A History of Egypt from the End of the Neolithic

PUBLIS H ERS ’ NO T E

b e to E A A TREN H TR BNER . . MESSRS . K G N P O U C o L D UL, , , T , g announce that they have still in stock a limited numb er of th e larger e dition o f th e hieroglyphic text and translation of th e Theban Recension of th e B ook o f th e D e ad ith th e hi ero , w i ular D WA LLI S B E ic a eare in l h c vo cab b R . D h h d g yp y y U G , w pp “ three vo lum es under th e title CHAPTER OF COM I NG FORT H ” DAY l ate in 1897 . BY , f E Price or the nti e o £2 103 . r W rk,

con ains all h e n n r VOLUM E I . t t k o w Chapte s of th e Th eban Recensmn of th e B o ok of th e Dead rinte d in hiero l hic , p g yp - t e . 1 5l 7 and a descri tion of th e a ri in th e British yp (pp ) , p p py Museum from which the have been e dited and a list of y , i T is i is th m os c m a ters etc . . . e tion e t o ete Ch p , (pp h d pl h i er e n u is which as h th to b e p bl he d .

L n ains a fu r — co t oca u a . 1 386 l VO UM E II . ll v b l y (pp ) to a l th e hieroglyphic texts of th e Chapters of th e Theb an Recension of th e Book of th e Dead and to th e supplem entar Chapters from

’ y th e Saite Recension ic are i en t erewit in Vo um e wh h g v h h l I . m n ains a u f The volu e c o t b o t re erence s .

n in VOLUM E III . co ta s

r face and ist of a ters i -xxx 1 P e l Ch p ( . v T I ii - i 1 INTR DUC N . xxx . cc v . O O (pp v . ) - Histor of h a . I . The t e Bo o o f the D e a T is Ch p y k d . h er is accom ani e i Chapt p d by e ghteen plate s which illus trate th e p alaeography of th e various Recensions of th e Book of the Dead from th e Vth Dynasty t o th e Rom an r Pe io d .

VOL . IV. — a IIE O siris and th e Resurrection . Ch p . — a III Th e J udgm ent of th e De d . — r He n i ex IV Th e E sian Fie s o a e . W t tracts . ly ld v h h x from t e Pyramid Te ts . — i f h B V Th e Ma c o t e oo of th e Dea . . g k d — h e e c and Conten s of h e B o f h T O t t t o o t e e . VI . bj k D ad

II — The Boo of th e D ea of Nesi—Khonsu V k d , about 1000 (English translation) . VIII —Th e B oo of Breat in s En is trans ation k h g ( gl h l ) . — he a rus f Takh er —uru- IX . T P py o t p abt (English rans a i n t l t o ) .

2 ENGLISH TRANSLATI N T H E BO O K THE DEA . O OF OF D 1 Th e o um e a so contains t ree scenes from th e (pp . v l l h fam ous Pa rus of Ani re resentin th e J ud m ent S cene th e py p g g , i n an h e E si an Fie s w ic Funeral Pro cess o d t l ld , h h have be en , y i s h r W. Gr e re ro duce d in full co l ours b M . t e minent p y gg , - r photo lithograph e . ’ 35 00 143 on E QQ Dt - anb cbElbaea

A HIST O RY OF EGYPT

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O X F O R D U N I V E R S IT Y P R E S S A MERICAN BRANCH

P R E F A C E

THE period of Egyptian History treated in the present volume has been continued from the end of the reign ‘ Thothmes II XVIIIth of . to the end of the rule of the i m 1550 14 00 s . e Dyna ty , . , fro about to This period, o one though c mparatively short , is of extreme interest, for in it the Egyptians succeeded in establishing their empire in Palestine and Syria , and extended their rule as Ni as far eastwards the city of , which cannot have In been very far from the river Euphrates . this Thothmes period , moreover, are included the reigns of

III A - ete III a . and men h p . , whose energy and bility raised Egypt to an exalted position among the civilized n natio s of the world , and made her feared by Nubians ,

Libyans , and the Semitic tribes of the Eastern Desert, i A Thothmes III and of Sina , and of Western sia . .

consolidated the Egyptian power in Nubia and Syria ,

” - h and Amen etep III . administered the vast empire which his great ancestor had won by his sword . On e A -hete III the d ath of men p . Egypt may be said to have extended from the Atbara river in the Eastern ﬁdan A S to the city of leppo in Northern Syria . Hand in hand with the growth of power went increase in the d wealth of Egypt, and the buil ings which the greatest XVIIIth kings of the Dynasty set up in their capital, e h W Th bes , testify to the lavis ness ith which they spent

A - Ra the money that had been given to them by men , the king of the gods . The shrines of local gods which P RE FAC E had fallen into ruin were re stored with a generous hand, and on a scale never before equalled and never s s s n urpa sed . The endowment set apart for the mai tenance of the sanctuary and prie sthood of Amen - Ra w u and ere on a hitherto nknown scale , the power which the p rie sts enJ oyed in consequence was little ri P infe or to that of the reigning family . ainters ,

s sculptor , architects , and engineers found abundant employment l n the capital in connection with the s s s s and temple of the god , and the granite obeli k , ss - s r s colo al statues , and ﬁne bas relief prove thei kill In s d XVIIIth and ability . hort , the perio of the D s n A e yna ty included the Golde g of Egypt , and

“ though the kings of the succeeding dynastie s were u XVIIIth s more boastf l than those of the Dyna ty , m s their works and erit were far inferior to theirs .

s s n h the s The mo t intere ti g , t ough certainly not mo t m t s XVIIIth was i por ant of the king of the Dynasty,

-h t IV A -hete III A e e . men p , the son of men p . by the M t ni ss s i an an prince Thi . Thi remarkable woman

as as appears to have been intelligent she was beautiful , and the inﬂuence which she exerted on the mi nd of her ‘ son duri ng his boyhood produced some very un d s s d expecte re ult . He seems to have imbibe a strong hatred of the religion and worship which were in culcated by the powerful priesthood of Amen- Ra at ’ s Thebes , but whether this was the result of his mother

c i s t tea hing or of his own wish unknown . This ha red made itself apparent soon after his accession to the m throne , and he lost no ti e in declaring himself to be a devout believer in the worship of that form of the Sun P RE FAC E ix

god which is now generally known as:the heresy of

the s A n hi s t - he d t Di k . mo g ti les a op ed that of high

Bet- was priest of Harmachis , but although he tolerant

“ of the worship of all the ancient form s of the Sun - god of Heliopoli s he was very ho stile to the cult of Amen? Re - of T h e , the Sun god hebes ; even went so far as to build a shrine in honour of Harmachis within the n At temple preci cts at Thebes . length an open rupture s A took place between the prie ts of men and himself,

as s ol d c l i and , a re ult, he forsook the apita and bu lt himself a new one further to the north at a place near ‘ - the modern Tell el Amarna . Here he founded a l s h d temp e in honour of the Di k , and c ange his name to

- - l en At n i . e Khu e , . , G ory of the Disk , and gathered , i about him painters, sculptors , and hand craftsmen of

every kind , who developed a new style of Egyptian art , which i s characterized by great reali sm and freedom n hi s hi s from conventionality . The ki g, family, and ur s and co tier led a life of pleasure here for a few years , he himself was perfectly content to neglect the affairs

‘ his of empire , provided he could play the part of a s s w u i prie t and be to gifts upon his favo r tes . Mean

s As while , the peoples who were ubject to him in ia b ' were hard pressed y the Kheta and the allied nations, wh o and had by this time become very powerful , the tribute which had been paid for many years past by the great cities of Syria and Palestine to Egypt was

r The few now diverted f om that country . governors of cities who were strong enough to remain loyal to Egypt

s A - ete IV sent numerous de patches to men h p . to warn him of the growth of disaffection and revolt throughout X PRE FAC E

e and their t rritories , asked that help might be speedily sent to enable them to maintain their authority and the But interests of Egypt . their appeals fell on deaf ears , and as no reinforcements came the possessions of Egypt A in Western sia fell, one after another , into the hands of the nomadic tribes who were strong enough to seize o A whatever territ ry they wished . very strong light is thrown upon this phase of Egyptian history by the ‘ e el- A a to T ll marn Tablets , from which we are able trace the growth of the revolt from its beginning to the period when Egypt was compelled to abandon her d im Syrian ependencies . These letters are of such portance for Egyptian hi story that it has been thought well to give a tolerably complete summary of their b 184 —24 1 contents ; this will e found on pp . of the l present vo ume . The power of Egypt in Syria was a much shaken during the regency of H tshepset , but she at least maintained the old traditions of the country, and supported the national priesthood by m every eans in her power , and spared no pains to make a A her capital gre t and splendid . Her descendant men h ete IV the p . , however, forsook his capital , reviled n natio al god, undermined as far as possible the power of the national priesthood, and, in addition to all this , succeeded in ﬁnally destroying the empire in Asia which the earlier Amen -hetep and Th othmes kings had built up with such great expenditure of labour r m and blood, for Egypt never again was eally istress of that Asiatic empire as she had been in the days of Thothme III s .

A ALLI . W s GE E . BUD . C O NT E NT S

— HER HA E E HER I E S . C A TER 1 EEN S S . H P , Q U T H P T T TL R Y L ESCEN HER RE ENC HER EX E I I N O A D T . G Y. P D T O — N D IT REA RES THE A SSE T o PU T AN s G T ULTS . MBLY NoBLE IN H N N E R HER RE IGN THE OF s T E I TH Y A OF . TEMPLE or DER AL-BAHARI AND THE A RCHITE CT EN- UT THE E IS S or HA S E SE A ND S M . OB L K T H P T I I N HE R ININ ERA I NS A ND THEIR NSCRIPT O S . M G OP T O THE E E PE C S A RTEM IDO S HA S E SE THE T MPL S . T H P T A E R or A EN INCARNA E IN HER A ER D UGHT M T F TH . STORY or HER D IVINE C ONCE PT I ON AND THE CREATI ON or HER KHNEMU HER IR AND BODY BY . B TH E C I N A C N E E A EN A s HIS DU AT O . K OWL DG D BY M J N E A ER HER R E R . H ER D UGHT . OU Y TH OUGH GYPT REI N THC HME III A I A ND . H I C ORON T ON G T S . s N ND I ES H IS RE I N I - REE A CCESSIO A T TL . G OF F FTY TH HIS A RE HIS A N HA S E E EARS . S Y H T D OF U T T H P T . I I N IA THE A E H IS CA A NS S R . M E I MP G Y B TTL OF G DDO . E O N THE R N E A RE A TTA C K UPO N KAD S H O O T S . C PTU D E I C N E S N R E R AN SA CK OF M G DDO . O Q U T OF O TH N

S RIA C PR S KUS AND UAUA T . C EARIN Y , Y U , H , L G OF HE HE R C T or TH T CANAL IN T CA TA A T . OMB C THMES III N A THC THMES III S A N S . R . L OF UMMA Y OF xii C O NT E NT S

PAGE C N UE S S B I IN THO THM ES III O E IS S O Q T . U LD G OF . B L K N RE - - ANCE A ND MA A. R AT KAR A K . PU M A KH R OM TEHUT I -A AND THE A IN A THE OF T K G OF J OPP . A RE A EN-HETEP II EX E I I N A AINS PU . M . P D T O G T

A RRIVA IN N E E I N A T AKA THI . THA RI A . R S L I. B LL O A E EVEN I T O F A EN S R S K N S . L UGHT OF G OMB ‘ M HETEP II D IS C VER H IS U THOT HME S . O Y OF M MMY.

