“In the Public Interest”: The Historiography of Crusade Finance By Lee Morrison Florida State University

I. Introduction the other hand, it enabled the laity who secular taxes” for the duration of this section. Logistically, a medieval crusade were not fit for combat to participate in These secular taxes proved to be models for presented many difficulties, particularly in the crusade in a tangible way, contributing later papal programs, most notably in their regards to its financing. The act of raising toward it on an individual level without methods of collection and assessment. The an army, transporting it to the Holy Land, actually traveling with the army. This was levies set a precedent for the cooperation sustaining it upon arrival, and providing meant to ensure that those funds would go between ecclesiastic and secular authorities further support in the event that it succeeded toward combatants only, eliminating the in crusade taxation, and its history is one in acquiring territory, was an enormous large portion of noncombatants who tended of adaptation and flexibility. Innocent III’s challenge that demanded considerable to follow the armies toward the Holy Land, decision to adapt similar measures in 1200 economic contribution. Crusading was as seen in the First Crusade. was not borne out of a desire to squeeze cash incredibly expensive. Pope Innocent III Crusade taxation underwent from his clergy but was instead a product of and his successors were aware of this and considerable development in the thirteenth practicality. He saw a longstanding problem realized that in order for any crusade to and fourteenth centuries, and though these (inconsistent and decentralized financing of succeed, it had to be well funded. In 1208, taxes were often contentiously received, crusades), and he saw a framework in place Innocent declared a regional income tax on they did raise valuable funding. Though that already had mixed elements of lay and a tenth of the revenues of the clergy and intended for crusade, privileges and taxes ecclesiastical participation and which had laity in France to support the crusade against were eventually granted to secular rulers, already produced successful collections, Cathar heretics in the south of the country. who enthusiastically collected them but albeit at a local level in England. The Innocent based this tax on the notion that often without using the money which was decision to apply this framework to the Latin “those acting in the public interest should raised for that express purpose. As secular clergy and base it upon papal authority was be sustained by public taxes”.1 Since 1199, rulers claimed the right of clerical taxation in a natural one. Innocent had sought to find a solution to the their domains against similar assertations by The opening of the Vatican archives inherent difficulties of organizing a successful the ecclesiastical government of the Church, in 1881 made materials that would prove crusade, especially by his push to introduce the papacy in this period increased both the invaluable to the study of the medieval widespread clerical taxation as a source of frequency of its taxation and the sources papacy available to students and scholars funding. Scholars of crusade finance have of its revenues. These abuses soured the for the first time. Prior to their opening, traced the history of taxation and established popular attitude toward crusade taxation, no comprehensive treatment of the papacy’s a connection between the early tax initiatives not because of a loss of belief in the cause of finances during this period existed. In of Henry II and the later adoption of the crusading, but due to the constant levying of 1934, William Lunt published what would income tax as papal policy by Innocent III. taxes, ostensibly for that purpose, which were become the first synthesis of medieval papal However, papal taxation was seen then not actually carried out once the money finance in which he examined the various through a lens of cynicism by mid-twentieth was raised. The financial abuses which sources of revenue available to the medieval century historians who considered the abuses contributed to the Protestant Reformation, papacy, though he made no mention of of fiscal policy observed during the late notably the sale of indulgences by the expenditures or repercussions of papal thirteenth to sixteenth centuries as a natural papacy, should be understood as having finance.2 Expenditure would be treated in development stemming from the programs developed not out of the crusading policy of depth by a myriad of later historians. Lunt of crusade finance established by Innocent the thirteenth century papacy, but through noted that papal taxation was influenced by III and his successors. Recent scholarship later abuses by secular rulers and the Avignon twelfth century secular taxes and adopted has suggested otherwise. While the popes.A their framework while simultaneously relationship between secular and ecclesiastic basing justifying extraction as an extension taxation has proven consistent throughout II. Secular Precedents to Ecclesiastical of the papal right of plenitude potestatis, by the historiography, the nature of the papacy’s Taxation which the papacy could “assert its power crusade policy can be understood as being Papal taxation of the clergy was not over the Patrimony of the Church for whom based in spirituality and practicality, as an idea without precedent. Instead, it was the crusades were fought.”3 As papal taxes opposed to materialism. A central element inspired by secular initiatives of the twelfth developed, so too, he argued, did the Curia, of crusade policy was the establishment of century. Although Innocent III is credited as and the “mere organ of the [papal] household taxation as a source of funding. Crusade the first Pope to impose direct taxation upon had become a great department of state.”4 taxation served a dual purpose. On one the clergy in 1200, he was preceded by almost Fred Cazel and James Brundage hand, it sought to provide a solution forty years of secular taxation which would furthered the notion that the twelfth century to the economic challenges created by continue to influence papal taxation after secular taxes inspired crusade taxation during crusading armies as a means of funding their his pontificate. The levies of 1166, 1183, the pontificate of Innocent III, who wanted transportation, supply, and manpower by 1185, and most famously 1187 formed the to expand and regularize them to apply to providing financial support to the magnates basis of clerical taxation. This group of taxes the papal patrimony at large.5 The twelfth who led their local forces on campaign. On will be referred to as the “twelfth century century levies were the result of an agreement

Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Excellence – Volume X History between Henry II of England and the kings also saw the first attempt at ecclesiastic further delayed its completion.23 The of France to tax the general populations of participation when Clement III requested three Archbishops assigned with carry out their realms to support the crusade.6 The use that bishops contribute to the collections in collections each held their own provincial of Templars and Hospitallers, first appointed addition to the laity.16 Cazel concluded that councils to decide on how to execute the in 1185 to collect these taxes, lent them the Saladin Tithe offered the most promising collection within their jurisdiction, and they an element of ecclesiastic representation.7 basis for crusade taxation, but its successors disagreed on the allowance of exceptions.24 Innocent wished to expand this ecclesiastic were instead appropriated by secular princes They convened in order to decide on the role while still cooperating with the kings and popes for purposes other than aiding the issue but deliberations were delayed by a to ensure that taxation went smoothly and Crusader States.17 jurisdictional dispute between Archbishop of without opposition. Cazel pointed out that Though Clement III required that Bourges and the Benedictine abbot of Deols, the 1185 tax, which Lunt had previously bishops should participate in the 1187 tax, whom the Archbishop excommunicated considered to be nonexistent and based on Innocent III’s declaration of a fortieth in according to his role as papal legate. The a forged ordinance, was not only carried out 1200 represented the first general tax on Archbishops proved overzealous in their but was instrumental in the development of clergy. In addition to the fortieth on clerical execution of the collection, excommunicating the “Saladin Tithe” of 1188. Cazel argued incomes, Innocent stipulated that he and so many clergymen for fraud that Honorius that the 1185 tax was an example of the the cardinals would pay a tenth of their own had to also grant them temporary power of blending of secular and ecclesiastic authority revenues.18 Clerical opposition to taxation absolution, as it was deemed excessive for the present in the twelfth century levies. The was immediate and largely unceasing sheer number of excommunicates to journey tax was declared by Henry II and Philip thereafter. This created collection problems. to Rome for appeal.25C Honorius turned Augustus with the consent of their bishops Whereas the English crown enjoyed a back to using curial collectors not because he and counts, consisted of a three year tax centralized authority within its territory desired it, but because it was the only feasible of a hundredth on income and moveables and some prior history of implementing method of collection, despite the clerical (personal possessions which are not attached broad crusade taxation, the papacy possessed complaints.D to the land), was backed by an indulgence neither. France, Collins, Bird, and Asbridge granted by the bishops of Normandy, Innocent III attempted to use papal furthered the work of Cazel and Kay. and was collected by members of military collectors in 1200, but clerical uproar France, writing in 2005, found a precedent orders.8 Furthermore, the exemptions of made it clear that such a measure would be for both secular and ecclesiastic taxation in necessities of profession from assessment deeply unpopular. Cazel and Kay showed the intellectual and social advances of the and the terminology of the 1185 ordinance that Innocent and his successors were aware twelfth century. He argued that the increase bore striking similarity to the ordinance of of this and did not initially favor outright in wealth at this time caused society to turn the Saladin Tithe.9 Brundage remarked that centralization. Kay examined Innocent’s to two institutions of authority, the papacy this sort of adaptation of previous taxes was attempts to balance local and centralized and the monarchies, to provide frameworks characteristic of the financial system of the authority in 1200 and 1215, using local for law and stability.25 After 1188, both crusades.10 clergy to collect taxes under the supervision institutions began developing greater Ecclesiastical sanctions were used to of Roman officials.19 He also adopted Henry administrative capabilities, leading to joint enforce the twelfth century collections, II’s use of parish chests in 1213 as a means of increases in the regularity of church and further blending secular and church authority collecting alms for the Holy Land.20 Powell royal government, growth in education, and into the process of financing endeavors in also argued that Innocent was cautious about a general rise in intellectual development. the Holy Land. Henry II’s 1166 tax, which outright centralization, and attempted to Collins also pointed out an increasing called for two pennies per man for the first learn and adapt from the organizational and focus on financial bureaucracy among the year and one thereafter, was to be collected in operational failures of the Fourth Crusade. papacy and a trend of financially oriented chests placed in each parish church, overseen During that venture, the crusade army found popes. Cencio Savelli, before becoming by priests and enforced by sanctions.11 This itself impoverished and in considerable Honorius III, compiled the first version of was developed further with Baldwin IV’s debt to Venice, culminating in the sack the Liber censuum, a record of papal assets 1184 levy of one bezant per hundredth of of Constantinople by Christian forces. and expected revenues.27 Innocent IV was