Causes of Khilafat Movement Pdf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Causes of Khilafat Movement Pdf Causes of khilafat movement pdf Continue The First World War ended with the defeat of Ottoman Turkey. There were rumors that the Ottoman emperor - the spiritual head of the Islamic world - Khalifa - would be imposed a tough peace treaty. The Hilafata Committee was established in Bombay in March 1919 to protect khalifa's temporary powers. A younger generation of Muslim leaders, such as brothers Ali, Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali, began discussing with Mahatma Gandhi the possibility of holding a single mass action on the issue. I saw this as an opportunity to attract Muslims under the auspices of a single movement called Khilafat and not to cooperate with the movement. 1 How the Pan-Islamist Protest Movement in India (1919-1924) Part of the series on:Islamism Basics Islam History Culture Culture Economics Economics Economics Ideology Ideology Islamism Kutbism Salafi Movement International Propaganda of Shiite Islamism Islamic Fundamentalism Concepts Apostasy in Islam Takfir Caliphate Islamic Democracy Islamic Democracy Islamic Socialism Islamic Socialism Islamic Socialism Islamic Socialism Islamic Socialism Monarchy Islamic Republic Islamization (knowledge) Jihadi Islamic Terrorism Jihadism Pan-Islamism Political Islam aspects of post-Islamism Sharia Shura Two Nation Theory Umma affects anti-communism anti-imperialism Anti-Imperialism Islamic Golden Age Islamic Revival MovementSholasty Davat-i-Islami Ahl-i Hadis Deobandi Madhalism Nurku Sahwa Movement Wahhabism International Propaganda Political Hizb ut-Tahrir Iranian Revolution Jamaat-e-Islami Mille Gure Muslim Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan List of Islamic Political Parties militant Islamism, Mena South Asia-based Basic Texts sub-Saharan Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (Iqbal 1930s) Principles of State and Government (Assad 1961) Maalim Fi al-Tariq (Wehi) (Kutb 1965) Islamic Government : Office of The Lawyer (Velayat-e-Faqih) (Khomeini 1970) Heads of State Ali Khamenei Omar al-Bashir Muammar Gaddafi Recep Tayyip Erdogan Ruhollah Khomeini Mohamed Morsi Mohammed Omar House Saud House Of Tani zia-ul-Haq Key ideologues Muhammad Abduh Jamal al-Da Hussein Ahmad Muhammad Muhammad Nasiruddin Al-Al-Ahmad Hannucci Safwat Hegazi Muhammad Iqbal Ali Khamenei Ruhollah Khomeini Nezip Fazil Kasakurek Abul A'la Modudi Taki al-Din al-Nabhani Yusuf al-Karadawi Sayyid Kuath Nawab Safavi Ali Shariati Haji Shariatullah Hassan Al-Turabi Ahmed Yasin Islamism Criticism Islamism Criticism of Islamic liberal movements in Islam Khaled Abu al-Fadl Farag Foda Abdelwahab Meddeb Maryam Namazi Maazid Navaaz Olivier Olivier also known as the Indian Muslim Movement there was a pan-Islamist political protest campaign launched by Muslims in British India led by Shaukat Ali, Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Hakim Ajmal Khan and Abul Kalam Azad to restore the caliphate of the Ottoman Caliphate, which was seen as an effective political authority by the Leader of Sunni Muslims. It was a protest against the sanctions imposed on the Caliph and the Ottoman Empire after World War I under the Treaty of Sevres. The movement collapsed by the end of 1922, when Turkey gained a more favourable diplomatic stance and switched to secularism. By 1924, Turkey had simply abolished the role of the caliph. Main article: Ottoman caliphate of Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1842-1918) began its pan-Islamic program in an attempt to protect the Ottoman Empire from Western attack and dismemberment, as well as to crush the democratic opposition at home. At the end of the 19th century, he sent emissary Jamaluddin Afghani to India. The case of the Ottoman monarch caused religious passion and sympathy among Indian Muslims. As a caliph, the Ottoman sultan was nominally the supreme religious and political leader of all Sunni Muslims around the world. However, this power has never been used. A large number of Muslim religious leaders have begun working to disseminate information and promote Muslim involvement on behalf of the caliphate. Muslim religious leader Maulana Mehmood Hassan tried to organize a national war for independence against the British with the support of the Ottoman Empire. Abdul Hamid II was forced to restore the constitutional monarchy, marking the beginning of the second constitutional era of the Mlark Revolution. He was replaced by his brother Mehmed V (1844-1918), but after the revolution the real power in the Ottoman Empire lay with the nationalists. The movement was a theme at the London Conference (February 1920); however, the Arab nationalists saw this as a threat to the persistence of Islamic domination in Arab lands. Section Further Information: Section of the Ottoman Empire See also: Occupation of Constantinople and the Turkish War for Independence Ottoman Empire, having sided with the