IV EX E I I NS N IA A ND ENICIA . . P D T O TO UB PHO T HE I CIA EN- E EP THE SPHINx RIE OFF L AM H T . BU D IN SAN DREA THOTHME S IV RE S RA I N D . OF . O O M‘ T T THE E E THE PHINx TA E THE OF T MPL OF S . BL T OF PH N E IV A ND RTA TA MA BA I x . THO THM S A S . OF BY NIA A EN-HE TEP III - REA R S E RI LO . M . G T P O P TY OF E EX E I I N IN N I I IVES R A . H S GYPT . P D T O TO UB W F OM WE E L H THI S RN A S IA GI URHIPA TA T UMK IPA . . , , T I “ R E -H TEP III HIS SCA A BS A ND L ION HUNTS OF AM N E . THE IVINE RI IN THE E E X R. D O G . T MPL OF LU O C S I EN -HE EP N HAP A ND HIS S . A T SO OLO M , OF , - K B D SO LEB T RS I TE ES EL A A N . WO H P . MPL OF OMB A E -H E I I I N E N -HE EP I N ET P I H S S O A T V . OF M . M EEN NEFERT ITH IN R UC I N A E N WO R Q U . T OD T O OF T S I THE E N E E E EN- E E . V B N AT T A H T P I . H P B H B S . M RSA KES T E ES I DS A NEw CAP I A A ND FO H B , BU L T L, C AN E H r NA E - N - E W RS I H G S s M TO KHU E AT N. O H P OF A E N A RI IE E RI I THE IN A T GLO F D MA T A L SM . K G RIE S A E N H I A A CE BE K THE R I E S . A C C P T OF T . P L H T T . REA I M E IA N RT NS EN S A H A . L OF GYPT . YM TO T S ICA C A RAC E RIS ICS A EN -HE TE P I V PHY L H T T OF M . H IS AND FA I A EN-HETEP IV TOMB MUMMY . M LY OF M . ‘ THE TE E L - RN T E REV S IN LL AMA A A BL TS . OLT ’ A ES INE DE C INE E S E R IN I . S R A P L T L OF GYPT POW Y . C ARA E - I E - - - C R A EN R ET EP V. S AA KA RA H T OF M . T UT -AN -A EN R A S O N S THE KH M . OY L OF KU H . CA I A - N- E E E R E T E E S NCE P T L OF KHU E AT N D S T D . H B O A A IN T HE AI E RU -EM -H CA I A IN . EB G P T L . K G j . H IS I E A ND I H IS C R S J ICE L F H STORY . OU T OF UST A ND A INI R I N EX E I I N IN S RIA DM ST AT O . P D T O TO Y C O NT E NT S xm PAG E - III H D NA S — A R DE C INE E II XV T S . CHA PT R . Y TY UMM Y L ’ E R IN RIA A VICER E S A OF EGYPT S POW SY . OY T B

I C NE I R RI IN IN S RIA . LISHED IN NUB A . U FO M W T G Y RE A I NS E P I BA NIA A S S RIA L T O OF GY T W TH BYLO , Y , E E HE E H M I ANNI T C . RIS T K A P ER. T E T , OF H T OW I CIA N R I THE NEW CA I A KE L S LU K . P FT U, Y , T L -EN -A E N EX C SIVE NESS A EN RS I KHUT T . LU OF T WO H P. HE S T HE IN S A T T E ES REA IS IC T TOMB OF K G H B . L T EVE EN A RT THE E E S AND E IS S D LOPM T OF . T MPL OB L K

X R A RC I EC RE . THE OF KARNA K A ND LU O . H T TU PRIES A EN E IAN ICIA S THE THOOD OF M . GYPT OFF L . RSE IN R CE IN THE E IAN A R THE HO T ODU D TO GYPT MY . GOLDEN A GE OF EGYPT

‘ ER III —THE TE E L- A ARNA TA E S T E IR CHAPT LL M BL T . H E R E E R R - DISC OVE RY A ND NUMB . L TT F OM AME N HETE P - III KALLIMMA SIN. E E RS R KA LLIMMA . TO L TT F OM EN-HETEP III E ERS R T USHRA T SIN TO AM . L TT F OM T A - E III E ERS R T o AMEN HET P . L TT F OM BURRABURI A EN-HETEP IV E E R R H YA SH T o M . L TT F OM A s UR A LLIT A EN -HE TEP IV E ERS R UB TO M . L TT F OM T HRATTA To AMEN-HETEP IV E ER R US . L TT F OM RATTA THI EE N E E E R TUSH Q G P . L S TO , U OF Y T TT To THE KING OF EGYPT FROM A LA SHIYA ; FROM ADAD -NIRARI KIN NUHA SHSHI ; R A BD , G OF F OM A SHRATUM VE RN R A RRI R THE , GO O OF MU ; F OM PE P E T UNIP ; R AzIRU To THE KING A ND O L OF F OM , R T HE KIN T o AZ IRU ; R RIB-ADDA KIN F OM G F OM , G OF GEBA L ; FROM RIB -ADDA T o AMA NAPPA ; FROM RABIMUR TO THE KING ; FROM THE PE OPLE OF IR A A R A MMUNIRA VERN R BERU R T ; F OM , GO O OF T R A RIZ Z I VERN R KA TNA R NAM F OM , GO O OF F OM YAWIZ A VERN R KUMIDI ; R ITAKAMA , GO O OF F OM , G VERN R KA DES ; R Z IMRIDA VE RN R O O OF H F OM , GO O SID N R ABI- I KI KING T RE ; R OF O ; F OM M L , OF Y F OM SURATA OF A CC HO ; FROM Z ATA NA OF A C CHO ; FROM ARTAMANYA ING Z I R- A S A N ; R LA PAYA , K OF B H F OM xiv C O NT E N T S PAGE AND SHUARDATA ; F ROM M ILKILI A ND FROM A - R A A D ; R A DI K I A VERN R , OY L L Y F OM B H B , GO O OF - ND M J ERUSA LEM ; FROM A DDU M IHIR A TA GI ; FRO WY HD N BIRID IYA OF M E GIDDO ; FROM A S ATA A D SHUARDATA ; FROM A BDI -TIRSE I OF HAZ OR FROM YAPARHI VE RN R GEZ ER R WIDYA , GO O OF ; F OM G VE RN R A SKE N R YABIT IRI VE RN R O O OF LO F OM , GO O OF GAZ A AND J OPPA ; FROM DA GAN-TA KA LA ; R Z IMRIDA AND YA RNI- L A C I E T C F OM I U OF L H S H . LIST O F ILLUS T RAT IO NS

“ A S E PSE THE M RNIN S A R H T H T, O G T THE KING AND Q UEEN OF PUNT A ND THEIR S ONS A ND DAUGHTERS BRINGING GIFTS OF THE PRODUCE OF THE LAND T o THE ENVOY OF HATSHEPSET ’ 3 THE A IN H A S E S E S S I S IN A AR R . LO D G OF T H P T H P H BOU AT PUNT WITH THE PRODUCTS OF PUNT 4 A NE R R N IA . G O F OM UB STE LE INSCRIBED WITH A SUMMA RY OF THE C ONQ UESTS THO THMES III OF . A LIBYAN H S A E NETCHEM AN ICIA THO T MES III . T TU OF , OFF L OF STATUE OF THE ROYA L MOTHER TE TA-KHART E A EN-HETEP II USHABT I FIGUR OF M . UPPE R PORTION OF THE STE LE OF THE SPHINx THE ROYA L SCULPTOR AUTRA AT WORK O N A STATUE OF PRINCESS BAKET-A TEN THE R A I E THE GREA AD THE OY L W F , T L Y OF TWO ANDS Q EEN THE Two ANDS THI L , U OF L , NTIN SCA RA A EN-B E EF III HU G B OF M T . ARA O F A EN-B E EF III ESCRI IN THE I I S SC B M T . D B G L M T O F HIS EMPIRE -HETE P III AND HIS E I RESEN E AMEN . DOUBLE B NG P T D TO AMEN-RA xvi LIST O F ILL U ST RAT IO NS

E S I EN-HETEP III TH COLOS OF AM . A EN S ININ O N T HE NA ES A EN- HETEP I 1 . V 7 T H G M OF M . A ND HIS WIFE 1 8 THE RA S A EN E S IN I E AND VE . Y OF T B TOW G L F S O ” REIGNTY

1 A EN-HETEP IV AND HIS I E ES IN I 9 . M . W F B TOW G G FTS UPON C OURT IERS A EN S ININ N EN -HE EP I H 20 . P A T V . AND IS WIFE T H G U O M ,

ET C .

A EN S ININ N A EN-HETEP IV SEA E O N HIS T H G UPO M . T D THRONE THE SA RC OPHA GUS OF A I LE ER TUSHRATTA KIN M I ANNI A EN TT OF , G OF T , TO M III HETEP .

/ LETTER OF RIB -ADDA TO T HE KING OF EGYPT

3 B C . 153 2 T HE RE IG N O F HAT S H E P S E T [ .

u d titles Bestower of years , the Hor s of gol , the

d s go dess of ri ings [like the Sun] , the conqueror of all d i e th e u s the lan s , . . , world , beautif l goddes , lady of ds Viviﬁer two lan , the of hearts , the mighty one of ” loan i e , . . , doubles , etc . One of her earliest titles was ” A khnemet- hat h n e men , which means somet i g lik A Sh e s the chief bride of men , but later called her elf

t- h et i ﬁ n R s e s . e . H p , , the rst amo g the favourite “ ” Of women , and still later, apparently being wearied w what seemed to her an un orthy title , she gave herself “ f at- h u i e ﬁ O H S e s . the name p , . , the rst among the “ ” n O f 1 great and ho ourable nobles the kingdom .

étshe set Th othmes I H p was associated with her father .

S in the rule of the kingdom hortly before his death , and at this time she appears to have been unmarried ; n but there is reason for thinki g that , before his death , — the Old king married her to her half brother Th othmes II . , foreseeing the trouble in the matter of succession

so which would inevitably arise unless he did . ’ Thothm O f d es II . was royal escent only on his father s a side , but H tshepset was of royal descent on her ’ d l u mother s si e as wel , a most important thing in s ch m cases , and if she arried her brother he would be able

I cult to succeed to the throne of Egypt without di y .

A Th thme I H t S o s . a soon as was dead , his daughter

sh e set his Thothmes II r p and son . became the rule s of

Egypt .