moveables, two bezants per hundredth of According to Powell, Innocent was mindful the son of an imperial tax collector, and he church, monastic, and baronial revenues, and of both clerical opposition and the failure would raise the rates of taxation in the papal a hearth tax of one bezant (or whatever they of his financial plans in 1199 and sought states.28 Asbridge understood the Saladin could manage) on the poor.12 The revenues conciliar approval for the 1215 tax instead of Tithe in a manner which agrees with Cazel’s were to be collected by bishops.13 declaring it solely on his own authority.21 claim that it represented the best model for Cazel previously demonstrated that Collections for the Fifth Crusade were funding crusades, arguing that it produced the 1185 levy was at a rate of a hundredth dreadfully slow and plagued by obstinate “the peak of a well-financed crusade army”, per moveables, and he concluded that this clergy, and by 1221, six years after the though he pointed out that only England rate was borrowed from the 1184 levy and Fourth Lateran council declared a three had the administrative capabilities to enact extended to cover a period of three years.14 year twentieth, it was still being collected.22 such a tax.29 Bird acknowledged the effect Finally, the Saladin Tithe of 1187-88 was Kay argued that Honorius III, whom Lunt of the crusades as a stimulant on the overall assessed at a rate of a tenth on moveables, blamed for the turn to papal centralization, economic atmosphere of the Middle Ages.30 with the same exemptions as 1185, but actually tried to avoid resorting to it and Overall, scholarship indicates that the with the new stipulation that taxpayers experimented with delegating legatine twelfth century secular levies formed the assess themselves but pay before a mixed lay powers to four French bishops for collection basis for clerical taxation. This history can be and clerical committee to ensure that the of the Albigensian Tenth in 1221. However, traced to the levy of 1166 and the subsequent assessment was honest.15B Not only were he found that in doing so, the collection levies that were built into the Saladin Tithe, elements of ecclesiastic authority present in was hampered by personal vendettas and which became the model crusade tax. The each of these taxes, but the Saladin Tithe local feuds among those bishops, which first general tax on clergy came in 1200, but

Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Excellence – Volume X History elements of church authority were present in upon crusade taxation by wielding it for their of the annual parish tithe, to Fernando III the previous secular taxes, and this blending own interests.35 He demonstrated that the as significant in the history of the funding of ecclesiastical and secular elements persisted crusade tenth was used as a primary means of the Spanish wars of the Reconquest.45 He in the policies of Innocent III. Issues arose of funding for the crusade against Frederick argued that in doing so, Innocent IV opened immediately among the clergy and increased II’s son Manfred from 1255-1266, as well as the door for Spanish kings to further levy along with papal centralization of collections, for the initial phase of the War of the Sicilian ecclesiastic incomes for their own purposes.46 though only after other experiments with Vespers. However, the tenth weakened after John France pointed to the cruzada tax, an local collection had failed. Monarchies and 1283 and continued to do so for at least ecclesiastic tax granting minor indulgences the papacy alike sought to cultivate their twenty years with the successive defeats which survived into the twentieth century administrative capabilities, and taxation suffered by papal forces, many of whom were in Spain, as a case-in-point example of was a major venue for developing new crusaders who had sworn legitimate vows.36 secular bureaucracies laying claim to crusade articulations of authority and structures At this point, popes such as Martin IV and taxation.47 of governance. These experiments in fiscal Nicholas IV levied more tenths in order to Just as scholars agree that the secular organization developed as a response to the offset the decline in value, but this proved taxes of the twelfth century inspired papal financial demands of crusades and the cost fruitless.37 By the time of Boniface VIII, taxation, they agree that in late thirteenth of maintaining subsequent possessions in the tenths were being granted to allies outright century, the growth of royal administrative Holy Land. in exchange for help in the Italian crusades.38 capabilities was the impetus for its decline. Housely argued that this was a critical Secular rulers turned to crusade taxes as a III. The End of Secular and Ecclesiastical change which caused secular rulers to regard means of expanding their own revenues. Cooperation the clerical tenth not as a papal subsidy, but The domestic crusades of the thirteenth and In the same manner that papal taxation as a national asset which they could levy at fourteenth centuries show a pattern of royal grew out of secular innovations, the will.39 The growing power of the crown came subjugation of the clerical state and a decline development of the secular state ultimately to subjugate the clerical state, most notably in the returns of crusade tenths. The Saladin led to the devaluation and replacement of when Philip IV, seeking funding for his wars Tithe, in which Cazel believed lay the key to the clerical income tax. . Beginning in the with England, established royal hegemony successful crusade taxation, instead became late thirteenth century, competition between over the tenth in his lands.40 The Avignon the model of the secular income tax. In ecclesiastical and secular authorities over the papacy continued to levy tenths rigorously, England, France, and Spain alike, kings laid right to tax local clergy led to popes levying but they were less important as a source claim to the revenues of the church in their more and more clerical taxes, decreasing of revenue and only caused more clerical jurisdiction, and the clergy emerged by the their effectiveness while also cultivating dissent. end of the thirteenth century with significant more