Presidential Address

American Politics and in an Era of Growing Racial Diversity and Economic Disparity Rodney E. Hero

Political science should play a larger role in grappling with the political roots, meanings, and implications of the various levels and unique configurations of class inequality and racial diversity that have characterized the last several decades of U.S. history. I offer some observations about the discipline’s research, or lack thereof, and indicate suggestions about how we might think about and do more in these respects. I will come at these concerns by noting some developments that influenced the present in social and political terms and other events in political science; identifying intellectual guideposts that may help how we think about research issues of our day; considering why race and class are not studied (more); acknowledging how the questions have been studied, as well as noting some reservations about these; and providing several examples from the research in which I have been involved, both directly and indirectly, that suggest how we might or can study these questions.

e meet at this conference in a year which is science and political scientists to study. And understand- W a special anniversary of various landmark events ing the nexus between differences or hierarchies associated in U.S. political history. Of course, that can be with class dynamics and race/ethnicity, and gender, is said regarding almost any year because of the pervasive and immensely important. Yet—with some notable exceptions profound significance of politics, which is amplified by the —they are too often examined entirely separately, over- special importance which we as political scientists attach to looked, or not sufficiently engaged by research in our “the political.” Momentarily, I will cite some landmark discipline. Standard political science perspectives certainly events from particular years—years which, like this year, have had something substantial to say about these. But end in the number five or zero, as is our wont when rather more can be done in terms of theory and empirical considering the anniversaries of those major historical analysis to capture the breadth and depth of the large and moments. I mean those events to serve as a backdrop for significant issues present when economic inequality is observations regarding American/U.S. politics, and polit- linked to racial disparity present. ical science more broadly, particularly in an era of growing Alternative perspectives, or other states of mind, can racial diversity and economic disparity, conceptualize and consider the issues differently and be Let me state my core points and make a plea at the very more analytically open and disposed to considering outset: the levels and unique configurations of class different dimensions of inequality, as well as connections inequality and racial diversity that have characterized between them. (I would also hope for and look forward to the last several decades of U.S. history—and there is newly developed theories, evidentiary bases, and methods much evidence for this—raise big questions for political that could be brought to bear on these issues as well.) Now, I certainly recognize that the nature and magnitude of the issues I will identify present difficult intellectual challenges (which I, myself, have not entirely Rodney E. Hero is the 2014–2015 president of the thought through, but I will explore today). Nevertheless, American Political Science Association ([email protected]). I’m convinced that political science should, and I’m He is Professor of Political Science and Haas Chair in Diversity entirely confident that we can, play a larger and more and Democracy at the University of California–Berkeley. His integral role in grappling with the political roots, mean- research and teaching focus on American democracy and ings, and implications of these and other dimensions of politics, especially as viewed through the analytical lenses of inequality. I offer some observations about the research, or Latino Politics, Racial/Ethnic Politics, State and Urban lack thereof, and indicate suggestions about how we might Politics, and Federalism. think about and do more in these respects. doi:10.1017/S1537592715003199 © American Political Science Association 2016 March 2016 | Vol. 14/No. 1 7 Presidential Address | American Politics and Political Science

I will come at these concerns as follows: (1) noting some And we meet here in this place, California, which developments that influenced the present in social and became a state 165 years ago in 1850, as part of the treaty political terms, and other events in political science; (2) ending the Mexican-American War, an event of tremen- identifying intellectual guideposts that may help how we dous importance in American history. California’s vast think about research issues of our day; (3) considering why population (about 38 million) is by a large margin the race and class are not studied (more); (4) acknowledging biggest in the country, and comprises about ten percent of that to be the case and how the questions have been studied, the nation’s population. It is also one of several “majority- as well as noting some reservations about these; (5) providing minority” states in terms of its demographic profile. several examples from research in which I have been involved, One could easily go on and on, and I’m certain others both directly and indirectly, which suggest how we might or could identify many other, and different, events but I leave can study these questions; (6) then concluding. I begin with it at that for now. reference to a number of landmark events in American We can also identify a few landmarks within the history and in the history of our discipline to foreground and American Political Science Association and our discipline serve as a segue to broader points. and contemplate their significance, as well as how and how much they may or may not parallel the broader changes Developments just noted. Founded in 1903, the association grew in- This year, 2015, marks 150 years since the end of the crementally until after World War II, and its membership Civil War and ratification that same year of the Thirtenth expanded dramatically in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1950 Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which ended (65 years ago) received the Nobel Peace slavery; ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, re- prize; he became the APSA’s first black president garding right to vote for former slaves, occurred in (in 1953–54). A major book award given by our associ- 1870 (and the fundamentally important Fourteenth ation and a summer program for young aspiring political Amendment was ratified in between, in 1868). These scientists came to bear his name, and his name has been pre-date the establishment of the American Political recognized elsewhere in the world. Science Association by thirty years or more. The Nine- The first woman president of the APSA, Judith Sklar, teenth Amendment, regarding women’s suffrage, was gave her Presidential Address just a quarter century ago, ratified 95 years ago. It has been 80 years since the passage in 1990. A decade ago in 2005, , gave her of the Social Security Act and of major labor legislation, as presidential address, and Levi’s two immediate predeces- well the enactment of laws, leading to major infrastructure sors were and Suzanne Rudolph. This throughout the United States, including here in the San Francisco Bay area, which we use to this day. It is fifty years since the passage of the Voting Rights Figure 1 Act (VRA) and of major Immigration legislation, which Street sign in Nairobi, Kenya alone and in combination transformed the social compo- sition of the United States and of its electorate. The Elementary and Secondary Education Act, Pell Grants, the Head Start program, and Medicare and Medicaid also emerged in 1965—as did the Watts riots in Los Angeles. It is forty years since the 1975 extension of the VRA to “language minorities,” and twenty-five years since the passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans ten years ago. Just five years ago, in 2010, the Affordable Care Act (ACA, often referred to as Obamacare) became law, and its signature importance was described in lively, expletive- deleted, terms by Vice President Joe Biden at the time. To note but a few important developments in international relations—it has been seventy years since the first use of the atomic bomb, the end of World War II and the creation of the United Nations, first headquartered here in San Francisco. It has been 55 years now since the Cuban Embargo Act (October 1960), which was situated in the context of the Cold War United States. Regular U.S. combat troops were deployed in Vietnam in 1965 (fifty years ago); the United States completed its pullout from Viet Nam in 1975. Source: Hero and Levy 2015.