’ 1 m x iii Th i i n r M N ill i n Recuezl to . v . s o t w as s t m a e b . av e p ﬁ d y , 4 n H . a d Ma s r i t ii 2 9 see e o s Ana tom . . . 38 . p ; p , . , p T h e Neter at or hi - ri stess Of Am en -RE h - - g p e , t e kin of th e od s M aat k a Ra g g , , Tu h or ats e set H h p . 4 T HE RE IGN O F HAT S H E P S E T [ B . c. 1533

It has u Thothmes II been generally s pposed that . was a man who was strong neither physically nor mentally , and that he was unable to emulate the exploits of his ancestors and personally conduct the w military expeditions which , we kno , were carried out his during reign ; this being so , much of the govern ’ h ment of the country fell into his queen s ands , and it

t h Th othm es II is pretty certain that , houg . gained the Ha credit for whatsoever was done , tshepset supplied and the plan for it, indicated the methods which were n to be employed in carryi g it out . The experience which she gained in the time Of her father was of the

s h er m d greate t use to her, and natural ability a e her to ﬁ A pro t by it to the utmost . fter a comparatively

O f e short reign the king died , probably the dis ase as which has left so many marks on his body , and

Thothmes III th e e . , son of her husband by another wif A a called set , was then a mere child , H tshepset naturally undertook the rule of Egypt , and we are quite justiﬁed in saying that the interests Of the country suffered in

As no way through being in her hands . far as is n know , no really great military expedition was under a taken by H tshepset, and when she had made all

Of Thothm es III arrangements for the succession . , and also for his marriage in future years with her own u Of a She da ghter , who also bore the name H tshepset , undertook the development O f the natural resOurces of

and d the country , spent a great eal of her energy and ability in pl anning the erection of buildings and 1 B. C. 533] T HE EXPE D IT IO N T O PUN T 5

O n belisks , and in watchi g the carrying out of her ideas . The most important event in the reign of the queen P was the famous expedition to unt , which was planned and carried out under her guidance ; the principal incidents of this expedition are depicted on the walls of ,

Der al- i n be her temple at Bahar , which buildi g will

c e a e in des ribed later . We hav lready r ferred several places to the friendly relations which always seem to have existed between the Egyptians and the people Of

g ) Punt, and these were due partly to the fact that the entrance of the historical Egyptians into

Egypt was connected with this country , and partly becaus e the Egyptians obtained from it many of the gums and spices which were used in embalming the dead , and for making the incense which was burnt in n the temples . The position of Pu t has been much discussed , and many attempts have been made to ﬁx an n “ ” exact site for it, but , speaki g generally , Punt seems to have bee n a name given by the Egyptians to a portion of the coast on each side of the southern

Of the - part Red Sea, which they also called Ta neter , I: “ n the Divine Land . These ames may also ,

n and most probably did , i clude a portion of Somaliland , which , in ﬁne weather, the Egyptian sailors would ° ' no di icult i n In have had y reaching . any case we know that the Egyptians went to Punt for gums and

S pices , and it is pretty certain that they went to that 6 T HE E XP E D IT IO N T O PU NT [R C 1533 part of it which in later days SIIpplied the port of ’ ’ ’ Ad e A A a 8 ta evda l/ v an in rabia Felix , p , , with similar c articles of ommerce . The expedition ﬁtted out by Hatshepset consisted h n of ﬁve ships , and avi g made their way down the Red Sea, their captains seem to have sailed up A some river on the frican coast, and to have gone 1 i n s a considerable d sta ce inland . Thi is indicated by the fact that the huts of the natives are repre sented quite near the water, and it is more than probable that the place of barter or market would be d A 2 situated inlan . ccording to some writers the market was situated some distance Up the Elephant

Ras al-Fil River, which runs between and Cape G uardafui , where ebony trees grow in abundance , and

’ where all the products which theEgyptians brought back from Punt are to be found . The men of Punt wore

and w - d pointed beards , ere physically a ﬁne , tall , well ma e people ; they lived side by Side with black or dark skinned men, who seem to have resembled some of A the modern nations of byssinia . The captain of the

d his m expe ition , having left boat, arched with eight men armed with spears and bows , and advanced to the place where the gifts which were to be offered by him

1 Th e m ost re cent publi cati on o f th e reli efs wh i ch illu strate th e e x e iti on to unt are u lish e M Naville for th ese an d his P b y . p d p b d ' e scri ti on s O f th em s ee h i s Tem le o Detr el 3 ar ts olio d p p f p , f , - Lon on 1 896 1 898 . d , 2 Ma s ero De uel Navi a t s Bi b l E tolo i ue to m Q qu es g i on . gyp g q , p , ( iii 5 E Bru v . . 7 . sch E t vol . i . . 305 . p ) g , gyp , p

8 T HE E XP E D IT IO N T o PU NT 1533

to the prince of Punt on behalf of Hatshepset we re i n laid upon a table ; these g fts consisted of a axe , a s dagger , ome necklaces , and some bracelets . He is Pareh u met by the prince of Punt, who is called , K m and who is followed by his wife and

by their two sons and daughter , and by an ass laden i m w th a bale of goods , and by so e menservants . The his prince carries a boomerang , and wears a dagger in belt and his wife wears a single yellow garment ; the lady s ﬁgure must have appeared strange to the

fﬁ O f Egyptian o cer , but it is said that certain tribes

s A ﬁ Ea t frica consider a gure of the kind beautiful , and that the yo ung women spare no pains in attaining to

u s such . The prince of P nt then a ks the Egyptian

fﬁ Neh si o cer how he managed to arrive in the country .

v sk Ha e ye come through the y , or did ye sail on the the sea to the land of Ta—neter whereunto RE hath

r ? i s is b ought you Behold, there no road which k stopped before the ing of Egypt, and we live by the A s breath which he giveth us . suitable an wer

n the havi g been returned , the envoy and prince proceed to business ; the prince of Punt produces a large

s number of gold rings , and boomerang , and a great pile d nti um of , ’ g for incense , and whilst these Ill S n b s things are being carried to his hips, the e voy Ne i

n Of In a e tertains the prince and the nobles Punt . d

dition to these things , we are told that the Egyptian ships M M (Z nti G lzebni were loaded with trees , ebony, i f , ,

’ I O HAT S H E P SE T S G IFT S T o AME N - RA 1 533

1 l Amu and ivory and green gold , of , O O O

- n and precious woods , and incense , and eye pai t, and

- M dog headed apes , Ew i, and monkeys , 25 I s Ew , and panther skins . Products of thi Sﬁdan , kind come from the , and must always have done so , and it is therefore clear that the place where the - Egyptians went was a well known market, wherefrom such things were usually exported . In due course the

S hips arrived at Thebes , where their crews were received with great j oy . Of the valuable loads which a ff they brought home, H tshepset dedicated large o er

to A - R5 ings men , and some of the incense trees were planted by her orders in the garden attached to the temple of that god ; Thoth , the scribe of the gods , is depicted in the act of writing a list Of the myriads Of things which were dedicated by the queen to the great

god of Thebes . We have no means of knowing in what

to year the expedition was sent Punt, but there is reason to believe that the event took place before the j oint

Hei tsh e set Thothmes II reign of p and her nephew I. ,

m Of and not any years after the death her husband . In the ninth year of her reign she gathered together her nobles and proclaimed before them all the great things which her father Amen - Ra had suggested to her

l ure l m U U U 1 . e . o c o are th e Eth i o ic ( II A HA , p g d p p ’ reenn e ss O f o l i n l i 4 n i h ( salm x i . 1 E l s c g g d P v ( g rsi on P alm lx iii ve , s v . S HE AS S U ME S MALE AT T RIBU T E S I I

She m m to do , and showed them how had perfor ed the all to his entire satisfaction . The journey to and from

P l O u or s unt probab y cc pied two years , more, and thu it is clear that the expedition must have been despatched f In 1 in the early years O her reign . the relief which n ‘ represents the queen declari g what she has done, she appears in the form of a man , and she wears male attire ;

She is sometimes depicted as a boy, but she never appears in the form of a woman except when she

fi S personi es a goddess . When seated in a hrine she a always wears the headdress of a god , and to her chin In beard is attached . the inscriptions masculine pro nouns and verbal forms are used in speaking of her, n e are a d masculin attributes ascribed to her . The benefits which accrued to Egypt through the exp edition to Punt must have been of a purely commercial t charac er, and there is little doubt that the material n aff profit must have been very co siderable ; the gir es , cheetas leopards , , and apes would serve for no useful purpose in Egypt , but the gold and precious stones, to sa d nti y nothing of the gum , would form very valuable assets . We have already said that no great military d i expe ition was undertaken dur ng her reign, and we m “ i ust therefore regard the statement that all countr es , “ Ha- and all desert lands , and the nebu [come] to the feet of this beautiful goddess and all rational beings

praise her who is their life , rather as an evidence that none of the hereditary foes of Egypt disputed her

N ille i P late av o . c t t 3 85 , p , . , p . I z PRO S P E RITY O F E G YPT 1533

n h authority than that she really co quered t em . Still , it is a remarkable fact that during the whole Of her comparatively long reign the Egyptians enj oyed a period of peace in which trade prospered and the arts

progressed . Though renowned through her expedition to Punt, Hatshepset is more famous as the builder of the

Der al- i Temple of Bahar , the most beautiful and It remarkable of all the funerary temples in Egypt .

was built by the great queen , partly according to plans which had been prepared during the reign of-her father thm I own Tho es . , and partly according to ideas of her , to which a practical form was given by her distinguished

- architect Sen Mut . Her object was to provide a place

of burial for her father and herself, and those whom she loved, and a temple wherein on the appointed days offerings might be made to the double of herself and of

S her father . The ite chosen was holy ground, for one Of the kings of the KIth Dynasty had already built a

e temple there this temple is now in ruins . The whol

was temple enclosed by a wall, and was approached by mean s of an avenue of sphinxes which led to the pylon

O at the entrance , where stood two belisks , The build in Of t s g consisted hree platforms or terrace , lower, middle and ac , _ upper , which rose one above the other, cording to the rise of the hill on the Side of which the

whole temple was built . The middle and upper plat w Of and forms ere approached by ﬂights steps , the end of each platform rested upon a portico or colonnade ; - BC . 1533] T HE T E M PLE O F D ER AL BAHARI the wall which supports the upper platform was ornamented partly Wi th a series of reliefs which u t Wi t illustrated the expedition to P nt, and par ly h a series Of texts and scenes which relate to the birth of

h Th thmes I Ha s s o . t ep et , and her enthronement by On the ﬂoor of the upper platform are built a series of th e chambers , and central one extends backwards into d the mountain, and en s in a corridor and chamber, which was probably the shrine, and which is hewn out

of the mountain itself. The total length of the building u itself w as abo t 800 feet . The temple which Hatshep set built with such

c pleasure , and on which she lavished such are, was deemed to suffer ill- treatment at the hands of

ﬂ Ever where ma the many . y y be seen in it erasures

m w Thothmes III of her na e by her nephe . , who hated her with a deadly hatred ; in many places may be seen the erasures of the name of the god Amen which were made by order of the heretic king Amen II I . ete V. h p ; and Rameses , who attempted to repair t d this damage, took the oppor unity of a ding his own cartouches to the inscriptions in the temple of the It great queen . is doubtful if the temple was ever

n S ﬁnished , but e ough of it remains to how that it was one of the most graceful and artistic O f all the build In f ings of Egypt . connection with the temple O Hatshepset mention must b e made of her architect

- who Of Sen Mut, was both a master his art It and her loyal servant . is impossible to say with I 4 S E NM UT T H E G RE AT ARC H IT E C T 1533 whom the idea of hewing a temple wholly or in part ut o of the solid rock originated, but there is no doubt that it was the practical ability which he possessed that enabled her to carry out her artistic conceptions the and designs , and it says a great deal for insight into character and for the good sense of the ablest

woman who ever sat upon the throne of Egypt , that she gave Sen -Mut the Opportunity of building an ediﬁce which has Shed glory on the name both of the subject

and of his great sovereign . 1 inscri The late Dr . Lepsius published the p tions which are found on a statue of Sen-Mut in B m the erlin Museu , and from these we see that he m held numbers of high O ces in connection with A the temple and estates of the god men , and in the ’ queen s household . On one shoulder of the statue “ ” are the words not were found in writing ancestors , u (A “ A LA I ﬂﬁk ?T y E, words which have been supposed to indicate that Sen -Mut was a man Of low birth and origin but this is not necessarily their h meaning , and they only imply t at no account of his A ancestors had been kept . s a matter of fact we know from his sepulchral stele that his mother was called C Hat-nefer 3 Ra- , ? I, and his father mes , ? The m queen , however, rewarded him well, for we see fro the ’ m ns er d lzci ain i cription that he was an p prince , and a

