narratives will be described with respect to the revelations of Syrian politics, notably periods that correspond very closely with the three foreign policy initiatives employed by the United States. The description of the application of these three theories with respect to 4 Syrian domestic and international politics will help us understand how Syria came to witness a cycle of [1] the rise of nationalist (Wilsonian) sentiment, [2] the rise of (anti-communist) Islamic policy and Islamist movements within Syria, and [3] the fall of and branded Islamic regime and fight against Islamist movements that would tear the country apart. Readers will begin to understand how the connections between American dogmatic movements and its reprecussions on Syria do not simply cancel each other out; they work to tear down the developing country with every practical development they seem to accomplish. Understanding these entangements allows readers to understand the various misteps that world powers, in this case the United States with respect to its peers, took to rectify various western political ailments at the expense of developing nations, particularly Syria. Debate surrounding the causes of the Syrian crisis is relatively polarized and defined by democratic and republican rhetoric in the American media; however, Americans are beginning to identify with the idea that the destruction of Syria was not self-inflicted, but rather the working of various international forces at odds with one another on a proxy platform that happened to be identified as the underdeveloped, and therefore politically malleable Arab country. The issue of understanding the roots of Syrian conflict is not at its heart a democratic or republican issue: it finds its roots in decades’ and even centuries’ old political misteps that came to define the unapproachable and devolving state of United States diplomacy with respect to Syria. In order to understand the ways in which the United States can move forward to mediate the situation and begin true reparations, we must find it within our superiority complex to seize the opportunity to self-reflect on our destructive proxy policies and open new pathways towards peaceful negotiation and resolution. Innocent Syrians will not have the opportunity to look towards a brighter future until we take it upon ourselves to identify the misteps crushing their future. 5 Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………….…………………………………….. 2 Executive Summary………………………….……………….……………....…….. 3 Chapter 1: Introduction ……………………………………………………...… 6 Background…………………………………………………………………… 6 Argument and Theory……………………………………. ……………….…. 7 Three Historical Narratives………………………………………………….. 11 Chapter 2: Historical Narrative I: Wilsonian Diplomacy in Syria…………………………………………………………………...….. 12 French Divide and Rule ………………………………………………..….... 12 The French Mandate in American Politics…………………………………... 19 WWI and its Aftermath…………………………………………………...…. 21 Chapter 3: Historical
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Foreign Service Journal, July 1975
    FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL JULY 1975 60 CENTS isn I The diplomatic | way to save. ■ All of these outstanding Ford-built cars are available to you at special diplomatic discount savings. ■ Delivery will be arranged for you either stateside or ■ overseas. And you can have the car built to Export* or Domestic specifications. So place your order now for diplomatic savings on the cars for diplomats. For more information, contact a Ford Diplomatic Sales Office. Please send me full information on using my diplomatic discount to purchase a new WRITE TO: DIPLOMATIC SALES: FORD MOTOR COMPANY 815 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington, D.C. 20006/Tel: (202) 785-6047 NAME ADDRESS CITY STATE/COUNTRY ZIP Cannot be driven in the U.S American Foreign Service Association Officers and Members of the Governing Board THOMAS D. BOY ATT, President F. ALLEN HARRIS, Vice President JOHN PATTERSON, Second Vice President RAYMOND F. SMITH, Secretary JULIET C. ANTUNES, Treasurer CHARLOTTE CROMER & ROY A. HARRELL, JR., AID Representatives FRANCINE BOWMAN, RICHARD B. FINN, CHARLES O. HOFFMAN & FRANCIS J. McNEIL, III State Representatives STANLEY A. ZUCKERMAN, USIA Representative FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL JAMES W. RIDDLEBERGER & WILLIAM 0. BOSWELL, Retired Representatives JULY 1975: Volume 52, No. 7 Journal Editorial Board RALPH STUART SMITH, Chairman G. RICHARD MONSEN, Vice Chairman FREDERICK QUINN JOEL M. WOLDMAN EDWARD M. COHEN .JAMES F. O'CONNOR SANDRA L. VOGELGESANG Staff RICHARD L. WILLIAMSON, Executive Director DONALD L. FIELD, JR.. Counselor HELEN VOGEL, Committee Coordinator CECIL B. SANNER, Membership and Circulation Communication re: Excess Baggage 4 Foreign Service Educational AUDINE STIER and Counseling Center MARY JANE BROWN & Petrolimericks 7 CLARKE SLADE, Counselors BASIL WENTWORTH Foreign Policy Making in a New Era: Journal SHIRLEY R.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle East -1971 (See List of Items Appendix No. 7)
    UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page 4 Date 22/05/2006 Time 4:43:51 PM S-0865-0003-04-00001 Expanded Number S-0865-0003-04-00001 Title items-in-Peace-keeping operations - Middle East -1971 (see list of items appendix No. 7) Date Created 01/01/1971 Record Type Archival Item Container s-0865-0003: Peace-Keeping Operations Files of the Secretary-General: U Thant - Middle East Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit x/, 7 Selected Confidential Reports on OA-6-1 - Middle East 1971 Cable for SG from Goda Meir - 1 January 1971 2 Notes on meeting - 4 January 1971 - Present: SG, Sec. of State Rogers, 0 Ambassador Charles Yost, Mr. Joseph Sisco, Mr. McClosky and Mr. Urquhart t 3) Middle East Discussions - 5 January 1971 - Present: Ambassador Tekoah Mr. Aphek, Ambassador Jarring, Mr. Berendsen 4 Letter from Gunnar Jarrint to Abba Eban - 6 January 1971 x i Letter to Gunnar Jarring from C.T. Crowe (UK) 6 January 1971 *6 Notes on meeting - 7 January 1971 - Present: SG, Sir Colin Crowe 7 Notes on meeting - 7 January 1971 - Present: SG, Mr. Yosef Tekoah 8 "Essentials of Peace"(Israel and the UAR) - 9 January 1971 9 "Essentials of Peace" (Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordon - 9 January 1971 Statement by El Tayalt - 13 January 1971 Minutes of meeting - 13 January 1971 - Present: M. Masmoudi, El-Goulli, Mr. Fourati, Mr. Jarring, Mr. Berendsen^ Letter from William P. Rogers - 15 January 1971 Letter - Middle East - 15 January 1971 Implementation of Security Council Resolution 242 of 22 November 1967 For The Establishment of a Just and Lasting Peace in the Middle East - 18 January 1971 C H-^-^ ?-«-r-"~) Comparison of the papers of Israel and the United Arab Republic 18 January 1971 L " Notes on meeting - 19 January 1971 - Present: SG, Ambassador Yost, USSR - 1 January 1971 - Middle East Communication from the Government of Israel to the United Arab Republic through Ambassador Jarring - 27 January 1971 France - 27 January 1971 - Middle East Statement by Malik Y.A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: a Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944
    The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: A Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944 ARGYRIOS MAMARELIS Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy The European Institute London School of Economics and Political Science 2003 i UMI Number: U613346 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613346 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 9995 / 0/ -hoZ2 d X Abstract This thesis addresses a neglected dimension of Greece under German and Italian occupation and on the eve of civil war. Its contribution to the historiography of the period stems from the fact that it constitutes the first academic study of the third largest resistance organisation in Greece, the 5/42 regiment of evzones. The study of this national resistance organisation can thus extend our knowledge of the Greek resistance effort, the political relations between the main resistance groups, the conditions that led to the civil war and the domestic relevance of British policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Killing Hope U.S
    Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Appendices for Covert Regime Change
    Appendices for Covert Regime Change: America’s Secret Cold War Appendix I: U.S.-backed Covert Regime Change Attempts during the Cold War………………2 Appendix II: U.S.-backed Overt Regime Change Attempts during the Cold War………………65 Appendix III: Additional alleged U.S. Covert Cases……………………………………………66 Note to readers: Appendix 1 contains at least 3 sources for each of the alleged regime change attempts conducted by the United States during the Cold War. As time permits, I have been updating the appendices with additional sources and hyperlinks to collections of operational files. Additional sources are available in the footnotes of Chapters 5-8 of the book. Feel free to contact me at [email protected] if you have any additional questions. (Last updated September 2019.) 