Innocenzo Iii Urbs Etorbis
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ISTITUTO STORICO ITALIANO PER IL MEDIO EVO NUOVI STUDr STORrer - 55 . INNOCENZO III URBS ETORBIS Atti del Congresso Internazionale Roma, 9-15 settembre 1998 a cura ell ANDREA SOMMERLECHNER Vol. I ROMA NELLA SEDE DELL'ISTITUTO PALAZZO BORROMINI "2003 ~) . OYI')Oo. JOHN DORAN IN WHOSE FOOTSTEPS? THE ROLE MODELS OF INNOCENT ur . Innocent III has attracted more attention than most, medieval popes. Yet, in spite of this interest in Innocent, he remains something of an enigma. Kenneth Penning ton has - described him as the most inventive pope of the middle " ages, who demands centre stage in a study on the creation of ~; the papal monarchy. According to Pennington, Innocent·; "pushed the papacy in new' directions, created new justifications for the exercize of papal authority, and used older justifications in new ways. He combined hard-headed practicality with an intellectual's interest in the power and importance of ideas" (l). Moreover, Penning ton has shown that the modem interest in Innocent was more than matched by the decretalists of the thirteenth century. These normally sensible canon lawyers were beguiled by the mellifluous language with which Innocent exalted the office of pope. "Innocent's florid language", says Pennington, "caused canonists to literally wax lyrical. More importantly, it led them to make mistaken judgements" (2). The idea of Innocent as a maverick has been developed by Karlfried Froehlich, who has stated that he fundamentally changed the emphasis of the traditional exegesis of the Petrine texts, applying them solely to the pope and not to the bishops in general, thereby exercising the monopoly of exclusion. In summing up his essay on St Peter and the papal primacy, Froehlich states that "this new accent in interpretation followed the imaginative fusion of exegesis and papal ideology which characterized the work of Innocent Ill" (3). In spite of these readings of Innocent Ill, Michael Wilks warned us as long • I wish to thank the British School at Rome for its generous support of my research. (1) K. Pennington, Pope and Bishops. The Papal Monm-clIY in the Twelftll and Thirteenth Centuries, Philadelphia 1984, p. 13. (2) Ibid., p. 15. (3) K. Froehlich, Saint Peter, Papal Primacy, and tile Exegetical Tradition, 1150-1300, in The Religious Roles of the Papacy: Ideals and Realities 1150-1300, ed. eRyan, Toronto 1987 (Papers in Mediaeval Studies, 8),p. 43 (pp. 3-44). _ THE ROLE MODELS OF INNOCENT III 57 ago as 1962 that although the language he used was sometimes obscure, he was in many ways more conservative than we might think'", . ·,This combination of conservative and radical ideas is demonstrated in the sermons which Innocent was required to preach on the feast days of his predecessors. There are good reasons for dating these sermons to the years 1201 to 1205 (5). The early years of the pontificate also saw the most elaboratearengas in which high' claims for papal authority were made. In his sermons on SS Peter and Paul, Silvester and Gregory the Great, Innocent showed a similar concern for the dignity of his office. In these sermons he developed a new explanation of the development of the papacy, which was both conservative and radical, and which demonstrates why he has been seen as both the culmination of twelfth- century ecclesiology and a radical departure from it (6). ; . (4) M. Wilks, Tile Apostolicus and the Bishop of Rome, «[ourn, Theol. Studies», 13 (1%2), p.307 (pp.290-317); 4 (1%3) (pp. 311-3S4). See also M. Wilks, Chaucer and the Mystical Marriage in Medieval Political Thougllt, «Bull. John Rylands Libr,», 44 (1961-1962), pp. 489-530. (5) J. c. Moore, The Sermons of Pope Innocent 111, «Röm, hist. Mitt.», 36 . (1994), pp. 85-87 (pp. 81-120).';; c.'! I (6) For a general introduction to the development of papal primacy, see G. Glez, Ptimaute du pape, in Diet. tlzeol. caih., 13, Paris 1939, mIl.299-305; V. Martin, Pape, in ibid., 11, coll. 1885-1889; C. Morris, The Papal MonarcllY, Oxford 1989, pp.205-236; for a fuller treatment of the governmental implications of papal primacy, see L S. Robinson" The Papacy, 1073-1198, Cambridge 1990; J. Gaudemet,. Aspects de IIIprimaut« romeine du V au XV siede, «Ius Canonicum», 11 (1971), pp. 93-133; M. Maccarrone, Viearius Christi: storia del titolo papale, Roma 1952. For Innocent ill in particular, see M. Maccarrone, Chiesa e stato nella dottrina di lnnocenzo III, Roma 1940 (Lateranum, n. s, VI/3-4). From a particularly Roman point of view, see M. Maccarrone, La teologia del primate romano del secolo Xl, in Le istituzioni ecclesiastiche dellll «Societas Christiana» .dei .secdi Xl-XII, Milano 1974 (Miscellanea del centre di studi medioevali, VII), pp.21-122; idem, I fondmllenti "peirini" dei primato romano in Gregorio VII, «Studi Gregoriani», 13 (1989), pp. 55-122; G. TeIlenbach, The Church in Western Europe from tire Tenth to tile Early Twelfth Century, transl. T. Reuter, Cambridge 1993, pp. 304-347. i ' . 