central powers during World War I, suffered a major military defeat. The Treaty of Versailles (1919) reduced its territorial scope and reduced its political influence, but the victorious European powers promised to protect the status of the Ottoman sultan as a caliph. However, under the Treaty of Sevres (1920), territories such as Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq were cut off from the empire. A progressive, secular nationalist movement known as the Turkish national movement emerged inside Turkey. During the Turkish War of Independence (1919-1923), Turkish revolutionaries led by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk abolished the Treaty of Semur with the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). In accordance with the reforms of Ataturk, the Republic abolished the position of the caliphate in 1924 and transferred his powers in Turkey to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The Khilafat movement in South Asia Although political activity and popular protest on behalf of the caliphate appeared throughout the Muslim world, the most notable events took place in India. Prominent Oxford-educated Muslim journalist Maulana Muhammad Ali Dzhokhar has spent four years in prison for advocating resistance to the British and supporting the caliphate. At the beginning of Turkey's war of independence, Muslim religious leaders feared for a caliphate that European powers were reluctant to defend. For some Muslims in India, the prospect of being called by the British to fight other Muslims in Turkey was anathema. For its founders and followers, Hilafat was not a religious movement, but rather a show of solidarity with his fellow Muslims in Turkey. Mohammad Ali and his brother Maulana Shaukat Ali joined other Muslim leaders such as Pier Ghulam Mujahid Sarhandi Shaukat Ali Siddiqui, Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, lawyer Rais-ul-Muhajirin Jan Muhammad Junjo, Hasrat Mohani, Saeed Ata Ulla Shah Buhari, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Dr. The organization is based in Lucknow, India, in Hat Shaukat Ali, a complex of Shaukat's landlord Ali Siddiqui. They sought to build political unity among Muslims and use their influence to defend the caliphate. In 1920, they published the Hilafata Manifesto, which called on the British to defend the caliphate and for Indian Muslims to unite and hold the British accountable for it. The Hilafata Committee in Bengal included Mohmmad Akram Khan, Manruzzaman Islamabadi, Mujibur Rahman Khan and Chittaranjan Das. In 1920, an alliance was formed between the leaders of The Hilafata and the Indian National Congress, The largest political party in India and the nationalist movement. Congress leader Mohandash Gandhi and Hilafata leaders vowed to work and fight together for the affairs of Hilafat and Swaraj. In an effort to increase pressure on the British, the Khilafatists have become a major part of the unsyleted movement, a nationwide campaign of mass, peaceful civil disobedience. Some of them also participated in the protest emigration from the North-West Frontier Province to Afghanistan under the leadership of Amanullah Khan. Hilafata leaders such as Dr. Ansari, Maulana Azad and Hakim Ajmal Khan also grew up with Gandhi. These leaders founded Jamia Millia Islamia in 1920 to promote independent education and social rejuvenation of Muslims. The cooperation campaign was initially successful. The program began with a boycott of legislative councils, public schools, colleges and foreign goods. State functions and surrendering titles and distinctions. (quote needed) protests, strikes and acts of civil disobedience have spread throughout India. Hindus and Muslims collectively offered resistance that was initially peaceful. Gandhi, brothers Ali and others were imprisoned by the British. Under the flag of Tehreek-e-Hilafat, Punjab Khilafat MP comprising Mulan Mansur Ahmed and Mulan Lutfulla Khan Dankauri took the lead across India, with particular concentration in Punjab (Sirsa, Lahore, Haryana, etc.). Although the Hilafat movement was a breakdown of negotiations with the British and a continuation of its activities, it weakened as Muslims were divided between the work in Congress, the Hilafata case and the Muslim League. The final blow came from the victory of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who had snuffed out Ottoman rule to create a progressive, secular republic in independent Turkey. He abolished the role of the caliph and did not seek help from the Indians. Hilafat's leadership is fragmented along different political lines. Syed Ata Ullah Shah Buhari created the Mejlis-i-Ahrar-e-Islam with the support of Chaudhry Afzal Haq. Leaders such as Dr. Ansari, Maulana Azad and Hakim Ajmal Khan remained strong supporters of Gandhi and Congress. The Ali Brothers joined the Muslim League. They will play an important role in the growth of the People's Appeal of the League and the subsequent
Recommended publications