1 Appendix I: U.S. Covert Regime Change during the Cold War Target State: Italy Dates: 1947-1968 Tactics: Covert – Election influence, psychological warfare Type of Operation: Preventive Regime Replaced: Yes Examples of Primary Sources: • Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, September 15, 1951, “Analysis of the Power of the Communist Parties of France and Italy and of Measures to Counter Them,” CIA-FOIA, Doc. CIA-RDP80R01731R003200020013-5. • National Security Council, “National Security Council Report: Position of the United States with Respect to Italy in Light of the Possible Communist Participation in Government by Legal Means,” CIA-FOIA, Doc. CIA-RDP78-01617A003100010001-5 • Central Intelligence Agency, February 1948, “The Current Situation in Italy,” CIA-FOIA, Doc. 0000008669 • National Security Council, March 8, 1948, “National Security Council Report: Position of the United States with Respect to Italy in Light of the Possible Communist Participation in Government by Legal Means,” CIA-FOIA, Doc.
    [Show full text]
  • JOHN FOSTER DULLES PAPERS PERSONNEL SERIES The
    JOHN FOSTER DULLES PAPERS PERSONNEL SERIES The Personnel Series, consisting of approximately 17,900 pages, is comprised of three subseries, an alphabetically arranged Chiefs of Mission Subseries, an alphabetically arranged Special Liaison Staff Subseries and a Chronological Subseries. The entire series focuses on appointments and evaluations of ambassadors and other foreign service personnel and consideration of political appointees for various posts. The series is an important source of information on the staffing of foreign service posts with African- Americans, Jews, women, and individuals representing various political constituencies. Frank assessments of the performances of many chiefs of mission are found here, especially in the Chiefs of Mission Subseries and much of the series reflects input sought and obtained by Secretary Dulles from his staff concerning the political suitability of ambassadors currently serving as well as numerous potential appointees. While the emphasis is on personalities and politics, information on U.S. relations with various foreign countries can be found in this series. The Chiefs of Mission Subseries totals approximately 1,800 pages and contains candid assessments of U.S. ambassadors to certain countries, lists of chiefs of missions and indications of which ones were to be changed, biographical data, materials re controversial individuals such as John Paton Davies, Julius Holmes, Wolf Ladejinsky, Jesse Locker, William D. Pawley, and others, memoranda regarding Leonard Hall and political patronage, procedures for selecting career and political candidates for positions, discussions of “most urgent problems” for ambassadorships in certain countries, consideration of African-American appointees, comments on certain individuals’ connections to Truman Administration, and lists of personnel in Secretary of State’s office.
    [Show full text]
  • United Nations Issues: Cabinet Rank of the US
    Updated December 22, 2020 United Nations Issues: Cabinet Rank of the U.S. Permanent Representative The U.S. Permanent Representative is the chief as a means of maintaining communication and the flow of representative of the United States to the United Nations. information among key Administration officials. The President appoints the Permanent Representative with the advice and consent of the Senate. Of the 30 individuals By tradition, permanent Cabinet membership comprises the President, the heads of the executive departments and, in who have served since 1946, approximately two-thirds have more recent decades, the Vice President. Beginning with been accorded Cabinet rank by Presidents. Some Members of Congress have demonstrated an ongoing interest in the Dwight D. Eisenhower, each President also has accorded Cabinet rank to select senior executive branch leaders, Cabinet rank of the Permanent Representative in the context including the U.S. Permanent Representative. The positions of the Senate confirmation process and broader U.S. policy toward the United Nations. On November 24, 2020, and individuals granted this distinction vary by presidency and, sometimes, within a presidency. Some positions, President-elect Biden announced his intent to nominate including the Administrator of the Environmental Linda Thomas-Greenfield to be Permanent Representative, with Cabinet rank. Biden stated that he will accord Cabinet Protection Agency, the United States Trade Representative, the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, and status to Greenfield “because I want to hear her voice on all the White House Chief of Staff, have all consistently been the major foreign policy discussions we have.” accorded this status over the past three decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational War in Syria: the Eisenhower Doctrine in the 21St Century?