8 Perspectives on Politics marked the first (and only) time the APSA has had three governments more representative and effective.2 I suggest women presidents in succession. Tomorrow [September 4, we need to reconsider or create new (empirical) theories of 2015] the association will formally install its ninth (but race and class, and their intersection. only its ninth) woman president. Two years ago, implored us to join Also within our association, the Race, Ethnicity and her in reflecting upon “what is political science for,” i.e., Politics (REP) Organized Section was established 20 years the basic purpose(s) of political science.3 I suggest that ago. And the Perestroika movement emerged in 2000, 15 studying issues such as race and economic inequality is years ago. Formed within five years of each other, the a worthy goal, having the kind of substantive purposes and REP section and Perestroika had some ostensibly con- normative underpinnings that Mansbridge suggests. vergent interests. But they also diverged, to some degree, On the other hand, several presidential addresses have in their intellectual orientations, in their social composi- called on us to be self-aware and self-critical as a discipline. tion, and in other important ways.1 We can also ponder In his 1981 presidential address, Charles Lindblom what the emergence other formal entities such as addi- cautioned scholars of American politics against accepting, tional Organized Sections might mean. One section to indeed perhaps creating, overly facile assessments of the quickly note here is a new[er] one focusing on “Class American political system, and declared the need to adopt Inequality,” which, along with the now-longstanding REP “another state of mind,” i.e., to take seriously alternative section, engages concerns about inequality, and at the interpretations to the dominant, and what he saw as overly same time brings some similar—yet also divergent— simplistic, characterizations of American politics.4 perspectives to bear on those and related questions. And in one of the most provocative presidential Whether, and if, these sections will intersect and interact addresses ever, in the early 1990s Theodore Lowi remains to be seen, but their very co-existence in certain contended that we should be cognizant of and concerned ways is consistent with some of my points about the that we could, and had actually, “become what we study.” frequent separation of race and class in the study of Lowi posited that “U.S. political science is itself a political American politics; that separation may well be justified phenomenon.” And further, that “every [political] regime in many circumstances but the potential connections tends to produce a politics consonant with itself; therefore, should not be overlooked. every regime tends to produce a political science consonant The events highlighted here are obviously but a tiny, with itself. Consonance between the state and political tiny slice, and touch upon only certain types of political science is a problem worthy of the attention of every phenomena and developments. But as we think about political scientist.”5 I will explore partially the consonance these, they begin to suggest the relation of political of political science views and understandings of race and of science to its subject matter and its relation to larger class that mirror even as they may also seek to critically society—i.e., they raise questions about what we study, assess “real world” politics and “the state.” and why, as well as how we do and how we think we Other Presidential Addresses focused on distinct fea- should study politics. Further, and in a related vein, as we tures of American history and their implications for the bring critical lenses to that which we study, we also mirror substance of and the discipline’s approach to studying the the dispositions, attributes, and strengths or deficits of the political system. For example, Lucius Barker6 in 1993 and socio-political and intellectual milieu of which we are Dianne Pinderhughes in 2008,7 with different emphases, a part and in which we are imbedded. Accordingly, this stressed the enduring and contemporary relevance of race should lead us to be constantly mindful of what we assume as an element of American political history. In that spirit, or take to be “normal” or “natural” or “neutral” (or all of I continue to seriously focus on race, but also extend to and these) in the world of politics and in our scholarship. grapple with its increased complexity, associated with How might we think about and approach these Latinos, and Asians, and immigration, and other develop- concerns? These types of concerns surface in various ments, and more directly bring class, and gender into venues, including previous APSA presidential addresses, account. a few of which I will touch upon here. While these I note one more Presidential Address. Robert Putnam’s addresses are different they share important attributes: they 2002 address spoke eloquently about pressing issues of are characterized by erudition and subtle passion and they social justice and said that “perhaps the most fundamental affirm—and at the same time vigorously challenge—us as problem facing America, and most other advanced coun- scholars and teachers of political science. My later com- tries.” will be to reconcile “the demands of diversity, ments are informed by the spirit of these perspectives. equality, and community.” He added that “this is a quin- tessential big issue” and “political scientists have a pro- Precedents and Guidance fessional responsibility to contribute to this nascent Margaret Levi’s presidential address ten years ago thought- debate.”8 fully revisited and rearticulated “why we need(ed) a ‘[new] There is so much to agree with in the comments theory of government,’” engaging issues of how to make Putnam’s made at the time, and he was correct in