1 mf l ii l 2 Le sius Denk a er i . . 5 . p , , p AND T HE G RE AT G R ANIT E O BE LIS K S 1 5

mer of s greatly beloved, and the steward of the temple “ ” I Amen . Lower down he says , was a noble who

. loved his lord Hatshepset in her capacity as

n I Of ki g) , and entered into the favour the lady of the two two lands . He magniﬁed me before the lands , and he made me the upper door entrance) of his

house, and the inspector of his lands like his

C Of I was made hief the chiefs , and the overseer of the V L ANN A and I overseers of his works , I 5 1:g) , was in this land under his orders and I was

n ds alive in the reig of the lady of the two lan , the

a -k a- Ra n king of the South and North , Ma t livi g for “ ever " Sen - Mut seems to have been the father Of

Of Of the chief nurse the royal daughter, the mistress ” Ra-neferu the two lands , the divine wife . Among other works which Sen -Mut performed for the great queen must be mentioned the bringing of the ” 1 twp great obelisks from the granite quarries of A a sw n to Thebes , for it was certainly one of the most h wonderful of all his ac ievements . They were set up

two Thot m I h es . at Karnak, behind the obelisks of , and were dedicated by Hatshepset to the memory Of

hothmes I T . her father ; one has fallen down, and only

a portion of it still remains, but the other still stands, and is a true witness of the marvellous skill which was possessed by the engineers Of the XVIIIth Dynasty

a I te enm} W M se e Le siu s Denkma ler iii ﬁllk x ; p , , .

l 2 5 . p . q ’ I6 HAT S H E P S E T S O B E LIS K S 1533

t in the working of an in ractable stone like granite . In connection with this statement it must be re membered that they had no elaborate mechanical m l appliances , and that all the eans avai able to help them in moving such huge masses of stone consisted of d d ropes , we ges , levers , rollers , a knowle ge of the use of um u the inclined plane , and h an labo r ; they had neither

and ac cranes nor hydraulic j acks , even if they were q uainted with the pulley it would help them little in the

was raising of an Obelisk of granite . Originally there a single vertical column of hieroglyphics running down

O each of the four sides of each belisk, but afterwards e a scenes w re added, in which H tshepset and her father ” and brother are depicted in the act of making 0 erings

A -R5 n h “ to men the ame of t is god was erased , and often

A -h ete IV e k n a . his ﬁgure lso , by men p , the h retic i g, but it was re-cut wherever possible by the early king s of

XIXth Of th e the Dynasty . On each four sides of the base of the standing Obelisk are eight lines of inscrip ’ n tion, which record the queen s ames and titles and n declare her Object in setti g up the obelisks . She “ says , She herself) hath made monuments to her “ A father men , the lord of the thrones of the two lands,

th e A dweller in the pts , and she hath made for him two s great obeli ks of granite of the south, and the

O f summit each is covered with copper and gold , the very best which can be Obtained from the countries of

s the world . They shall be seen from untold di tances , and they shall ﬂood the two lands with their rays of

’ I 8 HAT S H E P S E T S O BE LIS K S 1533 My Majesty began to work on them on the ﬁrst day h of the second month of the season Pert, of the ﬁfteent

and so year of my reign, continued to do until the

Sh emut last day of the fourth month of the season of , in the sixteenth year of my reign , that is to say , the 1 work l asted seven months from the time when it ” was A an begun in the mountain [at sw ] . The height Of the Obeli sk of Hei tsh epset now standing is

- about ninety eight feet, and it has been estimated to weigh over 365 0 tons ; the se ﬁgures will give an idea of the vast amount of Skill and practice required to cut

1 Th e following i s th e Eg yptian c alen dar

MO NTH .

b Th oth . Q (9

Ph arm uth i . l Q (1)

N W W ‘ H ath d or . P k h a On .

Kh i a Pa Oni o k . .

TOb i .

Mek h ir M e . e Or s e .

a Se ason f s in o ow g . b Th m nth o f Th o th an n Au u 2 e o b eg o g st 9 . 0 Se n f r i n aso o g ow g . d Season of h arvest an d inun ati on d . e Th e ear c on si ste o f 1 2 m onth s e ach c ontai ni n y , g 30 a s and d d y , O f 5 e a om en al a s p g d y . 1 533] T HE S PE O S ART E M ID O S [ 9

the blocks out of their beds in the quarry, and to ﬂoat

m - the down the river . and to set them up without break or injury ; and when we remember that the quarrying , and transport , and erection , and inscribing were all done in seven months the matter savours of the marvellous . To carry on her great building operations H atshepset

found it necessary to work the old quarries in Egypt, and the inscriptions in the wadi Maghara and else where in the Sinaitic Peninsula prove that the old

re - and mines there also were opened , , judging from the ’ roﬁt queen s well attested practical ability, they were p w d ably orked un er competent superintendence . The ruins ‘ O f buildings in many parts of Egypt contain the m a na e . of H tshepset, and there is no doubt that the restorations which Sh e carried out were both many in

number and considerable in extent , but the fragmentary inscriptions which are found upon them teach us e n littl . Of special i terest, however , is the remarkable little temple which she built in honour of the goddess Pakht near the modern Arab Village of Beni Hasan in “ ” U S ecs Artemidos pper Egypt ; the Greeks called it p , and the name by which it is known to the Arabs i s

‘ ‘ ” i e A l . Stab A . ntar , , the Stable of ntar, a famous

A who rab hero was endowed with all the strength ,

beauty , and ability which it is possible for mortal man Goléni h ff s In . sc e to posses . this temple M copied in 1 881 an inscri ption which throws considerable light

n th e a upo building policy of H tshepset, and shows 33 z c HAT S H E P SE T RE B U IL D S T HE T E M PLE S [B . C . 15 that she restored the shrines of many gods and re- s i n m goddesses, and establi hed their worship the , and it seems as if sh e pre sented them with images 5 7 3 made of gold and copper , ( 1 . She claims that 35 c ” 1 m submit y will made foreign lands to , and that the

Rush au foreign peoples , , and I M k § Qﬂ “ q A from , E§ & did not hide themselves She out before her Majesty . cleared and rebuilt the

cf l W temple of the goddess Hathor Cusae , ’ hose m[ 62 Shrine had become completely buried under the ruins

the l n of bui di g , and whose hall had become a play n 2 ground for the childre , who danced about in it , and she repaired the shrines cf the Khemenniu gods

Khnemu He et Re and of , and q , and

TIeEet Meskhenet ehemauai Neh ebk au , and , and N , and .

Most interesting of all , however , is the passage in “ 0 which the queen says , Hearken unto me then , ye “ ma : I e people , whosoever ye y be have done thes n I thi gs with a humble and a lowly heart . have

n h In i I made to ﬂourish agai that w ich was ru ns , and have rai sed up the buildings which were begun in Olden

Aamu In time , for there were the , k Eﬁ horde s in the middle o f the country of the north and m ‘ f E h il r h hi g fﬁ S HIRE EEEEIIIS P D E S T RO YE D BY T HE HYKS O S 2 1

In Avarl s i s , E] g CT and hordes of fore gner , h C ID j k R f ET of t eir peoples over d threw the buildings , and they reigne having _ no ” 1 d of Re In the knowle ge whatsoever the god . Aamu who are mentioned here we have a plain refer ence to the Semitic hordes who are commonly called the Hyksos, and the allusions to destruction of build

to A ings which they wrought, and their city varis , make it quite certain that HEtshepset is speaking of the older period of th e occupation of the country when they destroyed the temples of the gods, and knew

Ra hi s inscri nothing about the god and worship . The p

is was tion of great value , as showing that the queen wishful to care for the shrines of the old goddesses as Am -Ra well as for the comparatively new god en , the

the king of gods . ’ It has already been mentioned that one of Hatshepset s ' ” e Khn m t A i e f e e . i clo el . s s titl s was men, , she who y A ” w related to men , and we kno that it was a title of a very rare occurrence , and in the case of H tshepset it

w as believed to have a very special signiﬁcation, for she

she was ff A thought that the o spring of the god men , and

his ﬂ bone of bone, and esh of his ﬂesh . On the northern 2 wall of the middle colonnade of her temple at Der al M i Tcheser-Tcheser Bahar , which she called g , ,

1 Se e th e a er a n d text b Goléni sch eﬁ in Recu ezl to m iii p p y . . 1 — 3 to m i 2 pp . ; . v . p . 0 . 2

Navill 0 . l e cit t. 1 1 . 4 6 if. , p , p , p 2 2 HAT S HE PS E ’I‘ DAUG H T E R O F AM E N - RA [ BC 1533 i e A . . , the Holy of Holies [of men] are a number of scene s which are very important as showing the views h A which t e queen held as to her origin . The god men one day summoned the twelve great gods of Egypt to

him i M nthu Tefnut e . e , . , , Temu , Shu , , Seb , Nut , Osiris , Is ‘ H is, Nephthys , Set , Horus , and athor, and told them

that a great princess was to be born, and asked them to take her under their protection and to make her rich “ s I and pro perous, for , said he, am going to unite in “ I peace for her the two lands , and am going to give

u a her all lands . The gods , of co rse, greed to do A what men asked them . This having been arranged , T Am hoth , the spirit of the creator, led the god en into

Aahmes m the place where was queen , who beca e the t a A mo her of H tshepset , and he caused men to make her

of l A to inhale the breath ife . Next men took upon s Th othm I es . him elf the form of , the husband of queen Aa mes r h , and ente ed into a chamber and took his seat oppo site to her ; with his right hand he presented to “ 5 her and the symbol of life, 33 with his left he held to “ ” her nostrils another symbol of life , wherefrom she “ ” the i od inhaled breath and attribute of l fe . The g and the q ueen sat Upon a seat which was supported by the goddes ses Neith and Selq these goddesses sat upon a

s l couch , the top of the four egs of which were made in

v the form of the heads of lions . The queen recei ed the

cf w h caresses the god ith joy, and she in aled from him A n the breath of life , and as me was about to leave her he announced to her that Sh e would give birth to a 1533] KHNE M U C RE AT E S HE R BO DY 2 3

own u daughter who would be his child, and who wo ld

eign over the two lands of Egypt , and would become r . d the sovereign of the whole worl .

t Khnemu When the god lef the queen he sent for , the god who is said to have assisted in performing the behests of Thoth which resulted in the creation

m an of the world , and to have fashioned the ﬁrst ’ upon a potter s wheel , and asked him to fashion for u him the body of his daughter, who was abo t to

Aé mes In be born into this world of queen h . ’ “ A Kh nemu d I i answer to men s request replie , w ll “ fashion the body of thy daughter for thee , and her appearance Shall be more glorious than that of th e gods, since She Is destined to the exalted rank of ” and Khnemu King of the South North . Thereupon ei tshe set fashioned two bodies exactly alike , and since H p d decreed that she was to be represente in male form , the bodies were made to be those of two little boys one