discontent. Lunt argued that secular Boniface VIII attempted to curb economic losses and a strong desire for rulers adopted clerical taxation to augment secular appropriation of the tenth with the reform. their own revenues, and as it became more bull Clericos Iaicos in 1296, requiring papal profitable for them, it became less so for permission before a secular state could tax IV. Crusade Finance as a Policy of Reform the papacy.31 Thus deprived of its primary church revenue. However, Phillip Stump While the connection between secular method of funding crusade enterprises while pointed out that Clement V revoked the bull and ecclesiastic taxation has been fleshed simultaneously faced with more powerful in 1306, and secular rulers had been levying out by decades of academic study on and demanding secular administrations, the tenths constantly since. Stump argued that crusade finance, a more recent development papacy turned elsewhere for financing any reform of clerical taxation was one of the reinterprets the nature of papal fiscal policy crusading endeavors. key points of contention at the Council of itself as it relates to crusading. Lunt and Though he was focused more on the Constance and argued that secular rulers, Brundage wrote that the developments of the development of crusader legal institutions, previously thought to be the champions of legal and financial institutions of crusading Brundage did examine the use of crusade church fiscal reform, actually opposed it, were rife with abuses, and the motivations of tithes by secular rulers. He noted that as they were already able to utilize clerical crusaders and curialists alike came to be seen Edward I began a trend where English kings taxation to suit their needs by the time of the as materialistic.48 However, beginning with levied crusade tithes, but applied their own Council.42 Cazel also argued that political Jonathan Riley-Smith in 1986, scholarship purposes and interests to the use of the jealousies destroyed the cooperation between has indicated that spirituality, not material revenues.32 In other words, money raised in the papal and secular authorities on the issue gain, must be recognized as a key motivating the name of crusading was not supporting of taxation. He pointed to the irony that, factor among crusaders to journey to the the Holy Land. Ultimately, Brundage by the late thirteenth century, secular rulers Holy Land. This method of evaluating argued that legal developments transformed levied crusading taxes for their own uses, the spirituality of crusading as opposed to the crusades into an internal European yet they expected the clergy and the church the material aspects has since been applied institution, and the popes increasingly used to fund them when they did actually go on to the crusade finance, and the resulting the “guise of the crusade” to raise money crusade.43 The Saladin Tithe actually became studies indicate that the thirteenth century for political wars instead of Holy Land the model of taxation in secular states, and fiscal policies associated with crusading were operations.33 As the legal institutions of the the clergy were left as the primary economic reformative in nature. It was the desire to crusade were expanded in canon law, secular losers of the entire crusading era.44 maximize the practicality of crusading for all princes sought to utilize crusader privileges Recent scholarship has only made Christendom, not materialism, which ought for their own purposes. the breakdown of papal and secular fiscal to be recognized as a key motivator for the Over a decade later, Housely would refute cooperation clearer. French monarchs were Curia in regards to clerical taxation. Abuses Brundage’s notion that the papacy was using not the only secular authorities to appropriate came about in practice, but the theory the crusade as an excuse to launch political church revenues to fund their wars. Joseph behind this taxation must be recognized for wars, but he continued to expand on the F. O’Callaghan considered Innocent IV’s its insight on the motivations of participants notion that secular states were encroaching concession of a portion of the tercias, a third in crusades.

Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Excellence – Volume X History

As mentioned, Riley-Smith challenged of Innocent’s programs and muster a “mass not, as thought by Lunt and Brundage, a the status quo of mid-twentieth century mobilization of purses” through redemption purely materialistic act. scholarship which held that the crusades of vows.57 Though Lower’s study proved that Though Riley-Smith initially focused were ultimately motivated by a desire for this policy ultimately failed for Gregory, the on the relationship between spirituality and materialistic gain. He broke new ground belief that a willing laity could be united in crusader motivations, it is logical to examine by utilizing charter evidence to illustrate the participation through a wider availability papal fiscal policies in this way as well. By various motivations of the first crusaders. of the crusade indulgence can be seen as a examining charter evidence, Riley-Smith He argued that crusading was, by nature, theme of crusade taxation throughout the also illuminated the substantial sacrifices an expensive endeavor, requiring up to five first half of the thirteenth century.58 that noncombatants and families were times the annual knightly income.49 Most Bird, Bolton, and Parker have already making to crusading, even from its crusaders went east without hope of financial contributed greatly to the understanding outset. This formed the basis for Innocent gain, and those who returned carried little of the reformative nature of Innocent III’s III’s initiative of mass signing and vow wealth back with them.50 What spoils were policies. Innocent sought to recover lost commutations. When this is applied to the gained were spent almost immediately on revenues and generate new ones in kind image of the early thirteenth century papacy food and equipment, which became ever through a reform of both curial and local as presented by France and Lower, it could more scarce and costly as the expedition parish finances. Crusade and fiscal policy be suggested that such