  • Arab Secularism's Assisted Suicide
    Arab Secularism’s Assisted Suicide A Brief History of Arab Political Discourse on Religion and the State APRIL 25, 2019 — MARK FARHA The Century Foundation | tcf.org Arab Secularism’s Assisted Suicide A Brief History of Arab Political Discourse on Religion and the State APRIL 25, 2019 — MARK FARHA Few would contest that the Arab world today is still ideological impasse. Relying on a range of Arabic primary struggling to accept, let alone institutionalize, the core pillars sources, it begins with a panoramic historical overview of of secularism and a civic state. In part, this crisis of secularism the usage of the term “madani” (meaning “civil” or “civic”) might be seen as a global phenomenon in light of the among a selection of key liberal and reformist Arab proliferation of populism tinged with communal prejudice. intellectuals, from the nineteenth century to the present.2 But while there is a global component to this problem, there The report also examines recurrent patterns in the use of are also particular regional characteristics. This report seeks “dawlah madaniyyah” as a means of either asserting or to go beyond the current crisis surrounding secularism avoiding an egalitarian, secular state in the present context as a symptom of a broader, universal failure of liberal of post-Arab-uprising states struggling with ideological and democracy and economic inequalities, and to specifically sectarian fragmentation. I explore how the concepts of the link the enfeebled state of secularism in Arab states to the civil state and citizenship have actually been used, in some region’s intellectual and political history since the nineteenth cases, to completely skirt secularism proper.
    [Show full text]
  • Islam and Islamism
    The ‘West’, Islam and Islamism The ‘West’, Islam and Islamism Is ideological Islam compatible with liberal democracy? Caroline Cox and John Marks Civitas: Institute for the Study of Civil Society London First published June 2003 Civitas The Mezzanine, Elizabeth House 39 York Road, London SE1 7NQ email: [email protected] © Institute for the Study of Civil Society 2003 All rights reserved ISBN 1-903 386-29 2 Typeset by Civitas in New Century Schoolbook Printed in Great Britain by The Cromwell Press Trowbridge, Wiltshire Contents Page Authors vii Foreword David G. Green ix 1 Introduction: A Comparison Between ‘Western’ and ‘Islamic’ World-Views 1 2 Concepts of Knowledge and Truth 12 3 Political and Social Structures 29 4 Conflicts between Western and Islamic Societies: past and present 50 5 Challenges for Western Societies 69 6 The Challenge to Islam 72 Summary 77 Appendix Contemporary Case Studies 83 Notes 97 v Authors Caroline Cox was created a Life Peer in 1982 and has been a deputy speaker of the House of Lords since 1985. She was Founder Chancellor of Bournemouth University, 1991- 2001; and is a Vice President of the Royal College of Nursing. She is heavily involved with international human- itarian and human rights work, serving as a non-executive director of the Andrei Sakharov Foundation; as a Trustee of MERLIN (Medical Emergency Relief International) and the Siberian Medical University; Honorary President of Christ- ian Solidarity Worldwide-UK; and Chairman of the Execut- ive Board of the International Islamic Christian Organisat- ion for Reconciliation and Reconstruction (IICORR). Lady Cox has been honoured with the Commander Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland and the Wilberforce Award for her humanitarian work.
    [Show full text]
  • Universal Versus Islamic Human Rights: a Clash of Cultures Or a Clash with a Construct?
    Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 15 Issue 2 1994 Universal Versus Islamic Human Rights: A Clash of Cultures or a Clash with a Construct? Ann Elizabeth Mayer Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Ann E. Mayer, Universal Versus Islamic Human Rights: A Clash of Cultures or a Clash with a Construct?, 15 MICH. J. INT'L L. 307 (1994). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol15/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSAL VERSUS ISLAMIC HUMAN RIGHTS: A CLASH OF CULTURES OR A CLASH WITH A CONSTRUCT? Ann Elizabeth Mayer* INTRODUCTION ................................................. 308 I. CONSTRUCTS OF ISLAMIC PARTICULARISM ON HUMAN RIGHTS .................................. 309 A. Conflicts Over Human Rights: A Clash of Cultures? .... 309 B. The Islamic Legal Heritage and Human Rights ......... 321 C. Formulationsof Islamic Alternatives to the International Bill of Human Rights ..................... 324 II. ISLAMIC HUMAN RIGHTS: Two NEW CONSTRUCTS .......... 327 A. The 1990 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam .............................................. 327 1. Equality of W omen ................................ 329 2. Freedom of Religion ............................... 333 3. Freedom of the Press .............................