March 2016 | Vol. 14/No. 1 9 Presidential Address | American Politics and Political Science suggesting that the issues would become more pressing. Economists.” My plea is that racial and class inequality is These thirteen years later affirm that the issues are indeed too important for political scientists to not do and to not bigger ones—and this is so despite or perhaps because of have done more—and for so much of the study of these the election of the first African American president in concerns to have been conducted in other fields. This 2008, something that few, if any, would have anticipated raises the question of why there is often inattention or in 2002. disconnect of race and class in political science research, At the same time, I would contend that issues and in public discourse as well. Several possible explan- regarding diversity and inequality were not then, in ations, which are not mutually exclusive, come to mind. 2002, necessarily “nascent.” A considerable number of Maybe it is simply that each phenomenon—class and political scholars, particularly those studying race/ethnicity race—is just not seen as being as important or prominent in American politics, had been examining the structures or as legitimate a political phenomenon or they are not seen and the concentration of political and economic inequality being as consistently or deeply connected as I’m claiming among certain groups—racial minority groups—in the or assuming. Alternatively, some might say these issues society for years. Attention to racial diversity and eco- have in fact been studied quite a lot (and appropriately and nomic (in)equality had been examined and had been the effectively). If either of these is mostly or entirely the case, staple of a larger body of research for a long time, and the then my basic premise is called into question. But I think interconnection between race and economic status was, of not, and will thus set those views aside. necessity, a central feature given the historical patterns. For More generally, they may not be studied more, or example, arguments about “multiple theoretical tradi- more directly, because race as well as class may be tions”9 “faces of inequality,”10 two-tiered pluralism,11 and underspecified and underappreciated in common research neo-liberal (economic) orientations and (racial) paternal- approaches. Most pointedly, a number of major studies ism in 1996 welfare policy “reform,” and also links to omit attention to race altogether—quite some number of criminal justice policy12 had been made some years before. analyses—including some which purport to assess in- But much of this research had somehow escaped attention, equality broadly or “general theories” of American politics. was overlooked or ignored, or the focus on a range of inter- Also, some prominent research approaches tend to related inequalities was not recognized. Most pointedly (unconsciously) “de-racialize” politics, while others de- here, however, political science needs to theorize and politicize race; this may also occur in “real world” politics). examine the dynamics of racial/ethnic, class, and gender De-racialization of politics often occurs in (standard) inequality much further. “pluralist” renderings of politics and studies oriented around competitive,14 or what I’ve come to think of as Theoretical Context and Framing liberal, pluralism. Racial groups are not “really” funda- The critical policy junctures spotlighted earlier have mentally different substantively, in kind (qualitatively), mostly to do with civil rights and formal racial/ethnic than other groups, but only or mostly differ in degree equality on the one hand, but also to policies pertaining (quantitatively, in the amount of resources, prestige, etc.). to economic opportunity and security and equality on the In a related vein, standard pluralism takes as given, as some other hand. Those two are also deeply affected and of its basic tenets—such as fair “rules of the game,” mediated by gender and vice versa.13 The rise in in- multiple access points, dispersed/non-cumulative resour- equality in the United States (and elsewhere) challenges ces, etc.—that scholars of race believe need to be democratic governance. Better addressing this requires investigated in the first place. Even studies which, very more and more nuanced attention that instills, but also appropriately, examine “biased pluralism” typically con- goes beyond, the important goals of “accuracy” in our fine their analysis of bias to economic resource differ- research endeavors regarding some aspects of the inequal- entials, overlooking or understating (the potential impact ities, and suggests that we think further in terms of the of) race.15 adequacy, i.e., fuller and more complete assessments and On the other hand, research perspectives may de- appropriateness of research, that it betters suits or fits the politicize race by overly emphasizing that the nature and complex nature of the politics of class and race in our workings of “civil society” is the primary—virtually sole— studies of these matters. issue in democratic polities rather than politics, as such, Other disciplines, particularly sociology, history, and including interest groups or state institutions and hence, economics, have extensively explored various aspects of muffles an understanding of race as a political phenome- these issues. But the distinctive and comprehensive non. Thus, studies with an emphasis on “civic associa- analytical lenses that only political science is uniquely tion,” social networks, and communitarian-type suited to bring have not been as prominent as they should underpinnings (or which also suggest a consensual, per- and could be. Robert Reich gave a lively presentation at haps communitarian, pluralism) sometimes seem to a Plenary session earlier today [September 3, 2015] titled assume away race as “political.”16 In a different way, this “Why Economics [Policy] Is Too Important to Be Left to may also occur when class and/or racial inequality is seen as

10 Perspectives on Politics largely a matter of “market” forces or of an “invisible Many decades after the achievements of the civil rights [ostensibly non-political] hand.”17 movement, our society is still plagued by inequality. To some Other plausible explanations as to why race and class extent, inequality is the enduring legacy of the age of Jim Crow, — red-lining, and other once-legal practices. The more proximate are not studied together as might be anticipated and, cause, however, is the enormous rise in economic inequality in the I would suggest, than is desirable (and that if and when last three decades, trends that have transformed our social structure studied, they are approached separately)—may include and, tragically, reinforced in many ways the racial stratification of 18 normative, conceptual, and empirical reasons, and some the past.” combinations of these. Normatively, race has been Reducing [formal/legal racial] discrimination made it easier to fundamental, salient, and deeply troublesome, the justify rewarding the/an [economic] elite.”19 “ ” fi original sin, because the speci cformofinequality These comments are but some of many examples — departs from is the most fundamentally inconsistent showing that issues of race and class inequality have in — with American core values. While certainly discon- fact been acknowledged and engaged in recent years. An certing, economic inequality may be seen as the lesser enduring legacy, the past versus the proximate, and the evil, grounded in claims of achievement (rather than rationalization and juxtaposition of the two social phe- ascription, as is race) and thus in some ways is more nomena have been debated not just recently but more or legitimate to address in research. Also, race has been less intensely from time to time and is still important to legally/formally addressed in civil rights legislation and consider. A sampling of how these have been addressed in is a protected category, which, to some, implies a degree American previous scholarship is useful. of resolution in ways that arguably is not the case regarding class and rising economic inequality. Further Sampling Political Science Thinking attention to how race and class have been juxtaposed about Race and Class in American normatively (and in other ways) is revisited extensively Politics inlatersectionsofthisessay. To some degree the simultaneous consideration of race From a conceptual standpoint, each notion—race and and class and of racial groups and social classes has (at least class—is complex, frequently ambiguous, fluid, having implicitly) been a staple in American political science different meanings across time and by place, and are assessments of the nature and orientations of the American blurred in practical politics as well as in scholarly concep- regime. At the Founding, the presence of slavery was tualization and research. There is a great deal of differen- central to debates about and became imbedded in the tiation within as well as between the political science representational structure of the U.S. Congress and other research literatures, as well as in the “real world” as to how constitutional provisions. At the same time, Madison these phenomena are or can and should be understood, (Federalist No. 10) claimed that the “most common and how to measure them and, more broadly, what they mean durable sources of factions” had been differences in to begin with. For example, if we assume for the sake of economic standing—those “with and without property, argument that broad agreement on definitions can be creditors vs debtors, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile achieved, other issues such as whether objective or sub- interest ... divide [nations] into different classes.”20 jective indicators of class should be used, and, if objective Explanations for “American exceptionalism,” i.e., its indicators, which one[s], if subjective ones, which ones? ostensibly smallish or minimalist welfare state and the And there are many other such debates about these forms it has taken, is often attributed to the difficulty matters. historically of creating class-based political coalitions There are also (empirical) questions of “where to look because of racial animus. Similarly, analyses on issues of for” these, which has differed a great deal. For example, race, and certain policies, by scholars of American political within the literature on race there is a vast body of development (APD) have documented the impact of racial research unto itself on individual-level attitudes; there are considerations on the formulation of policies regarding debates about old-style racism and racial resentment, basic economic security, such as social security,21and other symbolic racism versus principled conservatism, explicit policies adopted during the eras “when affirmative action and implicit (racial) bias, and so on. Beyond these micro- was white.”22 level analyses, other research focuses on the macro- or In the aftermath of the civil rights legislation, race has meso-levels, typically posing somewhat different ques- been used to explain “why Americans hate welfare”23 and tions and reaching different answers. Cumulatively, over the connections are also apparent in analyses of “how the all conclusions are unclear or highly conditional, and poor became black,”24 linking race and redistributive or there is little attention to matters of economic class and economic security-related policies. The evolution of race as inequality. an issue was seen as integral to the “transformation” of I conclude this section by noting two observations American politics in the 1950s–1960s and beyond.25 The from recent years which capture some of the dilemmas in broad and deep impact of race in the public policies and our understanding and assessments of these issues. politics of the American states has been shown as well.26