acts as Quia Maior, pushed deeper into the Levant.51 He also were interconnected for Innocent, and he previously seen as cynical fundraising, were disproved the notion that families used sought to use both to return his Church to actually practical extensions meant to both the crusade as a platform to offload their good standing, utilizing vow redemptions as foster support for the crusades and maximize greedy second sons. Riley-Smith pointed a method of extending salvation to as many their salvific effects. Scholars have recently out that families made considerable financial souls as possible.E Innocent also consolidated interpreted Innocent’s policies as being sacrifices to send their sons, husbands, and curial finances, demanding proper census reformative in design and motivation, meant fathers on crusade, mortgaging their own payments and establishing fixed fees for to improve curial finances and cultivate inheritances and receiving little to no profit curial services instead of allowing officials parish revenues while also addressing known as a result.52 Recent scholarship has examined to simply collect gifts. Furthermore, Parker complaints over revenue collections. Whereas papal financial policy through this emphasis noted that Innocent focused on establishing earlier scholars such as Brundage and Lunt on spiritual motivations. effective collection while also legislating saw these developments solely as extensions Riley-Smith’s point on families making against abuses by collectors. Pium et Sanctum of curial power, Bolton, Bird, Smith and financial sacrifices from the outset of required crusade preachers to minimize their Parker have shown that their basis was more crusading indicates that when Innocent III entourages, refuse personal gifts, and live spiritual and practical. Innocent’s fiscal issued Quia Maior in 1215, famously calling frugally so as to embody Christian poverty.59 policy in relation to crusading was grounded on every member of Christendom to take the Ostentatious preachers, the pope concluded, in what he perceived as his responsibility to crusade vow in order to either carry it out were not likely to collect alms from the save as many souls as he could. physically or commute it through donation, faithful, as they did not embody the image he did not do so without precedent. Quia of the Church which Innocent wished to V. The Council of Constance and Maior did not invent the notion that non- project. Indulgences as a Revenue Source combatants should contribute financially Innocent also sought to stabilize local The idea that indulgences were intended to the crusade; it simply formalized an idea parish finances and protect parochial tithes as a source of revenue for the Church is long in gestation among the Curia.53 Non- by eliminating tax shelters, ending exceptions noticeable throughout early twentieth combatants had already been contributing on land acquired by religious orders, and century scholarship, likely derived from financially to the crusade since 1095 and assessing tithes before other dues to ensure contemporary critics of ecclesiastical wealth were doing so without enjoying any crusade that parishes saw increased revenues.60 Bird such as Matthew of Paris. However, more privileges or rewards in return. France and Parker argued that Innocent’s motive recent study has indicated that this is not argued that Innocent was not pursuing in doing so was to provide more revenues the case. Innocent III’s decision to install cynical fundraising, but was trying to extend for local communities, hopefully making mass signing and vow commutation was the salutary effects of crusading to the laity them more likely to participate in taxation. not cynical fundraising, as mentioned as a whole who had already been involved in They concluded that Innocent was mindful previously. The work of historians such as bearing the economic burdens of crusading of public opinion regarding the church and Stump and Bird has shown that indulgences since 1095.54 He posited that Innocent sought to make it more positive, primarily were not sold to generate revenue themselves saw financial support of the crusade as a through financial reform in order to but meant instead to reward donations purifying act, even if it was impersonal.55 stimulate crusade involvement.61 If parishes and enable widespread participation while Commutation of vows was thus seen as a had more revenue in general, they would also ensuring the military viability of the practical extension of crusading privileges be more willing to contribute a portion of army.F It was only after the devaluation of to all Christians, a dual effort on Innocent’s it to crusade by commuting their vow as an the crusade tenth, the widespread taxation part to foster support for the crusade while act of participation, especially if a partial of the Avignon papacy, and the reforms of also offering salvation to as many souls as indulgence was extended to them for doing the Council of Constance in 1418, that possible. Innocent’s successors continued so. Innocent’s fiscal policy was thus dually indulgences came to be treated as “spiritual to refine this policy, culminating in Gregory aimed at facilitating the crusade while revenue”. Indulgences became revenue only IX’s bull Rachel suum videns. In his study of simultaneously offering salvation to his flock after the program of papal taxation was the Baron’s Crusade (1231-1241), Michael of souls.62 Curial and parish finances were handicapped. Lower also considered the idea of Christian reformed in order to stimulate a healthy As mentioned, Lunt treated indulgences unity through crusading to be the primary public perception of the church, and the turn as a source of revenue, and he interpreted the policy of the thirteenth century popes.56 to vow commutation was the most practical tendency of seekers of papal pardon to make Gregory IX, he argued, sought to build off way of involving the laity in crusade. It was offerings in exchange for commutations of

Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Excellence – Volume X History their vows as evidence of material motivation success for the reformers. It required not that indulgences were never intended as and papal corruption.63 These offerings only that the Pope notify and meet with the outright revenue by Innocent III or his normally found their way into local church clergy, but he also required their subscription thirteenth century successors. The policy institutions or were sent off with crusaders, before declaring a tenth. Further, a universal which produced the crusade indulgence was but by the 15th century, all receipts from tenth had not been levied since 1343; instead not the same as the policy which produced indulgences went to the papal Camera.64 localized territorial tenths were consistently the indulgences which Luther denounced. What Lunt neglects to mention is how this raised by the Avignon papacy.72 These changes The involvement of crusade indulgences transition occurred. Brundage made a similar demonstrate the growth in representative in financing of crusades was meant to argument, pointing out that the failure of the bodies in response to taxation, but they incentivize the laity to take the cross, give second crusade made it obvious that a method did not indicate a wholesale rejection of alms, and pay taxes. The use of indulgences of participation for the militarily unfit was the validity of crusade taxation. Though as incentives was also not without precedent, needed. However, Brundage believed that this participation was still willing, representative as Eugenius III had offered a 1/7 indulgence decision was motivated by the desire to turn bodies desired a role in dictating the terms of to those who donated to the Second Crusade, enthusiastic noncombatants into a source of potential taxes.H as noted by Collins and Phillips.77 There was income, but he did not consider the spiritual Stump contended that these changes no systemized taxation at this point, and implications of doing so.65 Bird, Bolton, actually limited papal power and effectively payments by the laity toward the crusades and Parker illustrated that spirituality was ended crusade taxation as an important were still entirely optional. Innocent was very much present in the minds of Innocent source of income. As previously evidenced acting on precedent. Gregory VIII gave III and his successors as they made vow by France and O’Callaghan, the cruzada indulgences in return for donations after the commutation into regular policy. Lay non- tax continued, as did others, but these were fall of Jerusalem in 1187, and the strength combatants had been participating in the insignificant. Crusade taxation had been of the indulgence was proportional to the crusade movement from its beginning, both declining in value for the papacy since the late amount given.78 as active pilgrims and by making substantial thirteenth century, and the more significant It is deceptively easy to see this as cynical economic sacrifices to send family members sources of revenue (spoils, annates, and materialism as Lunt and Brundage did, on crusade. They were involved in financially services) were constantly reserved by Avignon but recent studies have raised a powerful supporting the crusades from the beginning, popes to the chagrin of local clergy. This alternative interpretation. Bird and Parker and the extension of an indulgence to them practice was also reformed at Constance, as analyzed Innocent III’s education in Paris in exchange for vow redemption can be evidenced by Stump. Martin V ended papal under Peter the Chanter before he became seen as a means of practical policy that fell reservations of spoils and procurations and pope, which sheds valuable light on how in line with Innocent’s desire for widespread left them to local clergy, and he extended Innocent handled indulgences. Peter the involvement and widespread salvation. the payment of services by an additional Chanter did not approve of indulgences in Stump saw the Council of Constance as year while also reducing the assessment itself theory, but he recognized their practicality the point from which indulgences became a by half.73 This was monumental. Services, to sinners who have no other options.79 source of “spiritual revenue”. He challenged especially in France, were a critical part of Innocent considered them in this same the notion, held by historians such as Hübler papal income, and the reform of Constance vein and treated them as a minor spiritual and Valois, that Constance did not lead to resulted in major losses to papal revenue.74 cost which would result in a significantly reform, and that curialists circumvented It was only after these losses, Stump argued, greater spiritual benefit. The indulgence the desire of the French and German that the papacy turned to “spiritual revenues” of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was representatives.66 The Council reformed (indulgences) and pressed their seigniorial not thought of as revenue, but as the most both the process of levying tenths and other claims in Italy and became even more effective way to involve the laity in the methods of papal income, notably spoils, embroiled in Italian politics.75 It was only crusade. It was only after crusade taxation annates, and services, which by that point after Constance that the outright sale of was claimed by secular powers, abused by the had overtaken tenths as the primary source indulgences became papal policy. Avignon papacy, and reformed at Constance of papal revenue.67G The German reform According to Collins, the clergy were that the indulgence changed from a practical party wanted to require approval of a general always opposed to taxation, and as the spiritual incentive to an outright source of council before a tenth could be levied, and Avignon papacy continued to levy tenths at revenue. Hübler believed this to be an indication that an increased pace, reserve annates and spoils, Constance represented a movement toward and clamp down on payments of services, VI. Conclusion conciliar authority, resulting in escalating this opposition only increased.76 Thus, By analyzing the scholarship of crusade anti-ecclesiastical tensions when this was coinciding with Stump’s study, it is clear that finance, several trends can be identified, some denied.68 Stump indicated that only a the Council of Constance was not meant to continuous and some recent. Scholars assert small amount of reformers