’ h of was t at the future queen (king) , and the other that “ ” ka l of her or double, which whether in ife or in death

was never to leave the body of the queen . When Khnemu had ﬁnished fashioning the bodies his work but was done ; they were without life , and remained

He et Khnemu inanimate until the goddess q , the wife of ,

i n fro headed who was represented the form of a g woman ,

h aVIn stepped forward , and g knelt down , held up to their s mb ol of nostrils the y life, wherefrom they inhaled the

li In l V sou s . breath of life , and so became g When Khnemu had created the bodies of the queen and 2 4 HE Q E T G IVE S HE R A S O U L [ B . C . 1533

he m Aahmes her , Thoth went to her other and recited to her the titles and dignities which had been ordered to be conferred upon the daughter to whom She was about At to give birth . length , when her appointed time

Khnemu e et arrived , and his wife H q led her into the w a chamber here she was to bring forth H tshepset, and among the titles which were given to her was one which declared that she was to be the sovereign of all women, U U U U In due course the queen gave birth to her daughter Hatshepset in the presence of several

s goddesses , and of the pirits of the North , and South,

and Meskh enet and East , West, and of the goddess , the

- genius of the birth chamber , and of the deities Ta urt and d m Bes the queen received her aughter in her ar s , and a goddess standing behind her at the same time touched

on w her her head ith the symbol of life . Shortly after h Am n a s t is e went to see his daughter H tshep et, and she was shown to him by the goddess Hathor , and as “ soon as he saw her he addressed her as daughter of “ M a -k a-Ra my body, a t , emanation glorious, thou ex n alted issue of my loi s, thou shalt sit upon the throne of Horus and have dominion o ver the two lands like RE A t k — . oo s men then his daughter into his arm ,

and embraced her and kissed her lovingly, and declared

She i tsh . e set that should be the sovereign of Egypt H p , h having been acknowledged by her father, was t en handed over to the Hathor goddesses and the other deities who presided over the rearing and safety of ” Ira n b children, and the fourteen , or dou les, which

’ 2 6 HAT S H E P S E T S J O U RN E Y T H RO U G H E G YPT 1533

od years equal unto those of the g Set, with power . When the ceremony of puriﬁcation was ended Hat sh e set Thothmes I p set out with her human father , . , to

V She isit the shrines of the gods of Egypt, and is at this “ s s time de cribed as being mo t beautiful , with the voice ” od and od soul of a g , the form of a g , and her was that

od wa Sh e of a g , and she acted in every y like a god; was “ ” s H t a beautiful dam el , and the goddess a ch made her form and beauty to increase . She went to the shrines H A Menthu Khnemu of Hathor, atchet, men , Temu , , ,

all and the other gods of the South and North , and they accepted her, and took her under their protection and they foretold what she would do when she came to

It from ih reign . is pretty clear the wording of the scription which relate s these details that the young prince ss made a pilgrimage which extended as far as Per -Hatchet in the north and as Elephantine in the south ; Heliopoli s 1 s mentioned among the cities which A she visited , but not bydos , the shrine of Osiris . On her way it is probable that certain repairs and restora

s out tion were carried by her father and herself, for “ the texts speak of her as restoring what was in “ ruins , and setting up monuments in thy temples, and providing the altars of the god who begot thee with

ff s o ering in abundance . The gods in their speech “ s d s al o refer to her great eeds , and say, Thou make t thy “ way through mountainous lands innumerable , and makest thyself master of them thou seiz est the lands G Thehennu M m of the ] UO ; thou smitest with thy - C . B . 1533] S HE IS M AD E C O RE G E NT 2 7

A i s off weapons the devilish nti , and cutte t llllllill ‘

" the heads of their soldiers ; thou art master of the

t nu y ] s Re en , {3 M noble of , i ) E , with slaughter ings after the manne o fthy father thou hast tribute

r ’ from the people and tak est priscners by hundreds of thousand s ; thou makest them to be workmen on the

lands and estates of the temples , and thou bringest sacriﬁces (or offerings) into the temple of the Apts Karnak) to the steps of the shrine of the king ” A - l Ra n . men , the lord of the thrones of the two la ds After Hatshepset had Visited the shrines she was

od A wh o again presented to the g men , superintended the performance of another ceremony in which she was brought into a sacred chamber and was arrayed in

the garb of the god Osiris, and was made to hold in her

hands the whip (or, ﬂail) and crook (or sceptre) , with

h od whic this g is always represented, and the united crown-s of the South and North were placed Upon her

a was head . The princess H tshepset then ready to be

crowned ruler of all Egypt, and although her elevation to the throne seems to have been against the wishe s of

the greater number of the people of Egypt, her father,

Thothmes I cc - . , determined to make her regent . To carry this into effect he caused a suitable tent to be d prepared , and the princess, having onned the garb of a

t to s m man, was led for h by her father , who said the as e d “ I a ble nobles , hereby set my daughter H tshepset

1 For h x Na lle o ci l t e te t s e e vi . t . 3 t p a e 5 7 . , , p , p 2 8 C O RO NAT IO N O F HAT S H E P S E T

in my place and seat her upon my throne, and from this time forward Sh e shall sit on the holy throne with S steps . She hall give her commands unto all the s S be d dweller in the palace , and she hall your lea er ,

and ye shall hearken unto her words , and obey her

t sc ever commands . shall ascribe praise unto her S hall live , but he who speaketh evil against her ” s s d Maje ty shall die . The noble heard the wor s of the king and forthwith they cast themselves down

new before their sovereign and did homage, and then

1 they rose up and danced for j oy ; when the king saw

hi s h e that they accepted daug t r, though a maiden, as

and their ruler he rejoiced, ordered the chiefs of the learned men to come into his pre sence and to draw up “ ” i e ne w . . the great names of the queen , , her Horus n name , and the other ames which have already been h described at the beginning of t is section . The names having been decided upon , the new queen was led into “ ” od 0 the great house , and the g Khas , T , poured was She water over her , and when this done went into another part of the building, where the double crown was placed upon her head by two priests , who had dressed themselves to repre sent the gods Horus and Set the day on which this ceremony was performed

e s new was mad the ﬁr t day of a chronological era , and h t e reign of the queen was reckoned from it . The above — is a brief account of the ceremonies which were per “ h Thothmes I d d u of formed w en . ecided that the a ghter ” Amen should become the queen of Egypt . I T HE RE IG N O F T HO T HM E S II .

CG) £ 223 a] g (C§ m[l RA-MEN- KH EPER

TEHUTI - MES III son of the Sun , [ ] .

H T -ME II E III T T HM . TE U I S I . HO S , or ,

Mis hra muthcsis cf the p g Manetho , was

Th othmes II the son of . by the queen A set, and the nephew of the great queen a H tshepset, and the grandson of Thoth I mes . according to the versions of the King List of Manetho which have come

w -Six down to us, he reigned t enty years , b ut the dated monuments prove that he

KA -NE KHT -K HA i i m m “ cla med to have re gned more than double , t h i In that t me , and that he must have cluded in his reckoning the years which

- i hi s he ruled as cc regent w th aunt . He ascended the t hrone on the third or fourth day of the ﬁrst month of h mut i e o Pakhcns S e . . the season , , the month Pakh n , or ,

n i s whe he was still a ch ld, and the royal titles as igned “ l to him were , Mighty Bull , rising ike the sun in ” “ i ” “ Thebes, M ghty Bull, crowned with truth , the ” L n “ B ord , maker of created thi gs , Mighty ull , exalted ” “ the by truth , the King , established like sun in ” “ ” “ ” heaven , the Horus of gold , holy one of crowns , ” “ Prince, doubly brave , and , of course , lord of the

P - Thothmes shrines of Nekhebet and er Hatchet . died on the last day of the third month of the season 1 30 D E AT H O F HAT S H E P S E T [3 0 . 533

P i ﬁft - e . Phamenoth ert , . , the month , in the y fourth

his year of reign, and he must therefore have reigned

ﬁft - w - cc - about y three years , t enty one years as regent

a t - In H . with tshepse , and about thirty two years alone the last year or two of his life he seems to have associated A -hete II him men p . with in the rule of the kingdom .

As a s Th othmes III soon as H tshep et died , . found himself compelled to Undertake a series of warlike expeditions on a scale which the Egyptian s had never in before contemplated , for every portion of the Egyptian empire th e nations that had paid tribute to his aunt suddenly refused to continue to do this , and all the desert tribes in We stern Asia and in Nubia threw off in the Egyptian yoke , and proclaimed themselves

n m Thcthmes I depende t . The punish ents which . had t inﬂicted upon them were entirely forgot en , and the new generations which had grown up during the reigns

Th othmes II HétSh e set v of . and p seem never to ha e

- had any deep seated fear of those sovereigns of Egypt, and leagues against Egypt were made by the allied the l tribes , each with other, in a quick and a arming

s manner . The young king of Egypt , for he mu t have t been under thir y years of age , soon found that the policy of H atshe pset had brought in its train serious trouble , and that almost every tribe and nation which had formerly acknowledged the supremacy of Egypt was a in a state of hostility towards him . H tshepset boasted that the people of Northern Syria paid tribute to but it e her, is quite clear that ev n in her time Egypt 1 HAT S H E P SE T H AT E D BY T HO T HM E S III . 3 had well-nigh lost in that country the inﬂuence which her father had obtained there in fact , the Syrian , and the man of the desert, and the Negro were all waiting d for her eath , and all seem to have decided that when this event took place - they would cease to carry their

[ gifts to Egypt , where they were employed chieﬂy in building great temples in honour of gods who were

v strange to them . Of the pri ate life and character of Thothmes III n . we know nothi g , but the inscriptions which he left behind on his buildings at Karnak prove that he was both a great soldier and a great builder . It may be urged that b e displayed the possession of a small mind in hammering out the inscriptions and ﬁgures of queen Hatshepset from the walls of her

Der al- h i temple at Ba ar , but considering the strength of his hatred for his aunt, and his absolute power , the wonder is not that he destroyed so much , but that he

s l did not de troy more . We can only be thankfu that h - l e did not overthrow the whole bui ding . The chief authorities for the military expeditions " Thothmes III o i ci al A undertaken by . are the nnals which are inscribed on a part of the Temple of 1 A - - eb Karnak , and an inscription of men em h , one of

Thothm es III the generals of . , who died in the reign

A - ete II i Kﬁrna of men h p . and was bur ed at , on the

1 F or th e t xt Le siu D nkm a l rf iii lat 31 n 2 e s s ee s e e . e s a d 3 p , , p ; Mari ette Koom/ ale l if M r e i l i i 4 . 5 as e o R c ue tom 8 ﬂ , , p . ; p , , . . p . ; Bir h Th e Annals o Th thm es II L n n A a l i , f o I . o o 185 3 rch eo c a c , d , ( g , l xxx 1 1 v o v . 6 . . p I M I I 1533 32 T HE RE G N O F T HO T H E S I .

western bank of the Nile, opposite Thebes ; from these the following facts have been compiled The Annals open with a statement to the effect Thothmes III the that . gave the order that narrative

V s the h ad of the ictorie , and a list of spoil which he

gained by them, should be inscribed upon the temple

od A - Ré built by him in honour of the g men , who V 2 h had made him to be ictorious . On the 5t day of the fourth month of the season Pert Phar

22nd Thothmes III muthi) , in the year of his reign , .