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Also research on blacks and Hispanics regarding education considered carefully—particularly in the economic elite policies demonstrated the importance of race as well as domination, and biased pluralism (meaning economically class factors.27 biased) theories. The article’s general finding that oligarchy Analyses concerning “disciplining the poor” make such as much (or more) than democracy accurately describes connections as well. The convergence of racial “paternal- American politics is powerful and deeply sobering. But the ism”and “neo-liberal” (economic) policies in the adoption word “race” is not mentioned at all in this article.34 While and implementation of the 1996 “welfare reform” legisla- one might thus accept the essential accuracy of tion has been powerfully demonstrated.28 Furthermore, the findings, one wonders if there can be an adequate the importance of race, the implications of America’s assessment, particularly of a (purported) “theory[ies] of broad racial dispositions, have been relevant beyond ‘American politics’” and equality—in which groups are domestic politics as well, influencing U.S. foreign policy a central component—which does not at least reference, decisions, along with military, political economy, and much less examine, racial and minority groups as part of other considerations.29 Yet many such issues are under- the analysis in some (significant) way. explored in historical/institutional or in more contempo- Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka’s35 considerations of rary contexts. “multiculturalism and the welfare state” may be instructive How race and class have played out in “actual politics” for present purposes. Their assessments of nations’ recog- has been debated for many years. In 1974, Wolfinger, nition of groups through “multicultural” policies and how discussing “ethnic succession” in northeastern U.S. cities this may affect levels of support for redistributive (welfare) (particularly New Haven, Connecticut) argued that “irre- policies is revealing. I draw on and seek to adapt their spective of the lines of coincidence between ethnicity and theoretical framing to inform understanding of political class, ethnic consciousness retards political expression of discourse and the politics of race and class issues I have class-based interests.”30 been discussing. Banting and Kymlicka contend that those On the other hand, Wolfinger characterized Glazer policy debates can be analyzed as to whether policies and Moynihan’s arguments in Beyond the Melting Pot (multicultural, and welfare) are seen as “crowd[ing] out” (1963) as a school of thought that “race allows us to talk each other in terms of public debates and public support about class,” i.e., ethnic politics is a way of having class for policies in that only finite time and attention and politics “without offending egalitarian myths.”31 In Glazer resources are available to address each (or both). Or, when and Moynihan’s words, which drew inferences about the substance of one policy (multiculturalism) might racial/ethnic politics and class by studying early twenti- undercut support for the other (welfare), “erosion” of eth-century politics in immigrant-heavy New York City: a political coalition in support of the latter can occur. “In a democratic culture that has never much liked to There can also be a “misdiagnosis,” where one set of identify individuals in terms of social classes . . . the ethnic observers perceive that others (are purported to) incor- shorthand is a considerable advantage.”32 rectly diagnose the bases of inequality as to what is the “real An analysis which brings further breadth and more problem,” leading the presumed “correct” perspective to completeness to these questions assessed relief (or welfare) dismiss the other. To give attention to one in actual policy policies of the early decades of the twentieth century leads to dismissal of the other. Banting and Kymlicka put (before the New Deal) in various U.S. localities found forth evidence that supports, but also considerable evi- there were “three worlds of relief.” These worlds were dence that refutes, the claims about crowding out, erosion, shaped by race and class or economic forces, as well as by and misdiagnosis.36 The understandings—the percep- local institutions. That is, different racial/ethnic groups, tions, and the realities—of the relation of race-based different political economies, as well as different local (or multiculturalism) and economic-based (welfare) poli- political institutions—white ethnics in the industrialized cies is complex and requires careful theoretical, substan- northeast (who were included through “machine poli- tive, and normative reflection; by extension, that can also tics”), black sharecroppers in the south (excluded through be said about race and class inequality more directly. Jim Crow and various other social mechanisms), Mexican The issues seem yet more complex in the context of fieldworkers in the southwest (constrained by deportation American politics debates and in political science and other threats)—were relevant for local welfare policy research, given the country’s unique racial history. Not (non)decisions.33 only are the two factors sometimes viewed as in tension or In stark contrast, several major latter-day political competition with one another as explanations. One may science studies on inequality gave virtually no attention be seen to “absorb” the other, they may also obscure one to race at all. A widely noted recent (2014) article tested another, and there are different views as to which is a legacy four “theories of American democracy”: majoritarian or proximate cause, which is primary or secondary, electoral democracy, economic-elite domination, majori- whether one affects (certain aspects of) inequality more, tarian pluralism, and biased pluralism. Economic inequal- whether impacts are direct or indirect, whether they are ity is at the center of the analysis and is accordingly viewed as compartmentalized or combined, whether they