actually wanted be a precursor to the Protestant revolution by that secular taxation in the eleventh century conciliar authority, and even the German attempting to instill a sort of parliamentary was built on adaptation, and subsequent taxes king Sigismund, thought by Hübler to be a authority over the church. Instead, reformers were influenced and shaped by previous ones reformer, would have opposed this move.69 were simply fed up with abuses from papal while also incorporating elements of secular The general council would have met once and secular collectors alike, and they sought and ecclesiastic authority. The success of the every ten years, and requiring its authority only to limit the burden of taxation upon Saladin Tithe inspired Innocent III to turn to levy a tenth would have undoubtedly themselves. In doing so, they created a clerical taxation into papal policy in 1200, destroyed the effectiveness of the tax. vacuum in papal sources of revenue which and here again subsequent taxes were built Instead, Martin V settled on requiring caused the outright sale of indulgences to on the successes and failures of previous consent of territorial clergy for local tenths reach its apogee, and indulgences took on a ones. The historiography is consistent on and the consent of the College of Cardinals nature differing from their crusade financing this point. The papal approach to crusade and prelates for universal tenths.70 Stump applications. finance in the early thirteenth century was argued that this was indeed a considerable Bolton, Bird, and Parker made it clear motivated by practicality and spirituality. A

Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Excellence – Volume X History growing scholarly interpretation now exists the papacy can foster a new understanding whose consent was required for many forms of taxation.” in which the expansion of papal financial of what these policies were truly intended to Bird, “Financing the Crusades,” 446. policy by Innocent III and his successors achieve. VIII. References through taxation and vow commutation was 1 simply the most feasible way to steer support VII. Footnotes Parker, M. (2017) “Papa et Pecunia : Innocent A. III’s Combination of Reform and Fiscal Policy to crusading efforts and extend salvific benefits Whether the fiscal policies of the Avignon Papacy Finance Crusades.” Mediterranean Historical Review to the laity. These taxes were thus seen by the were the product of greed on the part of individual 32, no. Pg. 6. papacy as a tool of pastoral care. Fiscal policy popes or a changed economic climate as a result of 2Graves, Edgar. (1935) review of Papal Revenues increased secular power is a topic of debate that this in the Middle Ages, by Lunt, William E, Speculum 10, and crusade were therefore tied together in no. 2. Pg. 218-221. an atmosphere of reform meant to touch paper does not seek to answer. This paper refers to such 3Lunt, W. (1934) Papal Revenues in the Middle every corner of Christendom. fiscal policies as “abuses” because they were viewed as Ages. Vol. 1. Columbia. Pg. 72. such by the reformers at the Council of Constance, who 4Ibid, 10. As secular and curial administrations 5 sought to legislate against them and ultimately led to the Brundage, J. (1969) Medieval Canon Law and the matured, cooperation turned to competition. Crusader. UMI. Pg. 187. Kay proved that curial centralization of changes in policy which this paper addresses. For more 6Cazel, F. (1955) “The Tax of 1185 in Aid of the collections was not the outright goal of in-depth discussions of the fiscal policies of the Avignon Holy Land.” Speculum 30, no. 3. Pg. 385. Innocent III or Honorius III, and it only Papacy and the debate surrounding them, see, for 7Ibid, 388. example, Ludwig Von Pastor, History of the Popes Vol. 1, 8Ibid, 385-389. became the norm when other experiments 9Ibid. involving local authority failed. Thomas The Great Schism, Norman Housely. The Avignon Papacy 10Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Smith has advocated for a reinterpretation and the Crusades, 1305-1378 (Oxford, Clarendon Press) Crusader, 195-6. 1986, and Daniel Williman, “The Right of Spoil of 11Cazel, “1185 Tax”, 126. of the maligned career of Honorius III 12 the Popes of Avignon 1316-1415.” Transactions of the Ibid. which highlights the responsiveness of his 13Ibid. diplomacy, and his attempts at crusade American Philosophical Society78, no. 6 (1988). 14Ibid. taxation were likewise an authentic attempt B.The method of self-assessment and establishment 15Ibid, 129. 80 of a lay/clerical committee only applied to England. 16Ibid, 135. to respond to external challenges. The 17 In France, where the tax saw significantly less success, Ibid, 148. appropriation of crusade taxation by 18Queller, D., Andrea, A. and Madden, T. (2000) secular authorities is also consistent in the collection was carried out by individual seigneurs upon The Fourth Crusade: the Conquest of Constantinople. historiography, but until Stump’s study, their lay tenants. The tax was resented in France, University of Pennsylvania Press. Pg. 1-3. not enough attention was paid to the effect and Philip Augustus abandoned it after a year. Royal 19Kay, R., (1980) “The Albigensian Twentieth that the Council of Constance had on papal enforcement of the tax was only present in England. of 1221–3: An Early Chapter in the History of Papal C. Taxation.” Journal of Medieval History 6, no. 3. Pg. finance. Stump reversed the assumption Bishops could not absolve an individual from 308. that the failure of the conciliar movement at excommunication in certain cases. This right was 20Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the reserved for the Papal Curia, and the individual was Crusader, 187. Constance was a precursor to the Protestant 21 meant to make a personal appeal in Rome in order to Powell, J., (1994) Anatomy of a crusade: 1213- Reformation. Instead, he indicated that 1221. University of Pennsylvania Press. Pg. 91-92. papal finances were effectively handicapped have the excommunication lifted. 