    [Show full text]
  • Leaving Islam
    Chapter 7 Leaving Islam Christine Schirrmacher 1 Introduction Looked at from a global perspective, possibly more people than ever are chang- ing or leaving their religion. At the same time, while it is legally impossible to leave Islam in all Middle Eastern countries, it is considered to be a punishable crime under Sharia law, and the death penalty can be applied in a handful of countries like Saudi-Arabia or Iran. Interestingly enough, the Koran does not seem to have a clear verdict on apostasy. Muslim theologians hold different views as to whether Islam favors complete religious freedom or whether the culprit is unpunishable as long as he does not rock the boat of the community. Many Muslim theologians still hold to the death penalty. 2 Key Terms The term for “unbelief” or “non-belief” (Arabic: kufr) is used 482 times in the Koran. In at least 19 verses it is used in the sense of turning away or falling away from Islam (Hallaq 2001: 119–122). There is no mention in the Koran of the Ara- bic term for “apostasy,” which is ridda and irtidād in Arabic. However, one finds neither in the Koran nor in tradition an unambiguous definition for when apostasy from Islam (Arabic: al-ruǧūʿ ʿan dīn al-islām or qaṭʿ al-islām) is unquestionably present, how it can be determined, and whether saying the creed is sufficient in order to avert the charge of apostasy (Griffel 1998: 356). Indeed, there is widespread consensus that apostasy undoubtedly exists where the truth of the Koran is denied, where blasphemy is committed against God, Islam, or Muhammad, and where breaking away from the Islamic faith in word or deed occurs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dangers of Political Exclusion: Egypt's Islamist Problem
    Middle East Series CARNEGIE PAPERS THE DANGERS OF POLITICAL EXCLUSION: Egypt’s Islamist Problem Bassma Kodmani Democracy and Rule of Law Project Number 63 October 2005 © 2005 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Carnegie Endowment. Please direct inquiries to: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Publications Department 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036 Phone: 202-483-7600 Fax: 202-483-1840 www.CarnegieEndowment.org This publication can be downloaded for free at www.CarnegieEndowment.org/pubs. Limited print copies are also available. To request a copy, send an e-mail to [email protected]. Carnegie Papers Carnegie Papers present new research by Endowment associates and their collaborators from other institutions. The series includes new time-sensitive research and key excerpts from larger works in progress. Comments from readers are welcome; reply to the author at the mailing address above or by e-mail to [email protected]. About the Author Bassma Kodmani is associate professor at the College de France and director of the Arab Reform Initiative. She can be contacted at [email protected]. CONTENTS Introduction . 3 Mighty State . 4 Religious Establishment . 5 Political Choreography . 8 Ramifications . 12 Reclaiming Politics . 17 Notes . 23 Je ne vois pas dans la religion le mystère de l’Incarnation mais le mystère de l’Ordre social. La religion rattache au Ciel une idée d’égalité qui empêche le riche d’être massacré par le pauvre.
    [Show full text]
  • Enc Analysis
    ENC ANALYSIS The role of Education in women’s radicalization process April 2019 Authors: Dr. Saenz-Diez @ENC_Europe ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Eva Saenz-Diez is a Researcher on the Arab world at ENC and the GERMAC (Groupe d'études et de recherches sur le Monde Arabe contemporain/Study and Research Group on the Contemporary Arab World) at the Université catholique de Louvain (UCL). Her main research topics are: Education in the Arab world and the link between education and Islamic radicalisation, Islamic education in Europe, Freedom of Religion and Belief in Arab and Muslim countries. Holder of a PhD in co-supervision between the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid and the University of Paris on Science policy of Egypt from 1952 to the computer revolution, she is also the author of the book Égypte d’une révolution à l’autre. Politiques d'enseignement et de changements sociaux, Publisud, Paris, March 2013. She intervenes in universities and research centres in several countries (France, Spain, Egypt, Italy, Tunisia, India, Denmark, Belgium, United States, Hungary). Author of numerous academic articles, she also regularly cooperates with various media (France, Spain, United States, Egypt, Switzerland, Canada). Her latest academic publications are: “La yihad en la clase: la educación como arma ideológica”, in M. de Pazzis Pi Corrales y J. Cantera Montenegro (dirs.), Armamento y equipo para la guerra, pp. 673-686, 2018. “Les Coptes, constitutifs de l’identité égyptienne”, in Atlas de l’Egypte contemporaine, Cedej (Le Caire) – Editions du CNRS (Paris), (in press). 2 @ENC_Europe The role of Education in women’s radicalization process Introduction Since 2001, discussions and debates over jihadism,1 political Islam, extremist Islamism, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of the Muslim Brotherhood