12 Perspectives on Politics are assessed in absolute or aggregate versus relative terms, and policies is less clear.) These findings underscore the and on and on. We need to be attentive to the possibility importance of careful attention to race and class inequality that political discussions, and research, treat race and class in our analyses, as well as their implications for public in ways that conflates, confuses or offsets them, through polices. commission or omission. At the same time, we need to recognize that is it frequently not “either/or,” but “both/ President Obama’s 2015 State of the Union Address and,” and that these are mediated by other factors such as Another piece of evidence I note is President Barack gender, institutions, and so on. Obama’s [January 20] 2015 State of the Union (SOTU) The importance and breadth and depth of interactions address.39 Examining this speech is useful, at least for the and political implications of these social forces clearly illustrative purposes I intend here; though my observations present formidable challenges, but—or, therefore—ones are admittedly selective and suggestive, I think they help we should take up. I give some examples of how this has illuminate the parameters or the (acceptable) bounds of been done and how more might be done. contemporary public discourse on these significant issues of class and race. SOTUs are one of the most visible, Race and Class in American Politics institutionalized events and rituals in American politics. In and Political Science those speeches, a president identifies pressing contempo- The Great Divergence and Class—and Racial—Inequality rary concerns (as s/he sees them) in relation, at least Economic inequality has, of course, received a tremendous implicitly, to larger values, goals, and policy agenda, and attention associated with the great divergence of Amer- places them in a larger historical and political context.40 ica’s rich from its middle class, which thrust it to the center Two aspects of the speech that I would bring attention of American politics, punctuated by the “great recession” to are, first, the organization or placement of issues and beginning in 2007. To many observers, the income topics, i.e., where, at what point(s) in the speech, they are (and wealth) divide has supplanted race as the country’s raised and, second, how issues associated with class or race primary political fault line. However, such a conclusion are talked about, as well as whether race and class are potentially overlooks or understates the persistent “racial discussed in some way that connects them to each other. In structuring” of economic inequality and that race should the case of President Obama, I recognize that these issues be considered in relation to economic forces. The two may are yet more complex in that the message is presented by (perversely) supplement each other, but sometimes to a unique and particular messenger, i.e., the first African a degree and in ways that are not altogether obvious. American president.41 With that possibility in mind, a study of the U.S. states It is not uncommon for SOTUs to be structured into was undertaken which disaggregated or “decomposed” sections on domestic policy on the one hand, and foreign income inequality into “between-race” and “between- policy on the other hand, and economic issues may be class” components (using the Theil Index), which facili- considered separately as well. A prominent theme in the tates understanding the breadth and depth or the structure 2015 SOTU address, one which was introduced not long of inequality. Drawing on data from three decades, 1980 after the first few pages of the speech, was middle-class to 2010, evidence (summarized in figure 2) shows—or economics. My very rough estimate is that about twenty simply, pointedly reaffirms—that economic inequality percent of the address gave attention to such ostensible has, indeed, increased dramatically over that period. At concerns, with an emphasis on economic opportunity.The the same time, the evidence indicates that inequality day after the speech, media commentaries emphasized that between races remained a steady share of total income theme as well. At the same time, some observers talked inequality over this period nationally, and in most states. about the speech in terms of economic “inequality.” That between-race inequality has changed little (perhaps Notably, however, the word “inequality” appeared only even gotten worse) is especially striking these many years once in the speech.42 On the other hand, there were after the Civil Rights or other legislation.37 numerous mentions of “hard work[ing],”“effort,” and that Beyond this powerful descriptive evidence, however, one must “earn” and make oneself deserving. Also, equality analysis also shows that between-race inequality influences of opportunity (not equality of condition or outcome) was state welfare-policy (measured several ways) decisions— said to be the appropriate goal. Interestingly, along with substantially, and negatively so—whereas between-class numerous mentions of middle class not once was the phrase and total levels of inequality (as well as the racial “working class” mentioned; instead, middle class was composition of the population itself) has not (refer to juxtaposed to “lower income,” or “working families,” and figure 3). Clearly, the upsurge in economic inequality is other terms. (While the phrase “underclass” was once staggering, yet it is striking that it apparently has had prominent in American political discourse, and suggested essentially no impact on welfare policy in the states. On a combination of [lower] class and race, it is seldom heard the other hand, (ongoing) between-race inequality does these days. At the same time the now infrequent use of have major impacts.38 (Other research on related issues “working class” by politicians is interesting.)

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Figure 2 National trends in income inequality and its structure

Source: Hero and Levy 2015.

Other words, having to do with “fair(ness),” a “fair should be. But it is not inconceivable that they might have shot,” and “fair share” were also frequently invoked. been raised at least somewhat differently, noting some References to child care, sick leave, maternity leave, health disproportionate patterns. Finally, comments of an eco- care, etc. to support workers were also interspersed. A nomic populism flavor—such as the super-rich, lobbyists, belief in the need for equality and fairness of opportunity, loopholes, bailouts—sprinkled the speech but were hardly as well as mentions of wages—minimum wage (two prominent. mentions); high(er) wages (five mentions), as was “equal The second point I raise has to do with where and how pay for women.” For the most part, issues relevant to issues associated with race are talked about, as well as economic well-being (or inequality per se) were not linked whether race and class are discussed in some way that to racial factors (or racial inequality) at all. connects them to each other. It was not until toward the Obama noted that “40% of our students choose end of the SOTU speech (around pages 15–17 of a 17 community college” (emphasis added); this seems to page speech) that a set of domestic issues pertaining to assume or imply, perhaps too readily, a degree of free certain social groups often having some gender or some choice or agency, rather than possibly necessity, particu- racial/ethnic dimension, were discussed (again, recall that larly if an individual might actually prefer other (higher, or economic issues were posed early in the address). It seems better) alternatives.43 Obama added that students must fair to say these were discussed in tempered fashion and “earn it” [free community college tuition] with “grades and indirectly, and that racially-relevant issues were discussed graduation.” Regarding unions, he said that “we still need in color-blind ways. This occurred in rapid succession and laws that strengthen rather than weaken unions, and give in a couple of pages, in something like the order I present American workers a voice,” and nothing more. here. The only time the word “race” is used in the entire These broad comments about class issues, middle-class speech (as a social trait or factor) is when Obama says economics, etc. are “color blind,” and many observers, (around page 15) that he “grew up in Hawaii, a melting especially critics of race-conscious policies, would say they pot of races and customs.” The allusion to an older

14 Perspectives on Politics Figure 3 Relationships of racial and class inequality, and demography on welfare policy in the U.S. states

narrative of race/ethnicity in the United States—a “melting positively or negatively, and as weak or strong—comes to pot”—is itself intriguing, as is the general tenor of his mind here, reframing so as to soften negative perceptions remarks on such concerns. and making certain groups or behaviors seem less “deviant.” Obama makes a number of broadly and ostensibly To wit: group- and policy-related references, stressing common- fl alities or common ground, though difference is also part Passions still yonimmigration, but surely we can all see something of ourselves in the striving young student,andagree of the narrative. How he talks about, or does not talk fi “ that no one bene ts when ahardworkingmomis snatched about, the issues is notable. The social construction from her child, and that it’spossibletoshapealawthat of target populations” as developed by Ingram and upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation 44 Schneider —in terms of groups being “(re)constructed” of immigrants.