22Cazel, F., (1989) “Financing the Crusades” in by the Council’s reforms, and it was only D.On the responsive nature of Honorius’ The Impact of the Crusades on Europe. Hazard, H., after losing nearly every other available pontificate, see Thomas W. Smith. Curia and Crusade: Zacour, N., and Setton, K., eds. University of Wisconsin Pope Honorius III and the Recovery of the Holy Land, Press. Pg. 137. source of revenue that the papacy turned to 23Kay, “The Albigensian Twentieth”, 313. the outright sale of indulgences. Prior to 1216–1227, Outremer: Studies in the Crusades and the 24Ibid, 310. this, indulgences were not seen as sources Latin East 6 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017). On resistance to 25Ibid, 313. of revenue, as Bird and Parker pointed out, taxation during the pontificates of Innocent, Honorius, 26France, J., (2005) The Crusades and the and Gregory, see Jessalyn Bird. “Finance of Crusades” in Expansion of Catholic Christendom, 1000-1714. and Innocent and his immediate successors Routledge. Pg. 106. treated them as a practical way of extending A.V. Murray. The Crusades: An Encyclopedia, Volume II 27Collins, R., (2010) Keepers of the Keys of the salvific effects of the crusade to the laity. (ABC-CLIO: Santa Barbara, 2006) 442-46. Heaven: A History of the Papacy. Phoenix. Pg. 259. E.See Brenda Bolton, “Hearts Not Purses: Innocent 28Ibid. Pg. 263. The abuses which were reformed by the 29 III’s Attitude to Social Welfare.” In Through the Eye of a Asbridge, T., (2012) The Crusades: The War for Council of Constance were not explicitly the Holy Land. Simon & Schuster. Pg. 385-387. connected to the fiscal programs developed Needle: Judaeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare, edited by 30Bird, J. (2006) “Financing the Crusades” in in the early thirteenth century by the papacy. Emily Albu Hanawalt and Carter Lindberg (Missouri: Murray, A.V. The Crusades: An Encyclopedia, Volume The Thomas Jefferson University Press at Northeast II. ABC-CIO: Santa Barbara. Pg. 442-46. A line of connection should not be drawn 31 Missouri State University, 1994) 123–145, as well as Lunt, Papal Revenues, 76-7. between Innocent III’s and his successors’ use 32Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, 187. of indulgences for funding crusades and the Bird, “Peter the Chanter’s Circle” and Parker, “Papa et 33Ibid. liberal distribution of indulgences adopted Pecunia.” 34Ibid. by Leo X. Far from being a cynical cash F. On the role of commutation and lay participation, 35Housely, N., (1982) The Italian Crusades: The see Jessalynn Bird. “Vows” in A.V. Murray. The Crusades: Papal-Angevin Alliance and the Crusades Against grab, the financial programs instilled by the Christian Lay Powers, 1254-1343. Clarendon. papacy in the early thirteenth century were An Encyclopedia, Volume IV (ABC-CLIO: Santa Barbara, 36Ibid, 178. built on a mix of spirituality, practicality, 2006) 1233-1237. 37Ibid. G.Spoils refer to the moveable property of deceased 38Ibid. and reform. The intention was to involve as 39 or intestate clerics. Annates refer to a payment to Ibid, 200-1. many Christians in the crusade as possible, 40Ibid. not for the good of the papacy, but in the the Curia from a recipient of an ecclesiastic benefice. 41Stump, P., (1989) “The Reform of Papal Taxation public interest of Christendom as a whole. Services refer to the payment to the curia in return for at the Council of Constance (1414-1418).” Speculum use of the papal chancery. 64, no. 1. Pg. 76. Just as Riley-Smith’s focus on spirituality 42 H.“Levies for various crusades also contributed to Ibid. fostered a new movement in crusader studies, 43Cazel, “Financing the Crusades”, 129. a continued examination of the spiritual the development of centralized financial administrations 44Ibid, 149. motivations and justifications behind the and the growth of papal and royal taxation, at the same 45O’Callaghan, Joseph., (2013) Reconquest and methods of crusade finance employed by time aiding the development of representative bodies Crusade in Medieval Spain. University of Pennsylvania

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Press. Pg. 122. 46Ibid. 47France, The Crusades and Christendom, 303. 48Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, 135-6; Lunt, Papal Revenues, 115. 49Riley-Smith, J. (1986) The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading. University of Pennsylvania Press. Pg. 43-47. 50Ibid. 51Ibid. 52Ibid. 53Smith, T.W. (2019). “How to Plan a Crusade Call: Pope Innocent III and Quia maior (1213).” Historical Research, volume 92, issue 255. Pg. 7-8. 54France, The Crusades and Christendom, 160- 163. 55Ibid. 56Lower, M., (2005) The Barons Crusade: A Call to Arms and Its Consequences. University of Pennsylvania Press. Pg. 16. 57Ibid. 58Bird, J. (2003). “Innocent III, Peter the Chanter’s Circle, and the Crusade Indulgence: Theory, Implementation, and Aftermath.” In Innocenzo III: Urbs et orbis, atti del Congresso Internazionale (Roma, 9–15 settembre 1998) [Innocent III: City and World, Acts of the International Congress (Rome 9–15 September 1998)], edited by Andrea Sommerlechner, vol 1. Rome: Società romana di storia patria. Pg. 509. 59Parker, “Papa et Pecunia”. Pg. 7; Bird, “Peter the Chanter’s Circle”, Pg. 509. 60Ibid, 10. 61Bird, “Peter the Chanter’s Circle,” 509. Parker, “Papa et Pecunia”, 12. 62Bird, “Peter the Chanter’s Circle”, 509. 63Lunt, Papal Revenues, 112. 64Ibid. 65Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, 75. 66Hübler, B., (1867) Die Constanzer Reformation und die Concordate von 1418 B. Tauchnitz, Pg. 360- 388; Valois, N., (1896) La France et le Grand Schisme d’Occident, Vol. 4. A. Picard. Pg. 419-426. 67Lunt, Papal Revenues, 93-9, 103-7, 126. 68Hübler, Die Constanzer Reformation und die Concordate von 1418, 360-88. 69Stump, “Reform of Papal Taxation”, 104. 70Ibid, 73. 71Ibid. 72Ibid, 72. 73Stump, “Reform of Papal Taxation,” 98. 74Ibid, 72. 75Ibid, 105. 76Collins, Keeper of the Keys of Heaven, 350. 77Collins, 6. See also Phillips, Jonathan. The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010). Pg. 106. 78Parker, “Papa et Pecunia”, 6. 79Ibid. See also Bird, “Peter the Chanter’s Circle,” 506-8. 80Smith, T.W. (2017). Curia and Crusade: Pope Honorius III and the Recovery of the Holy Land, 1216– 1227, Outremer: Studies in the Crusades and the Latin East 6. Turnhout: Brepols.

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