58 JOHNDORAN Innocent concentrated particularly on the office of priesthood (7). It was as a priest that the pope was seen most clearly 'as the type of Christ, and in order to stress this fact Innocent appealed to the past, characterizing the popes as heirs to Melchisedech, Aaron, Jeremiah, and the Jewish high priests of the Old Testament e • Throughout his pontificate Innocent used these examples to highlight the unique position of the pope in the Church, a position which formed the link between the Old Testament and the New. We should' remember, however, that the appeals which Innocent made to the past had a clear bearing on the' present. In speaking of his predecessors, he was speaking about hi mself in stressing. their unique position,' he was emphasising his own. Monsignor Maccarrone identified Innocent as one of the first theologians of papal primacy, noting, indeed, that he expounded on the primacy with such zeal that his teaching can appear repetitive, monotonous and pedantic'", However, the fact that Innocent returned to the same arguments and examples in different contexts and for diverse audiences shows us how important these ideas were to him. Innocent based the whole of his teaching on the Petrine texts, principally the Tu es Petrus(91, but his studies in Paris and Bologna had equipped him with a plethora of . examples, from both canon law and theology, with which he constructed his theology of the papal primacy. In the emphasis which he put on the position of the pope, Innocent was following the general trend of twelfth- century ecclesiologyv", The initial spur to this development (7) Y. Congar, Ecce ronstitui te super gentes et regna (Jer. 1. 10) "in Geschichte und Gegenwart", in Theologie in Geschichte und Gegenwart. M Schmaus zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, hrsg. von J. Auer - H. Volk. München 1957, pp.686- 687 (pp. 671-696); Maccarrone, Chiesa e stato (dt, n. 6), pp. 49-50. (8)Maccarrone, Chiesa e stato (dt, n. 6), p. 3. , (9) Ibid., p.3; on the Tu es Petrus see also Glez, Primauie (dt, n. 6), coll, 253-260. (10) Maccarrone, Vicarius Christi (cit. n. 6), pp.85-107i Y. Congar, . L'Eccltsiologie de S Bemard, «Anal. o-a Cisterc.», 9 (1953), pp. 136-190. THE ROLE MODELS OF INNOCENT III 59 .lay in the desire of the eleventh-century reformers to justify their elevated theory of the dignity of the papacy, and the emphasis was not theological, but juridical (11). It is striking that the papal schisms of the twelfth century did nothing to halt the advance of the theory of the juridical supremacy of the pope in the Church. Indeed, the involvement of such figures as Peter the Venerable, Cerhoh of Reichersberg, and especially Bernard of Clairvaux, in the defence of their chosen candidates, led to a faster development of the papal claims and a more ready acceptance of them (12l. This was very different from the theories of limited papal power which were advanced during the period of the Great Schism and its aftermath (13). The growing estrangement between the Greek and Latin Churches also had its part to play in the development of papal claims, not least because of the arguments which the Greeks advanced after their encounter with the uncompromising ecc1esiology of Anselm of Havelbergl'", It was the rehearsal of these Greek arguments which led to one of the first expositions of papal primacy by . Innocent III after he became pope.In his reply of November 1199 to the Patriarch of Constantinople (15) •. (ll) Maccarrone, Yicarius Christi (eit. n. 6), pp.90 and 104; Martin, Pape (eit. n. 6), colI. 1886-1889. ' (12) Maccarrone, Vicarius Christi (eit n. 6},·pp.94-104. (13) A. Black. Council and Commune. TIle Condliar Movemmt and the Fifteentll-century Heritage, London 1979, pp ..9-26. (l4) Anselm of Havelberg, Dialogus, Migne, PL 183, coll. 1139-1248, espeeially colI. 1222-1225; cfr. J. Spiteris, La ctitica bizaniina del primato romano nel secdo XII, Roma 1979, pp. 85-108; Maccarrone, Vicarius Christi (cit. n. 6), pp. 98-99, 102 ' (15) For the texts of Innocent's letters, see T. Halusöynsky], Acta lnnocen- tii PP. III (1198-1216), Cittä del Vaticano 1944 (Pontificia commissio ad re- digendum codicem juris canonici orientalis, Fontes, Sero Ill, 2), pp. 180-182 (= Reg. 11111. 1,nr. 354), pp. 187-195 (= Reg. Inn. 11,nr. 200 [209]); for the first letter of the Patriarch, ibid., pp. 547-549 (= Reg. bill. 1I, nr. 199 (208J; c. Ga- stgeber, Sprachliche lind ubersetzungstechnische Beobachtungen zu dem in den Kanzleiregistem Papst lnnocenz' Ill. uberlieferten Schreiben des Pairiarchen 10- annes X. Kamaieros von Konstantinopel, I, "Röm. hist. Mitt.», 38 [1996], pp.