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We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New To be sure, and to be fair, President Obama has York. But surely we can understand a father who fears his son can’t discussed these and related issues in other, different venues walk home without being harassed. And surely we can un- and has spoken about them rather differently, and often derstand the wife who won’t rest until the police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of his shift. more forcefully. On the other hand, where and how race and class are discussed in this 2015 SOTU—i.e., by and This framing may be understandable and I am not large separately, and each arguably in very muted ways— necessarily criticizing this phrasing in the address, but probably obscures more than articulates any links between emphasize its nature or content, which avoids any (direct) these social forces in contemporary political discourse(s). references to race (or racial), or class dimensions or to (in) Recognizing and seeking to understand this as part of equality. In both these instances, some notion of family understanding racial and class inequalities in contemporary — (relations) and to certain virtues is invoked the mom, who is society is worthy of further scholarly attention. hardworking, and her child, and the striving young student; the father and the son; the wife whose husband is a police Task Force on Race and Class Inequalities in the officer. And what transpired in Ferguson and New York are Americas “ ” “ ” events which we can take orviewdifferently.Thisisnotto Finally, I bring attention to the APSA Task Force on say these descriptions are necessarily wrong, but the word “Racial and Class Inequalities in the Americas” which, as its choices and phrasing are interesting, I think. It is also stated that name suggests, has engaged said issues directly. One of the 45 We still may not agree on a woman’s right to choose, but surely, papers for the Task Force assesses the effect of race and we can agree it’s a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions class on the urban (cities) political arena in the United States are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access with an array of data regarding the role of these, and to the health care that she needs. a number of other factors. It finds that both factors The emphasis is on “access;” the actual ability to receive significantly affect political behavior and policy outcomes, “health care that she needs” is less clear. but that “race is the primary driver of urban politics across A paragraph toward the very end of the address again most contexts.” The impact of racial differences typically stresses commonality and unity, and here we do see broad exceeds that of other factors frequently found to be powerful allusion to economic well-being—improving life chances in politics, such as partisanship and ideology. “Minorities —and to race, in naming several groups, as well as to are grossly underrepresented among elected office and are gender and sexual orientation: more apt than whites to end up on the losing side of the vote, policy outcomes Local politics is “more likely to [To] every child, in every neighborhood: your life matters, and represent the interests of whites and the wealthy than the we are as committed to improving your life chances as interests of minorities and the poor”;46 refer to table 1. committed as we are to working on behalf of our own kids. 47 ... we are a people who see our differences as a great gift Another paper from the Task Force, by Paul Pierson, ...a people who value the dignity and worth of every citizen: man contends that race has (likely) played an important role in and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino and Asian, the extreme and “asymmetric” political and policy polar- immigrant and Native American, gay and straight, Americans ization, and policy “drift,” in the American party system in with mental illness or physical disability. Everybody matters. recent years. He also points to the essentially unprece- A couple of points about this last paragraph occur to dented decisions of some of the U.S. states to not accept me. The breadth and inclusiveness of groups noted is federal funds to expand Medicaid or to refrain from striking. The (broad) framing of economic well-being, in involving themselves with federal health care programs, terms of “improving. ... life chances,” though without and suggests racial and associated considerations may play specific reference to economic class or to economic (in) a role in this (at least indirectly.) equality, is intriguing; e.g., there is no mention of other An assessment of Mexico, a self-perceived “mestizo” possible groupings such as “rich and poor,” or “middle nation, shows distinct patterns of economic status associ- class and working class,” or some such wording. Also ated with race and skin color in that country (refer to interesting are the groupings and juxtapositions of social figure 4).48 On the other hand, Banting and Thompson group dyads (as suggested by the placement of the argue that because of the timing of the formation of the commas) and the particular dyads selected, which don’t Canadian welfare state, racial factors (has) had little impact suggest an “intersectionality” (or, on the other hand, on its policies. However, the “powerful persistence” of “cross-cutting cleavages”) of the various dyads, and is economic inequality, which is disproportionately found further interesting in how some of the dyads are presented. among indigenous populations, is “puzzling.”49 Other That is, racial groupings are “black and white”/“Latino papers explore various other dimensions and venues and in Asian”—rather than, say, black, white, Latino, Asian other (Latin American) countries regarding class and racial (—i.e., all together). Whether this is accurate, or “correct,” inequality, and demonstrate their commonly deep and or (un)desirable is open to debate, but we can at least take complex interrelations. The Task Force papers inform our note of this and consider what to make of it. understanding of fundamental questions of race and class

16 Perspectives on Politics in American political history. It beckons us to engage Table 1 questions regarding what about the political system(s)—its Racial, demographic, and political divisions ideas, institutions, interests, and other elements—are and in urban elections: Average divide in vote for have been implicated in or may be related to the causes and winning candidate in a group of U.S. cities consequences of these developments. Political science Race 38.3 (22.1) research has had a good deal to say about all this Class already—and that is as it should be, because this is part Income 19.6 (12.8) of the purpose of political science, “what political science is Education 18.2 (10.4) ” Employment status 8.3 (3.7) for, as Mansbridge might say. These reside squarely Other Demographics within our disciplinary domain. Accordingly, there is a vast Age 21.4 (11.8) amount more to be analyzed and much more that we, with Gender 5.8 (5.0) our distinct critical theoretical perspectives, substantive Religion 29.9 (16.0) foci, and varied approaches, can (and should) contribute to Sexuality 14.9 (7.3) Marital status 6.4 (6.9) understanding these issues. Union membership 7.1 (3.1) Considering and juxtaposing race and class, and Children 5.1 (3.6) bringing in assessments of gender as well, as regular Political Orientation practices in new theorizing and novel analyses of social Liberal-Conservative ideology 27.4 (13.8) and political factors germane to (in)equality spur us to Party identification 33.0 (18.7) vigorously engage major issues of our time, to pursue Hajnal and Trounstine (2015). fundamental values which undergird political science Source: Elections for mayor, council, advocate, comptroller, inquiry. Beyond prominent mainstream theories, there clerk, city attorney, and ballot propositions in New York, Los are other rich analytical perspectives which have been Angeles, Chicago, Houston, and Detroit. developed that directly acknowledge racial legacies as well Note: (Standard Deviation in Parentheses). as class and its implications. A host of related questions that I have posed are but some of the pressing concerns which I hope—and urge—scholars of American politics— and throughout political science—to continue to or begin — — Figure 4 to address indeed to embrace such challenges in our But if we unpack Mestizos by race, Latin studies. Yes, doing so is immensely challenging, and in fl fi American countries are less homogenous various ways. But doing so re ects, (re)af rms, and and more discriminatory than It is often furthers some of the most compelling purposes and assumed aspirations of our discipline. Notes 1 Monroe 2005; Warren 2005; Scott 2005. 2 Levi 2006. 3 Mansbridge 2014. 4 Lindblom 1982. 5 Lowi 1992. I’m not necessarily arguing that the specific criticisms or challenges raised by Lindblom or by Lowi remain accurate today (and, I suspect, one could challenge how accurate they were when written). However, their concerns are probably still relevant, though in different ways, to different degrees, and so on. One might thus think of their perspectives as Source: Trejo and Altimirano 2015. general “cautionary tales” that encourage us to look critically at ourselves as a discipline. 6 Barker 1994. in various contexts and with regard to an array of political 7 Pinderhughes 2009. dimensions in the United States and elsewhere. 8 Putnam 2003, italics original. 9 e.g. Smith 1993. Conclusion 10 Hero 1998. The distinct and increasingly complicated constellations 11 Hero 1992. of racial diversity and large economic disparities of recent 12 Soss, Fording, and Schram 2011; also see, e.g., decades represents a unique—and disconcerting—period Branton and Jones 2005.