Tch alu 63 was in the city of , k , , in his ﬁrst n y campaig to enlarge the frontiers of Eg pt . The people 6 Reth ennu : of the country of the , g had been in

a disturbed state for some years past, and the only h e loyal cities t at were left to Egypt wer Sharuhen ,

and Irtcha O w , , qq Ak and da the villages as far as the swamps . On the third y of ﬁ Shemut PakhOn the rst month of the season ) , in

23rd his the year of reign , which was the anniversary

Thothmes III of his accession day, . was at Gaza ,

n a w E m ma d k A , which he left two ays later in order to set out on the expedition which Amen '

Rei . had ordered him to undertake The next day , the

6th Ihem U , he arrived at , qq k where he

held a council of war , and learned that the peoples of Neherina u and , and the Shas , and the Kharu, the

etshu d Q had ma e a league together , and had assembled

34 AT T AC K O N M E G IDD O [ 3 0 1533 and its left stretching out along the plain and reaching to Megiddo on its north -western Side ; the king standing upright in his bright metal chariot occupied

his the centre , and to troops he appeared like the god

Menthu . Horus with his spear, or the god of Thebes

The allied hosts of the enemy , who did not expect to

l in da w be attacked so ear y the y , were struck ith

r horror and dismay , and having left thei chariots and

s u inh abi hor es they ﬂed to the city for ref ge , but the n h ad tants of the city, seei g what happened , and having no wi sh that the Egyptian soldiers should gain

s posse sion of the city as well as capture their enemies ,

promptly shut the gates and refused to open them . Some of the inhabitants of the city let down cords and drew up the leaders of the revolt by means of them over the walls ; in this way the prince of Kadesh and i m the pr nce of Megiddo escaped fro the Egyptians ,

but the fear of the king of Egypt had paralyzed them , and their limbs shock with terror at the Sight of th e

slaughter which he had made . Meanwhile the Egyptians returned to the stricken

S ﬁeld , and gathered together the gold and ilver plated

' da ers and h chariots of their enemies , and the gg ot er

off weapons , and having cut a hand from each corpse,

and collected their prisoners, they brought all their spoil t S before the king , whom they greeted wi h houts of joy . w The king, however, was not as ell pleased as they

were , for had they pressed home their ﬁrst attack and

followed up their foes to the walls of Megiddo , instead S U RRE ND E R O F M E G IDD O 35

of turning aside to take spoil , the city would have been in his hands, and to have taken the city that day would have been equivalent to taking a thousand cities , because all the leaders of the revolt were shut up

n do inside it . The only thi g left for the king to was V w m d to take the city, and with this object in ie he a e n i his arra gements . He stat oned his soldiers round the city, and having provided shelters for them made of the h e wood of the trees which he cut down , caused a ditch

' to be dug all round the city ; he encircled the ditch

h his wit a wooden fence , behind which he placed men t , and to the east he built a sor of blockhouse “ ” 1 Men- r- Ra-uah - which he called khepe Sati , and d occupied it himself. The inhabitants of Megi do soon u found that they could not get out to obtain s pplies , and that supplies could not be brought in to them , and " when they further discovered that the Egyptian soldiers k e t constant Thothmes III vigil they surrendered to . , p / and marching out they brought gifts and laid them at his feet . The annalist says that a diary of the war

the was kept, and that all mighty deeds which were

e performed by the king were written th rein , and that a copy of it was made upon a leather roll which was A laid up in the temple of men . The Spoil obtained from Megiddo was very great ; and a hi enumerated in s 204 1 mong other t ngs the li t are mares , 34 0 191 200 prisoners, young horses , suits of armour

l - - I . e M n h R h i th A i i . e e er é w o u ete th e s at cs . , k p q 36 T HE S PO IL O F M E G IDD O

5 02 924 bows , chariots , one chariot with a canopy plated

the with gold , chariot of a chief which also was gold

its plated , the tent of the prince of Kadesh with seven 1 94 9 n 2 000 poles of choice wood inlaid with silver , oxe ,

296 . A goats , bulls , sheep mong this booty were

88 off hands , each of which had been cut from a dead

the foe , and thus it seems that the actual loss of life in

not n battle was very great . From the cou try of Syria generally the king also obtained much spoil and m n viz 1 96 1 3 . 7 0 any priso ers , , men and women slaves , s n 87 tarvi g captives of the enemy, sons of chiefs and others , a large Syrian cup , a large number of vases and 97 w d vessels of all shapes and sizes , s or s weighing 1784 n 966 pounds , gold and silver rings weighi g pounds , a silver statue with a head of gold , objects n made of ivory , ebony , etc . , i laid with gold , thrones

- a and footstools , ivory and cedar wood t bles inlaid with t gold and precious s ones, the sceptre of the chief of the

s enemy inlaid with gold , ves els of bronze , clothing , etc . By the orders of the king a list was made of all the corn lands which lay between Megiddo and the waste lands , and , the amount of the corn which they produced in one harvest having been calculated by the king’s ofﬁcer , the people of the district were compelled to give

and did measures of corn , this not include what the Egyptian troops had cut for their use mean

Thothmes III n while . With this great booty . retur ed

s a re to Egypt, and the inhabitant of the country pp ciated highly the results of the expedition which 1533] S E C O E X E IT IO T O S y R A 37 ND P D N g, brought into their possession such vast quantities of valuable property .

n 24 th Thothmes III I the year of his reign . set out on his second expedition against the tribes P of alestine and Syria , and he brought back with

- him pieces of lapis lazuli , vessels of gold , and silver, and precious stones , which had been brought to him A ’ by the governor of ssyria, and a king s daughter, and

- 65 ornaments of gold and silver , lapis lazuli , slaves , 9 chariots plated with gold , bulls, oxen, sheep and 823 goats , suits of bronze armour, vessels of 17 18 w vessels of wine, honey, ivory , and precious oods

Rethennu In 25th from the chiefs of the . the year of his Thothmes III reign . marched into Northern Syria , and occupied the whole of the country to the west of the city of Aleppo and in the neighbourhood of Kark émish ; in addition to the various gifts which were given to him by the tribes which may be described as his he vassals , brought back a number of plants or shrubs which were highly prized in Egypt, for he wished to introduce the cultivation of them into the country . These plants were so highly appreciated that representations of them were sculptured upon A - Ra the walls of the temple of men at Thebes .

Thothmes III n 26th . sent expeditio s into Syria in the

27th no d m and years of his reign , but recor s of the It is have been preserved . probable that they were only undertaken to collect the annual tribute which the Eg yptian king had imposed upon the tribes of the 38 S IXT H E XPE D IT IO N T O S YRIA

fdi“ country, had there been any serious ﬁghting we should probably have been told about it by some “ - - In 0 oer or general like Amen em heb . the 28th

hi Thothmes III e s . year of reign march d into Syria, with the intention of reducing the whole country in the neighbourhood of Aleppo ; this done he marched to “ Kark émish s Neh erna , and pas ing the water of he n entered and took possessio of the country of Mitanni ,

w Md thcna k , one of the chief cities

Tuni m a l en u of which was p, p , or

[V / M a Ta m a t{ Kk p the spoil taken from s— s the city comprised gold, silver , lapi lazuli , vessel of copper , and some hundreds of captives, and the

s Egyptian seized a boat on one of the rivers near , i n n which was laden w th copper . On the retur j our ey Th othmes III th s to Egypt . attacked e ﬂouri hing city

A e nd of rvad, apparently about the of the time of

v th e c was n har est , for orn bei g threshed, and the grapes were being trodden in the wine -presses ; the

was the cut city taken , and trees down , and the land laid waste , and when the Egyptian soldiers had laden themselves with all they could carry they departed to their own country, fully satisﬁed with their booty . T hey took with them silver , copper , precious stones ,

s s incen e , wine , grain , horses , heep and cattle , etc .

In 3oth Thothm es III the year of his reign . set out once

“ Reth ennu more to the country of the , and wheresoever he went he cut down the tree s and reaped the corn ; B. C 1533 . ] C A T RE O F KA E S H S IMYRA E T C . P U D , , 39

w he took the cities of Kadesh , jz ﬁ , and [I—J] Sl m ra m a Tak am aru y , and made another 0 u c1t A a attack pon the y of rvad, w q 50 I h ﬁ It Aru thtu . , which was once more despoiled seems that the chiefs of the country had not yet decided to u accept the r le of Egypt without a struggle , for in d Th othmes III order to ensure their goo behaviour . felt obliged to carry some of their sons and brothers off A to Egypt and to hold them there as hostages . mong h “ the spoil taken on t is, the sixth expedition of the / 200 188 4 0 king, were nearly prisoners , mares , and 31 st Th othmes III In . chariots . the year of his reign

k Anruthu z : om too the city of , which 111 I seems to have been situated on a river or lake in

Neserna AN V\N\ 13 Northern Syria called , k , and 5 00 u captured about prisoners , together with a n mber

” of horses and chariots ; on the same expedition the

Rethennu chiefs of the paid him a very large tribute , t which comprised the usual precious metals and s ones,

his copper , sheep and cattle , etc . On return to Egypt he found a company of people who had been sent from

Nubia , and the country lying to the south of it, to him present to tribute, which consisted of gum, cattle ,

s ivory, ebony, and black laves ; and the people of

Uauat . , a district in Nubia , sent a number of cattle O f the expedition in the 32nd year of the reign of

h thm es III n n in T o . 33rd r we know othi g, but his yea 4 0 E LE PH AN T H U NT N E AR Ni

Tch ahi he marched through the land of ,

P Nehern hoenicia, and then on to the country of , or M M M

Ncherina, he took all FD N V\NV\ the cities in this region , and killed or put to ﬂight

i 1nh ab1 tants 1n ‘ th e i N1 the r , and c ty of , q [1 w hich was situated near a river, he set up a memorial tablet, side by side with the tablet which his grand m Thoth es I . father, , had set up there , to mark the limit of the Egyptian Empire to the east in Western As Ni ia . The city of was formerly supposed to h represent the city of Nineve , but this was due d “ ” to a misunderstanding, whereby the wor s en Ni , N W “ v w w d M] of the country of Ni , were rea ‘ “ Neni or Nini , which in the early days of Egypto logy was thought to be a faithful transcription of the ’ Ninewéh Hebrew form of the name . The name of the city of Nineveh seems not yet to have been found in

hiero l hl c i s the g yp n criptions, probably because the city but was not yet in existence , if it was it was too far to

A s the north in the kingdom of s yria, I w Assure , to be of any great size or importance . Whilst Thothmes III i a . was in the neighbourhood of N , ccord ing to the statement of one of his generals called

A - - eb w men em h , he hunted elephants and sle one n A o hundred and twe ty . m ng those who sent a gift to m [ Z3 him was the king of Sinjar, é ri ; k

4 2 T RIBU T E O F T HE S H AS U [ B . C. 1533 a number of horses and men in order to resist the n u advance of the Egyptian ki g . The res lt was the

s u ual one , for the Egyptians defeated their foes , who were compelled to give them chariots inlaid with gold and silver , suits of armour, weapons of bronze , bows, n to . I etc . , and to promise pay tribute in future years the same year the people of Kush also sent the usual

gifts of slaves, ivory , ebony , cattle , etc . , besides a large n qua tity of grain .

n Th othmes III The thirteenth expeditio of . took 38 place in the th year of his reign , and having marched into P hoenicia he directed his cou rse towards the district of Anauk asa ; having laid waste one or more rebellious cities , the inhabitants came and brought to him gifts similar in many respects

s n h s to tho e of the eig bouring nations . The king of

Arurekh Asi P u Uauat s , (Cyprus nt , and also ent

In 89 Thothmes III tribute . the th year of his reign .

l Rethennu t s marched into the and of the , and using hi

country as a base for operations , he made attacks upon the nomad desert tribes that lived in the country of

Western Mesopotamia , and were called the Shasu , — — M k a Qflfin We have no details of the t result of these a tacks , but it is probable that the great shékhs who were owners of large flocks

wh o and herds , and could not in consequence escape k n into the desert , gave gifts to the i g of Egypt, which were duly enumerated among the tribute which h thm T o e . was received during that year . But s III T HE E GYPT IAN G E N E RAL AME N -E M -HE B 4 3 could never have possessed any real power over the n purely desert tribes , for by retreati g into the fastnesses t of the deser , to which they were well accustomed, they were ableto place themselves beyond the reach of their u pursuers . Want of water has always been a serio s obstacle to the passage of that “ great and terrible ” s de ert, and the transport arrangements of the Egyptian hm II h Th ot es I . army must, even under , ave been of a

most elementary character . In the 4 0th and 4 1 st years of his reign he received n s Reth ennu tribute from the ki g of Cyprus , , Kheta,

u Uauat and from the Nubian districts of K sh and .