    Transnational war in Syria: The Eisenhower Doctrine in the 21st Century? Paper for the Political Studies Association UK (PSA) Annual Conference 2016, Section ‘Turkey and Syria’, Hilton Meeting Room 4, Brighton, 21 March Jörg Michael Dostal Associate Professor Graduate School of Public Administration, Seoul National University Republic of Korea [email protected] http://gspa.snu.ac.kr/node/76 and Senior Fellow Centre for Syrian Studies University of St. Andrews Introduction: The history of US geopolitical strategy in the Middle East How is it possible to define the geopolitical interests of the US in the Middle East? What kind of geopolitical strategy is used to enforce such interests? In order to identify intellectual fore- runners for the post-WW2 conduct of the US in the region, one needs to turn to geopolitical theorists broadly associated with the realist tradition in international relations. In this context, the writings of Dutch-born Yale University Professor Nicholas J. Spykman (1893-1943) de- serve particular attention. Spykman developed his views about future US strategy after an expected victory in WW2 against the background of earlier geopolitical theorists of sea power, namely Alfred Thayer Mahan (1840-1914), and of land power, namely Sir Halford Mackinder (1861-1947). In contrast to the former two authors, Spykman argued that US ‘security’ could no longer be guaranteed by focusing on regional defense, such as in concepts of a western hemisphere, or concerns with the relative dominance of either sea power or land power, such as in the relative geopolitical advantage of the US as the leading sea power or of Russia (be- tween 1924 and 1991 the Soviet Union) as the leading land power.
    [Show full text]
  • US Policy on the Illegality of Israeli Settlements Under International
    US Policy on the Illegality of Israeli Settlements under International Law (excerpted from Ambassador Daniel Kurtzer, “Do Settlements Matter? An American Perspective,” Middle East Policy, vol. 16, issue 3, fall 2009) Every U.S. administration since 1967 has argued strongly against Israeli settlement activity. During the administration of President Jimmy Carter, the United States took the view that settlements are illegal under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance made this clear in Congressional testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, on March 21, 1980: U.S. policy toward the establishment of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories is unequivocal and has long been a matter of public record. We consider it to be contrary to international law and an impediment to the successful conclusion of the Middle East peace process. Article 49, paragraph 6,1 of the Fourth Geneva Convention is, in my judgment, and has been in the judgment of each of the legal advisers of the State Department for many, many years, to be . that [settlements] are illegal and that [the Convention] applies to the territories. Vance’s view was based on longstanding U.S. policy. For example, in March 1976, Ambassador William Scranton told the UN Security Council: Substantial resettlement of the Israeli civilian population in occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, is illegal under the convention and cannot be considered to have prejudged the outcome of future negotiations between the parties on the locations of the borders of states in the Middle East. Indeed, the presence of these settlements is seen by my government as an obstacle to the success of the negotiations for a just and final peace between Israel and its neighbors.