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13 See, e.g., Penner and Saperstien 2013. aftermath of World War II. One could readily agree on 14 Hero 1998, 1992. the importance of the events and periods noted and find 15 Hero 1992, 1998. them accurate depictions. But many analysts, myself 16 Hero 2007, 1998. included, see a glaring inadequacy owing to the neglect 17 Perhaps there is also “class without politics” in that of race by not mentioning the Civil War and relations between different individuals and groups, or Reconstruction and the Civil Rights movement, classes, in the economic sphere (e.g., owners versus which are conspicuous and surprising. In effect, though workers) are seen as (almost entirely) determined by presumably not intentionally, landmark events the “invisible hand of the market.” Classes exist but regarding formal procedural quality are absent. Also, politics (of inequality) rooted in class is thereby note that this article was published in years well after the obscured in this scenario. And, finally, a “politics publication of Dahl’s seminal book, Who Governs?. without class” might exist, which would imply an 35 Banting and Kymlicka 2006, 10–22. aggregation of individuals aspiring to or perceiving 36 Ibid. themselves as part of a broad “middle-class.” 37 Hero and Levy 2015. 18 Mettler 2008; 533, emphasis added. 38 Ibid. 19 Stille 2011. 39 All my discussion here about President Obama’s 20 Madison in Federalist No. 10, emphasis added. comments draw directly from his State of the Union 21 Lieberman 1998. Message, delivered January 15, 2015. 22 Katznelson 2005. 40 On the other hand, some of the very attributes that 23 Gilens 1999. make such a speech worthy of attention might also 24 Gilens 2003. be reasons why not to attach too much significance 25 Carmines and Stimson 1989. to them. Such speeches are carefully crafted, and 26 Hero 1998. vetted, to communicate with a wide (the widest) 27 Meier, Stewart, and England 1989; Meier and Stewart audience and appeal to core American values, though 1991. giving specific emphasis to or understandings of issues 28 Soss, Fording, and Schram 2011. and values. The limitations of examining a SOTU 29 Katzenstein 2010. speech notwithstanding, they are still a leading 30 Wolfinger, 1974, 63–64. expression of contemporary ideas and issues by the 31 Wolfinger 1974, 63. U.S. president. 32 Glazer and Moynihan 1963, 301–302, emphasis 41 Let me make clear what I am trying to do here, and added. what I am not doing. I am not directly passing 33 Fox 2012. normative judgments on Obama’s points. Rather, I am 34 Gilens and Page 2014. But these scholars are hardly exploring the parameters of race and class discourse in alone. I wish not to single out individual scholars, but I this period of diversity and racial and economic do wish to stress how striking I find this, and that inequality and how I interpret how they are talked I think it rather powerfully demonstrates the points I about, particularly through a lens of social relations wish to make about inattention to race, and, to a lesser suggested by economic or social and racial group (non) degree to class. In addition to several other recent references, and whether and how they are presented in works, we find puzzling inattention to race (and class) this SOTU address. even in the scholarship of some of the most eminent 42 There were 106 articles in the New York Times (58) political scientists in the history of the discipline. An and Washington Post (48) newspaper editions in the article in 1977 by Robert Dahl, “On Removing week following that included the phrase “State of the Certain Impediments to Democracy in the United Union.” Of those 106, 59 articles included the terms States,” indicates this. There he discusses major “class” or “income” or “inequality,” and 13 included developments in American political history, which are, the terms “race” or “African American” in a non-trivial he said, commitments to (1) a liberal political and way (i.e., not “race” in the sense of an election constitutional order that gave primacy to the campaign). protection of certain political and civil rights among 43 More than half of all Hispanic undergraduate citizens [the Founding]; (2) about 1800–1836 students attended a community college in 2010. [Jacksonian era]—commitment to belief that only That may be viewed “positively” or not so proper constitutional and pol systems comprised positively depending on whether we think about democracy; (3) corporate capitalism from the late 1800s these issues in relative terms (i.e., Hispanics relative to the early 1900s; (4) emergence of the welfare state to non-Hispanics) or in absolute terms (i.e., the beginning with the New Deal; and (5) commitment to within-group increase or trajectory of educational play an international role as a world power in the attainment over time).