‘ In the 4 2nd year of his reign he made his last t n expedition into Nor hern Syria , and on this occasio h e Tune A laid waste the cities of p, rkata, and all

the region round about the city of Kadesh, and part

hern - - Ne . A eb of the country of His general , men em h ,

da s tells us that one y whilst the force , both chariots

Th othmes and soldiers , of were drawn up ready to make

n an an attack , the king of Kadesh tur ed out a mare d t sent her owards the Egyptian stallions , which at once became very much excited and were on the point of

n , s breaki g loose . The situation was , however, aved by

A - - men em heb , who ran after the mare and having ripped

off her open with his sword, cut her tail, which he n 1 t prese ted to the king . The ribute collected by

Thothmes III . on this expedition was very large , and it 7 00 300 comprised about prisoners , about slaves , male

1 Se e Borch ar t A Z i tschf i t ol e . e r v . 31 1 8 3 , g f , 9 . 61 . d , , p E AT H M S III 1533 4 4 D O F T HO T H E .

and female , horses , mares, vessels of gold and silver,

s s d - kin of beasts, lea , suits of armour, lapis lazuli , copper,

In Uauat l etc . the same year the people of sent a arge

quantity of gold to the king, and the prince of another n Uauat foreig land, probably near , sent him a vessel in A silver, and three massive vessels in bronze . The nnals end with the account of the expedi tion undertaken in ’ It is the 4 2nd year of the king s reign . impossible to think that no further expeditions were undertaken during the last twelve years of the reign of Th othmes II b I . s , for had this een the case few, if any, of the tribe and nations would have paid the tribute due from them but it is extremely probable that the king no longer n n conducted them in perso , and that he ha ded over the command of further expeditions to his son or to his generals . In the 5 0th year of his reign it seem s as if some

s ubians military operation were conducted against the N ,

s for an inscription , which was di covered by the late

VVilbour I a Mr . , on a rock on the sland of S hal in the m 22nd First Cataract, entions that on the day of the Shemut 5 0th ﬁrst month of the season , in the year of

Thothmes III the reign of . , the king commanded that

h ad the old canal in the Cataract, which become blocked w out s up ith stones , should be cleared , and that thi having been done he went on his way to the south with u 1 a joyf l heart .

80th d a Four years later the king died , on the y 1 f l m i Recu ei to x ii 203 . , . . p . T O M B O F T HO T HM E S 4 5

m Ph amenoth b i n of the onth , and was uried a tomb which was specially prepared for him l n the Valley of

the Tombs of the Kings . This tomb was discovered M by . Loret in the

S 1 898 and pring of , it lies at a short distance from the tomb of

Rameses III . The walls of the chambers of the tomb are ornamented d with ﬁgures of go s , and inscriptions , among others being a long list of ods ‘ and g , a complete copy of the funeral work “ entitled , Book of know ing w hat is in the under ” a world . On column in the second chamber we

Thothmes see a ﬁgure of , followed by those of his

A his mother set, and h wives and daug ter .

The sarcophagus was, of

. to course , found be ’ empty , for the king s

A Ne ro rom N bia mummy was removed g f u . to n - Der al- i from its tomb the hidi g place at Bahar , '

E C KE R C. 1533 4 6 T HE MUMMY O F T HO T HME S III . WR D (

" where it was found with its co 1 n about twenty u n years ago . The m mmy measured rather less tha

ﬁve feet in height, and when it was opened in July , 1 881 , it was found to be in a most deplorable state ; it had been broken into three pieces by the tomb d robbers , in ancient ays , but these had been placed

together, and the whole , with the hel p of some short

e d h bodV pi ces of woo , whic were employed to give the

re - rigidity , had been bandaged, probably at some time i I h D n the XVII t ynasty . The covering was torn into a n three strips , and was inscribed with most interesti g w I text, hich is now known as Chapter CL V . of the Book 1 u of the Dead, and with extracts from the f neral work “ ” the n which is generally called Lita y of the Sun . One 2 vertical line of hieroglyphics states that it was king

A -h ete II Th othmes III men p . , the son of . , who made _ “ “ monuments to his father, and who had the texts

' which would make the spirit of the deceased king Q r R pe fect done in writing, Ll I

It has already been said that the Annals of

hme III Thot s . are , in places , very fragmentary, but there are two documents which must be noticed in

1 T h e oldest C opy of th i s Ch apter i s foun d in th e Papy rus o f N11 N sh ee t 1 8 s ee m Cha ters o Comin Bri Mus . o . ( t . ) y p f g 3 Forth b Da text . 98 . y y , , p ’ 2 4 . m c Ro a les . Mas ero Les Mo es y , 5 8 p , p 1533] T HE C AM PAIG N S O F AM E N-E M- HE B 4 7

' 1 connexion with them ; the ﬁrst is the inscription 2 which is found on the walls of the tomb of Amen -em

‘ e Abd al- heb at Sh kh Kurna, and the second is the

Thothmes III inscription on the stele of . preserved in

W A s the Cairo Museum, in hich the god men addre ses the king and gives a summary of all the great works A n- - u which he made him to do . me em heb tells s that he was the greatly trusted and intimate friend of the w king of the South and North, and that he follo ed his lord to the lands of the North and South . He went to M M N \ k w A the land of Ne eb 25 near leppo , and captured three prisoners alive ; when he went with

Neh ern the king to he captured another prisoner, Uan and later, when he went to the country of ,

x 7 é" Q M s A Q3 f , to the we t of leppo ,

m a Kharebu 1 3 i k J , he captured

r Aamu 70 e 1 3 prisone s of the , ass s , bronze weapons ,

. Kark émish etc He next went with his king to , O E A El d k mk g q , where he a “ c ptured more prisoners , and sailing over the wate r ” - Neh ern Sentch ar of , he entered the region of , lAk 1m a He was present at the siege of

1 ’ - See E ers Ae . Z ei ts chm t 1 8 3 , g f 7 . 1 9 63 64 Ch a a s b , , pp , , ; b , m 1 — Mélan es to . 1 . 2 3 . 79 06 . g , pp 2 It c ontain s im ortant sc ene s in h i ch th e S p w y ri an s an d o th ers are e i cte rin in tri u te to th e in d p d b g g b k g . ’ 4 8 AME N -E M -HE B SAVE S HIS MAST E R S LIFE 1533

d s Ka e h , and his bravery was so great that he was In specially rewarded by the king . the land of

“

ThakhSI i , h ﬂw ’ he took more pr soners and was

again rewarded , and whilst he was in the neighbour

of Ni n n hood , qq he helped the ki g to hu t Q G 120 rw w w elephants , ““ J The largest

a n k b ut of the eleph ts hunted turned upon the ing, ’ Amen -em -heb probably saved his master s life by 1 cutting off the trunk of the beast whilst he was still l a ive ; for this act of bravery he was again rewarded . The episode of the mare at Kade sh has already

been referred to, and we pass on to his next deed of n valour, when he succeeded in maki g a breach in the new walls which ' the king of Kadesh had

a nd raised up round his city , in leading the Egyptians through it into the headquarters of the enemy ; h r . u e afte this exploit he returned to Egypt Th s,

says , the king passed many happy years in ﬁghting, 1 ] o and so lived from the l st to the 54 th year of his reign ; on the last day Ph amenoth was of he departed to heaven , and united ’ A l to the sun s disk ten, and became a fol ower of the

A - - eb god . men em h lived for some years during the

-h II A ete . reign of men p , the son and successor of

“ 2 Literall I u ﬁ hi h 5A . c t o s an y , d .

0 E ST S O F T HO T HME S III —S M MAR 1533 5 C O NQ U . U Y

I I Thothmes I . , but was probably too old to join him in the expeditions which he made .

u s s Th othmes III The summary of the conq e t of . ,

b A i s which are attri uted to the god men , inscribed

s u pon a large stone stele , and is of great intere t ; this stele was originally set up in the great temple of th e A t n s Northern p at Kar ak, and it is po sible that the n text upon it formed a song of victory, or hym , which

s A was ung by the priests of men on state occasions .

v two On the upper, rounded portion of the stele we ha e Thothm es III n scenes ; in the ﬁrst . is making a dri k “ ff A -Ré o ering to men , in the second he is making an ” n A - a th offering of ince se to men B . Behind e king in di the ﬁrst scene stands the goddess of Thebes , hol ng m bows in one hand and the sy bol of life in the other, and in the second scene stands the same goddess, but with bows and arrows in one hand and a club in the A s w s other . bove both scene is the inged di k of ” Behutet n , the great god , lord of heave , with pendent r uraei , wearing the crowns of the South and No th respectively . The vertical line of text between the s r A - Ré th e s cenes decla es that men , king of the god , “ will give all life , and all protection , and life , and “ stability , and power, and all health , and all joy of ” Ra Thothmes III heart , like for ever, to . The

z— A -Ré the inscription reads Saith men , the lord of “ two : 1 thrones of the lands ( ) Come then unto me,

- -Ba the O my brave son Men kheper , everliving, and make thyself to rejoice at the sight of my beautiful 1533] S P E E C H O F AM E N - RA 5 1

o I ne f rm . shi because of thy love [for me], and my heart expandeth with joy (2) at thy fortunate visits