    Report I: History of the Muslim Brotherhood The History of the Muslim Brotherhood A Report by 9 Bedford Row 2 April 2015 9 Bedford Row London WC1R 4AZ 0044 207 489 2727 www.9bri.com 1 Report I: History of the Muslim Brotherhood Table of Contents CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................ 4 1.1 SUBJECT MATTER OF REPORT .................................................................................... 5 1.2 PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVE OF THE REPORTS .............................................................. 6 1.3 CURRENT REPORT: METHODOLOGY ......................................................................... 7 CHAPTER 2: GROWTH STRATEGY & OBJECTIVES ................................................. 8 2.1 THE GROWTH STRATEGY OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT.................... 9 2.1.1 Setting the foundations for a mass movement .................................................... 9 2.2 ORIGINAL OBJECTIVES .............................................................................................. 12 2.2.1 Islam is the Solution .......................................................................................... 12 2.2.2 Totalitarian reform ............................................................................................ 14 2.2.3 Using the language of violence .......................................................................... 16 2.2.4 Creation of an Anti-systemic movement ........................................................... 17 2.2.5
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Compulsion in Islamic Conversion: Jihad, Dhimma and Ridda
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law Buffalo Human Rights Law Review Volume 8 Article 2 9-1-2002 The Role of Compulsion in Islamic Conversion: Jihad, Dhimma and Ridda Donna E. Arzt Syracuse University College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bhrlr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Donna E. Arzt, The Role of Compulsion in Islamic Conversion: Jihad, Dhimma and Ridda, 8 Buff. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 15 (2002). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bhrlr/vol8/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Human Rights Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ROLE OF COMPULSION IN ISLAMIC CONVERSION: JIHAD, DHIMMA AND RIDDA Donna E. Arzt* INTRODUCTION The Qur'anic pronouncement, "there is no compulsion in religion" (Sura 2, verse 256), is as succinct a statement as any of the principle of freedom of religion. This freedom has been said to encompass not only the freedom to hold theistic beliefs as well as the freedom to hold non-theistic beliefs, but also the freedom to change one's religion or belief or to refuse to change one's religion or belief, all without coercion or discrimination.' In other words, an assertion of non-compulsion is put to the test when con- fronted by instances of conversion to and from the religion in question.
    [Show full text]
  • The Islamization of Knowledge Between Particularism
    The Islamization of Knowledge The Islamization of Knowledge between Particularism and Globalization: Malaysia and Egypt1 Mona Abaza In one world, it is the war of heritage [turath] against heritage and the degra- dation of the heritage with heritage. (Tarabishi 1993: 15) National societies are increasingly exposed internally to problems of hetero- geneity and diversity and at the same time, are experiencing both external and internal pressures to reconstruct their collective identity along pluralistic lines, individuals are increasingly subject to compelling ethnic, cultural and religious reference points. (Robertson 1990: 57) Introduction Before I proceed to explore the debate on the “Islamization of Knowl- edge”, I would like to point to the inherent ambiguity of the topic. The discourse of Islamization was born out of a reaction to Orientalism yet hardly transcends the problems related to Eurocentrism. The Is- lamizers of knowledge, similar to other contesting Third world intel- lectuals, might appear to raise legitimate issues such as decolonizing anthropology nevertheless, the empirical contribution of their writings leaves much to be desired. The problematic of the indigenization of 53 26.09.00 --- Projekt: transcript.nelson / Dokument: FAX ID 00c5267656838312|(S. 53- 95) nelson.abaza.bearbeitung1.p 267656838712 Mona Abaza social sciences, “authenticity”2 and authentic institutions are present in the debate. In relation to this Islamization debate, in recent years, sociologists have raised questions related to the struggle in the socio- logical field between “local”, indigenous and international scholars; whose knowledge counted more and the “bargaining over who knows reality better”. The debate over the indigenization of social sciences as a post colonial discourse and the varying competing forces within the sociological field, has already been analyzed by Morsy / Nelson / Saad / Sholkamy (1991).