18 Perspectives on Politics 44 Schnieder and Ingram 1993. Hajnal, Zoltan and Jessica Trounstine. 2015. “Race and 45 Hajnal and Trounstine 2015. Class Inequality in Local Politics” Paper for Task Force 46 Ibid. on “Racial and Class Inequalities in the Americas.” 47 Pierson 2015. Washington, DC: American Political Science Association. 48 Trejo and Altamirano 2015. Hero, Rodney E. 1992. Latinos and the U.S. Political 49 Banting and Thompson 2015. System: Two-tiered Pluralism Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. References . 1998. Faces of Inequality: Social Diversity in Banting, Keith and Will Kymlicka. 2006. “Multiculturalism American Politics. New York: Oxford University Press. and the Welfare State: Setting the Context.” In . 2007. Racial Diversity and Social Capital: Equality Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and and Community in America. New York: Cambridge Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies,ed.Keith University Press. Banting and Will Kymlicka., Oxford: Oxford University Hero, Rodney E. and Morris Levy. 2015. “The Racial Press. Structure of Inequality and Redistribution in the U.S. Banting, Keith and Debra Thompson. 2015 “The Puz- States.” Unpublished manuscript. zling Persistence of Racial Inequality in Canada.” Paper Katzenstein, Peter J. 2010. “‘Walls’ between ‘Those for Task Force on “Racial and Class Inequalities in the People’: Contrasting Perspectives on World Politics.” Americas.” Washington, DC: American Political Sci- (Presidential Address to the American Political ence Association. Science Association, 2009.) Perspectives on Politics 8(1): Barker, Lucius J. 1994. “Limits of Political Strategy: A 11–25. Systemic View of the African American Experience.” Katznelson, Ira. 2005. When Affirmative Action was White: Presidential Address, to the American Political Science An Untold History of Racial Inequality in America. New Association, 1993. American Political Science Review York, NY: W.W. Norton. 88(1): 1–13. Levi, Margaret. 2006. “Why We Need a New Theory of Branton, Regina P. and Bradford S. Jones. 2005. Government.” (Presidential Address to the American “Reexamining Racial Attitudes: The Conditional Political Science Association, 2005.) Perspectives on Relationship between Diversity and Socioeconomic Politics 4(1): 1–19. Environment.” American Journal of Political Science Lieberman, Robert C. 1998. Shifting the Color Line: Race 49(2): 359–72. and the American Welfare State. Cambridge, MA: Carmines, Edward G. and James A. Stimson. 1989. Race Harvard University Press. and the Transformation of American Politics. Princeton, Lindblom, Charles. 1982. “Another State of Mind.” NJ: Princeton University Press. Presidential Address to the American Political Science Dahl, Robert A. 1961. Who Governs? Democracy and Power Association, 1981. American Political Science Review in an American City. New Haven: Yale University Press 76(1): 9–21. . 1977. “On Removing Certain Impediments to Lowi, Theodore J. 1992. “The State in Political Science: Democracy in the United States.” Political Science How We Become What We Study.” (Presidential Quarterly 92(1): 1–20. Address to the American Political Science Association, Fox, Cybelle. 2012. Three Worlds of Relief: Race, 1991.) American Political Science Review 86(1): 1–7. Immigration, and the AmericanWelfare State from Madison, James. [1788]. Federalist No. 10. the Progressive Era to the New Deal. Princeton, NJ: Mansbridge, Jane. 2014. “What Is Political Science For?” Princeton University Press. (Presidential Address to the American Political Science Gilens, Martin. 1999. Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Association, 2013.) Perspectives on Politics 12(1): 8–17. Media and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy. Chicago, IL: Meier, Kenneth and Joseph Stewart Jr. 1991. The Politics Press. of Hispanic Education. Albany: State University of New . 2003. “How the Poor Became Black.” In Race and York Press. the Politics of Welfare Reform, ed. Sanford F. Schram, Joe Meier, Kenneth, Joseph Stewart Jr., and Robert England. Soss and Richard C. Fording, [city]: University of 1989. Race, Class and Education: The Politics of Second Michigan Press. Generation Discrimination. Madison: University of Gilens, Martin and Benjamin I. Page. 2014. “Testing Wisconsin Press. Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, Mettler, Suzanne. 2008. “Suzanne Mettler: Reply to Ira and Average Citizens” Perspectives on Politics 12(3): Katznelson.” In “On Race and Policy History: A Dialogue 564–81. about the G.I. Bill.” Perspectives on Politics 6(3): 519–37. Glazer, Nathan and Daniel P. Moynihan. 1963. Beyond Monroe, Kristen Renwick, ed. 2005. Perestroika! The the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Rican, Jews, Italians, Raucous Rebellion in Political Science. New Haven, CT: and Irish of New York City. Cambridge: MIT Press. Yale University Press.

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Obama, Barak. Presidential State of the Union Address [to the Politics and Policy.” American Political Science Review U.S. Congress]. January 20, 2015. (Washington, DC). 87(2): 334–47. Penner, Andrew M. and Aliya Saperstein. 2013. Scott, Joanna Vecchiarelli. 2005. “Ironic Representation.” “Engendering Racial Perceptions: An Intersectional In Perestroika! The Raucous Rebellion in Political Science, Analysis of How Social Status Shapes Race.” Gender & ed. Kristen Renwick Monroe. New Haven, CT: Yale Society 27(3): 319–44. University Press. Pierson, Paul. 2015. “Race, Partisanship, and the Rise of Soss, Joe, Richard C. Fording, and Sanford S. Schram Income Inequality in the United States.” Paper for 2011. Disciplining the Poor: Neoliberal Paternalism and Task Force on “Racial and Class Inequalities in the the Persistent Power of Race. Chicago, IL: University of Americas.” Washington, D.C.: American Political Chicago Press. Science Association. Smith, Rogers M. 1993. “Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, Pinderhughes, Dianne. 2009. “The Challenge of and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America.” Democracy: Explorations in American Racial American Political Science Review 87(3): 549–66. Politics.” Presidential Address to the American Stille, Alexander. 2011. “The Paradox of the New Elite.” Political Science Association, 2008. Perspectives on New York Times, Sunday Review. October 23, 1. Politics 7(1): 3–11. Trejo, Guillermo and Melina Altamirano. 2015. “Race Putnam, Robert D. 2003. “APSA Presidential Address: and Redistribution in Latin America: Why Societies The Public Role of Political Science.” Perspectives on Discriminate against Individuals with Indigenous Politics 1(2): 249–55. Phenotypical Features.” Paper for Task Force on “Racial Schmidt, Ronald Sr., Andrew Aoki, Yvette Alex-Assensoh, and Class Inequalities in the Americas.” Washington, and Rodney E. Hero. 2002. “Political Science—The D.C.: American Political Science Association. New Immigration and Racial Politics in the United Warren, Dorian T. 2005. “Will the Real Perestroikans States: What Do We Know? What Do We Need to Please Stand Up? Race and Methodological Reform in Know?” Presented at the American Political Science the Study of Politics.” In Perestroika! The Raucous Association Annual Meeting, August 29–September 1, Rebellion in Political Science, ed. Kristen Renwick Boston, MA. Monroe. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Schneider, Anne and Helen Ingram. 1993. “Social Wolfinger, Raymond E. 1974. The Politics of Progress. Construction of Target Populations: Implications for Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

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