    [Show full text]
  • The Foreign Service Journal, May 2014
    PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION MAY 2014 CELEBRATING 90 YEARS OF THE ROGERS ACT THE AMERICAN WAY OF DIPLOMACY OUR MAN IN MOROCCO FOREIGN May 2014 SERVICE Volume 91, No. 5 AFSA NEWS FOCUS 90TH ANNIVERSARY OF AFSA AND THE FOREIGN SERVICE Senate Releases Hold on FS Employees / 51 Diplomacy in Dangerous Foreign Service, Civil Service: Places / 51 How We Got to Where We Are / 19 State VP Voice: Millennial Diplomacy / 52 The burden of two very different personnel systems, and a large and FAS VP Voice: New USDA growing cohort of appointees exempt from the disciplines of either, Under Secretary Position / 53 is taking a real toll on the Department of State—and the Foreign Service. AFSA on the Hill: BY HARRY KOPP The Multiplier Effect / 54 Honoring Toni Tomasek In the Beginning: The Rogers Act of 1924 / 26 on Foreign Affairs Day / 55 The Foreign Service Act of 1924, known as the Rogers Act, created Department of State by State / 56 the U.S. Foreign Service as we know it today. Here is how it happened. UNA-NCA Honors BY JIM LAMONT AND LARRY COHEN Amb. Edward Perkins / 56 Members Support Merit Awards Program / 57 Foreign Service Stories: What Makes Us Proud / 33 Advocating for Members of the U.S. Foreign Service share moments from their careers. FS Child Care Options / 58 CONTRIBUTIONS FROM AFSA MEMBERS International Studies: AFSA Meets Academia / 59 An AFSA Timeline: Selected Highlights / 38 “Nowruz Pirooz!” / 60 COLUMNS President’s Views / 7 In Defense of Nation-Building FEATURE BY ROBERT J. SILVERMAN Letter from the Editor / 8 The American Way of Diplomacy / 40 Remembering Our History How do we rescue U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN and the UNITED NATIONS in TRANSITION by DAVID LEE (Under the Direction of William Stueck)
    DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN AND THE UNITED NATIONS IN TRANSITION by DAVID LEE (Under the Direction of William Stueck) ABSTRACT This thesis will examine how the relationship between the United States and the United Nations began to change in the 1970s. At that time, the new members of the United Nations began to attack the United States and attempted to restructure the international order in their favor. In 1975 Daniel Patrick Moynihan became US Ambassador to the United Nations and attempted to deal with the changed circumstances there based on his experience in American domestic politics. He attempted to make the United Nations, especially the General Assembly, an important part of US foreign policy by applying the ideology of Woodrow Wilson and democratic liberalism that he felt was in retreat after the Vietnam War. Moynihan was succeeded by Andrew Young and Jeane Kirkpatrick, who continued Moynihan’s overall strategy while veering away from his centrist course. INDEX WORDS: United Nations; Daniel Patrick Moynihan; Jeane Kirkpatrick; Andrew Young; Third World; Civil Rights; Vietnam; New International Economic Order DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN AND THE UNITED NATIONS IN TRANSITION by DAVID JOHNSON LEE B.A., Georgia State University, 2001 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2004 ©2004 David Johnson Lee All Rights Reserved DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN AND THE UNITED NATIONS IN TRANSITION by DAVID J. LEE Major Professor: William
    [Show full text]
  • Moral Masculinity: the Culture of Foreign Relations
    MORAL MASCULINITY: THE CULTURE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS DURING THE KENNEDY ADMINISTRATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Jennifer Lynn Walton, B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Michael J. Hogan, Adviser ___________________________ Professor Peter L. Hahn Adviser Department of History Professor Kevin Boyle Copyright by Jennifer Lynn Walton 2004 ABSTRACT The Kennedy administration of 1961-1963 was an era marked by increasing tension in U.S.-Soviet relations, culminating in the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962. This period provides a snapshot of the culture and politics of the Cold War. During the early 1960s, broader concerns about gender upheaval coincided with an administration that embraced a unique ideology of masculinity. Policymakers at the top levels of the Kennedy administration, including President John F. Kennedy, operated within a cultural framework best described as moral masculinity. Moral masculinity was the set of values or criteria by which Kennedy and his closest foreign policy advisors defined themselves as white American men. Drawing on these criteria justified their claims to power. The values they embraced included heroism, courage, vigor, responsibility, and maturity. Kennedy’s focus on civic virtue, sacrifice, and public service highlights the “moral” aspect of moral masculinity. To members of the Kennedy administration, these were moral virtues and duties and their moral fitness justified their fitness to serve in public office. Five key elements of moral masculinity played an important role in diplomatic crises during the Kennedy administration.
    [Show full text]