    [Show full text]
  • Fatwas Against Terrorism and Terrorist Organizations
    FATWAS AGAINST TERRORISM AND TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS: AN EXAMINATION OF A POTENTIAL COUNTER-TERRORISM TOOL by NIMA KARIMI A Thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2017 © NIMA KARIMI 2017 AUTHOR’S DECLARATION I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this Thesis. This is a true copy of the Thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my Thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract From a historical perspective, one of the primary reasons for issuing Islamic religious edicts, commonly known as fatwas, was to incite terrorism, and many have been successful in achieving their aims. In response, fatwas that challenge terrorism and counter terrorist organization actions have also been issued, however, they have been rarely followed. The literature and discourse on the subject are sparse and problematic, and have provided unconvincing explanations; devoid of a systematic approach to the question, they do not provide the context necessary to understand why counter-terror fatwas have been ineffective against Islamist terrorism, and none investigated whether the fatwas interacted directly with the Islamist core narrative. In this thesis, I argue that counter-terror fatwas have been ineffective because they have not discussed or challenged the Qur’anic verses that endorse violence and justify Islamist terrorism, and they received no digital news coverage. Using a systematic approach, I employ a four-way typology to measure these two variables—content sophistication and online news coverage—to provide an answer to the thesis question, and I use supplementary interviews to support and explain these findings.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Islamism
    Understanding Islamism Sir John Jenkins, Dr Martyn Frampton and Tom Wilson Understanding Islamism Sir John Jenkins, Dr Martyn Frampton and Tom Wilson Policy Exchange is the UK’s leading think tank. We are an independent, non-partisan educational charity whose mission is to develop and promote new policy ideas that will deliver better public services, a stronger society and a more dynamic economy. Policy Exchange is committed to an evidence-based approach to policy development and retains copyright and full editorial control over all its written research. We work in partnership with academics and other experts and commission major studies involving thorough empirical research of alternative policy outcomes. We believe that the policy experience of other countries offers important lessons for government in the UK. We also believe that government has much to learn from business and the voluntary sector. Registered charity no: 1096300. Trustees Diana Berry, Alexander Downer, Pamela Dow, Andrew Feldman, David Harding, Patricia Hodgson, Greta Jones, Edward Lee, Charlotte Metcalf, David Ord, Roger Orf, Andrew Roberts, George Robinson, Robert Rosenkranz, William Salomon, Peter Wall, Simon Wolfson, Nigel Wright. Understanding Islamism About the Author Sir John Jenkins spent a 35-year career in the British Diplomatic Service. He holds a BA (Double First Class Honours) and a Ph.D from Jesus College, Cambridge. He also studied at The School of Oriental and African Studies in London (Arabic and Burmese) and through the FCO with the London and Ashridge Business Schools. He is an alumnus of the Salzburg Seminar. He joined the FCO in 1980 and served in Abu Dhabi (1983-86), Malaysia (1989-92) and Kuwait (1995-98) before being appointed Ambassador to Burma (1999- 2002).
    [Show full text]
  • Establishment Ulama and Radicalism in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan
    Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World Establishment Ulama and Radicalism in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan SHMUEL BACHAR, SHMUEL BAR, RACHEL MACHTIGER, AND YAIR MINZILI Research Monographs on the Muslim World Series No 1, Paper No 4 December 2006 The views, opinions, and/ or findings contained in this report are those of the author(s) and should not be construed as an official Department of Defense pos ition, policy, or decision. HUDSON INSTITUTE Establishment Ulama and Radicalism in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan SHMUEL BACHAR, SHMUEL BAR, RACHEL MACHTIGER, AND YAIR MINZILI Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World © 2006 by Hudson Institute, Inc. All rights reserved. HUDSON INSTITUTE 1015 15th Street, NW Sixth Floor, Washington, DC 20005 202-974-2400 www.hudson.org DR. SHMUEL BAR is Director of Studies at the Institute for Policy and Strategy, at the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) Herzliya. He holds a Ph.D. in History of the Middle East from Tel Aviv University. Dr. Bar served in the Israeli intelligence community for thirty years where he held senior analytical, planning, and diplomatic positions, specializing in regional security, Islamic radical- ism, and terrorism in the Middle East and East Asia. Dr. Bar has published a number of books and articles in the areas of rad- ical Islam, Iranian defense doctrine, Syria, Jordan and the Palestinians. MR. SHMUEL BACHAR is a research fellow at the Institute for Policy and Strategy at the IDC Herzliya. Mr. Bachar holds a M.A. from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and is currently working on his PhD dissertation on Egyptian social history.
    [Show full text]