I e u to my temple . hav laid both my hands pon the limbs of thy body in giving thee the protection of

is th life , and doubly sweet y mighty presence unto

m ; I e 3 y divine , visible body have stablished thee ( )

w - I in my d elling place , and have made thee to be d n I v a divine won er [u to me] . ha e given unto thee n I might and victory over all foreig lands, and have

made thy will (or, souls) and the fear of thee to be d in all the lands of the worl , and mighty terror of thee reacheth even unto the (4 ) four pillars of the 1 I m sky . have magniﬁed thy irresistible ight in [the I sight of] all bodies , and have made the sound of the roarings of thy Majesty to go round about among ‘ Bow the Nin e barbarians . The chiefs of all the

foreign lands are gathered together within thy grasp . (5) I have stretched out my two hands and ha ve tied together for thee as with a rope the Anti tribes of I Nubia by tens of thousands and thousands , and d I have ma e thousands, and have made prisoners for the e of the peoples of the North by hundreds of u n 6 I m to tho sa ds . ( ) have ade fall down thine e d oppon nts under thy sandals , and thou hast estroyed, v e I m th e e en according to the decre which had ade ,

l Th e allu si on h ere i s to th e elie th at th e sk hi ch w as m a e b f y , w d l ﬂt i l re tan ular in sh a e as u r of a er ect a ron ate c w s o te p f y p , g p , pp d at each corner b a illar e ach illar w as uar e b a o d and y p ; p g d d y g , u r inal oint th e four pillars represente d th e fo r ca d p s . — I S MMAR B . C . 1533 52 C O NQ U E ST S O F T HO T HM E S II . U Y [ ho sts of the rebellious ones throughout the length and n breadth of the la d , and the peoples of the West and the nations of the East are [set] beneath thy throne 7 for thee . ( ) Thou hast marched with a j oyful heart over all foreign lands which had never been I entered until the time of thy Majesty, and myself was thy guide when thou didst go forth to attack

the them . Thou hast sailed over the waters of Great 1 Circle of (8) Neh ern Western Mesopotamia) and V I mightily ictoriously . decreed for thee that the peoples thereof should hear the noise of thy

roarings as thou didst enter into their caves, and

I removed from their nostrils the breath of life . (9) I made the terror of thy Majesty to enter into

their hearts . My uraeus crown is set upon thy

brow, it hath burned them with the ﬁre , and hath made thee to lead away into captivity the rebellious

e i e 10 It peoples of Q t, . . , the coast of Palestine . ( ) hath consumed with ﬁre all those who were dwelling h off s in t eir swampy places , and it cut the chief of 2 Aamu l the , and they were not ab e to escape , and it hath overthrown him that came within the . reach of 1 1 I its power . ( ) have made thy valiant deeds to go I round about through all the lands , and have cast

” , the light of my crown upon thy body . Within the existeth whole circuit of the skies no enemy of thine ,

1 Th e allusi on h ere i s to th e rivers whi ch enclose th e Island of tam i a Mesop o . 2 I . o . th e n om a Semitic tri es of th e E astern Desert , d b . 1533 ] S P E E CH O F AME Nz RA 53 and they come bearing [their] offerings upon their 12 backs with ( ) homage to thy Majesty , even in I I accordance with the decree which made . made the

rebels to put on chains when they came to thee , and 13 I their hearts burned and their limbs quaked . ( ) I came , and made thee to subdue the mighty chiefs of

Tchah I d m d (Phoenicia) , and rove the un er thy feet I M throughout their lands . made thy aj esty to look

upon them with rays of light, and thou didst shine m I 14 I upon their faces as y divine mage . ( ) came,

‘ and I made thee to smite those who were in Satet

As I lea nto ( ia) , and made thee to d i captivity the 1 Aamu Rethennu I chiefs of the of . made them to beh old thy Majesty when thou wast equipped in thy panoply of war and wast grasping thy weapons and 1 n t. 5 I I doi g battle from [thy] chario ( ) came , and

made thee to smite the land of the East, and thou didst trample under foot those who were in the 2 r - n I egions of Ta eter . made them to look upon thy Maje sty as one who revolveth like a star which shooteth out ﬁre as it circleth and sendeth forth its 1 6 I I dew . ( ) came , and made thee to smite the W land of the est , and the foreign land of Kefti ,

3 w Asi M M ( k , and , q q Cyprus are

1 I th e n m e m i ic tri e s o f orth ern S ria . . e . o a S t , d b N y 2 I th e a t rn d tern sh ores of th e south ern h al of th e . e . e s e an e s , w f

Re d Sea an d e rh a s art of Som alilan . , p p p d 3 h n f A i a Mirror n th h r f th I . e . t e cou tri o s o e o e o e , es s

Me iterrane an inclu in C re te . d , d g — S M MAR B . C . 1533 54 C O NQ U E S T S O F T HO T HM E S III . U Y [

a I under thy wesome power . made them to look u pon thy Majesty as a young and very vigorous bull which is equipped with horns and cannot be ap

“ h d 1 I I roac e . 7 p ( ) came , and made thee to smite those who were dwelling in the swampy places of the a land of M then (Mitanni) , and they quaked through I M fear of thee . made them to look upon thy ajesty as a most terrible crocodile of the waters which could 18 I I not be approached . ( ) came , and made thee to smite those who dwell in the i sles in the midst of the

Great Green the Mediterranean) , by means of 1 M thy roarings , made them to look upon thy ajesty , as the slaughterer who putteth himself upon the back of the animal which he is about to offer up as a 1 9 I I sacriﬁce . ( ) came , and made thee to smite the

Theh ennu Uthenti (Libyans) , and the lands of ,

M y ] 1 th E X , are in the power of y will (or I souls) . made them to look upon thy Majesty as a

s raging lion , and thou did t make them to ﬂee into 20 I I their holes in the valley . ( ) came, and made thee to smite the peoples who dwelt in the lands at 2 the back of the countries of the Circles , the Great

1 I . e . th e co ast of Li y a . , b 2 Th e Eg y pti an s reg ar d e d M e sopotam i a a s an i slan d wh ich w a s surroun e b a ri ver and th e c onsi ere th e Ti ris and d d y , y d d g

N W W ‘ E h rates to s rin rom on e source Circle D , up p g f ; , 9 w as th e n am e g iven t o this ou le river and th e escri ti on d b , d p “ Great C ir le i nl M ll Asi en c s o a e for e m h a si s . See u er y dd d p , a d Eu ro n a 2 52 . p , p . 1533] S P E E C H O F AM E N - RA 55

and u t th I p . Circle , they are gathered wi hin y grasp m ade them to look upon thy Majesty as the hawk of Horus , the lord of pinions, which by means of the ﬁerce glance of his eye carrieth o ” whatsoever t 21 I he please h . ( )

and I came , made thee to smite the people who dwelt in the forepart

the of lands , and thou didst take as living prisoners the Dwellers on the Sand the

d s nomad esert tribe ) . I made the m to look upon thy Majesty as a jackal of the south which travelleth swiftly and disappeareth ra i l p d y through the ~ two 22 I m lands . ( ) ca e , and I made thee to smite the Anti tribes of and Nubia, [ their

A Liby an lands] as far as Kept ,

o are I i ﬁlﬂ, in thy grasp . made them to look — M MAR 1533 56 C O NQ U E ST S O F T HO T HM E S III. S U Y M I upon thy ajesty as thy two divine brethren . have gathered together their hands to thee

23 two I ( ) thy sisters, and have placed them at

thy side to protect thee . The hands of my Majesty

are in heaven above to drive away evil [from thee] .

I son be have made thee to be glorious, O my , my B sun loved one , thou mighty ull who risest like the I 24 in Thebes , have begotten thee with ( ) O h the s Thot mes , everliving one , who ha t performed every

s wi h of mine . Thou hast created for me a dwelling

place in work which shall endure for ever, and thou

hast made it longer and wider than it ever was before , m 2 5 and [thou didst] ake a great pylon . ( ) Thou hast

A -Ré celebrated the festival of the beauties of men , and thy monuments are greater than those of any other

who s I king hath ever exi ted . commanded thee to

“

make them , and thou hast been content to do so ; therefore I have stabli shed thee upon the throne of m Horus for illions of years, and thou shalt guide the living

Thothmes III The above inscription indicates that . devoted a large portion of the spoil which he obtained from his vassal kings to enlarging the temples of A the gods and to the support of the priesthood of men, and as we see this fact reﬂected also in the o Icial inscriptions of his reign , so we ﬁnd in the ruins of the ancient cities which have been excavated in recent years the remains of the temples which he

re- founded or founded, and of the shrines which he

I I 1533 58 B U ILD ING O PE RAT IO NS O F T HO T HM E S I .

O s bank of the Nile ppo ite Thebes . But the greatest and be st of his architectural works were reserved for A -Ra the temple of men , the lord of the thrones t S n A . of the world , in the outher p at Thebes Here he built a large colonnade which measured about 1 5 0 5 0 h 4 0 feet by feet, with a roof t at rested on granite

32 T e n columns and rectangular pillars . h colum s are of great interest, for they taper downwards, and their

are d capitals, which ma e in the forms of the cups of

s ll s ﬂower , are inverted ; the pi ars and the wall supported s w h a roof, upon which rose mall pillars, ith an arc itrave

s s to the height of the central column , and the e in their turn supported one side of the roof over the central

' s n d a s s portion of the hall . Clo e to this colon a e was erie of rooms which were ornamented with reliefs whereon were represented in great detail the animals and plants

Th othmes I II which . brought back from the land of Reth ennu on his return from his third expedition to

l n -ﬁfth y that country, which took place the twenty ear of Thothmes III s his reign . . al o built a pylon to the d temple , and on the walls on each si e of the granite w door ay he inscribed the names of all the peoples, and n h tribes , and cities , and la ds w ich he had brought into

hothmes III A n T . subjection . The famous n als of are inscribed on th e walls of a passage near the shrine of ; the temple of Karnak, but the texts are much mutilated the two granite pillars , one bearing the lotus of the

South and the other the papyrus of the North , which Thothmes III were set up by . , still stand in the court by 1533 E ] AT S O LE B G E B L BAR AL E T C , , K , 59 i which entrance is ga ned to the shrine . Besides all

this , the king built a small temple which was entered through a gateway built in the wall that joined the hi s s pylons erected by aunt and himself re pectively, and

‘ sacred lak e behind it he dug the , whereon at stated

intervals processions of sacred boats u sed to take place .

At El-kab Silsila Hermonthis , Esna, , Edfu, , Kom Ombo , O Is he carried on building perations, and on the land of Elephantine he built a temple in honour of the god Khnemu s t In 1 822 thi emple was standing , but it was d Ali soon after pulled own by the orders of Muhammad , who wished to build a palace with the blocks of stone from it at Aswan At several places in Nubia he

d ou l s restore or f nded small temp e , and he was the founder

Soleb w of the large temple at , hich marks the site of the ancient Egyptian settlement in the Third Cataract

- en- khd - - a called Menen em Ma t , 63 g R(1; this N A temple was greatly enlarged and beautiﬁed by Amen III Soleb and hetep . There are several places between the foot of the Fourth Cataract (Gebel Barkal) where XVIIIth d remains of Dynasty buil ings are to be found , and it is very probable that many inscriptions of the

hme III u reign of Thot s . would be fo nd if the sites of d us old settlements were excavate . So able a king m t have had his outposts held by Egyptians much further

u Soleb so th than , otherwise he could never have main tained his hold upon the country ; in any case his kingdom extended from the Euphrates at Ni on the north Soleb to on the south , and his buildings and inscriptions ’ 60 C LE O PAT RA S NE E D LE 1533 in the Sinaitic p eninsula prove that he was master of the Eastern Desert also . s i Thothmes III The largest of the obeli ks wh ch .

‘ set is commonl l St up y called the Obe isk of . John ” Lateran , and stands on the hill of the Lateran at Rome it is 1 05 feet in height and contains in 1 scri tions Thothmes III Thothme I . s V p of , . , and

’ II d r - . an e Rameses , who repaired it erected it . Part

Th othmes III of a second obelisk of . is in Con stantino le is p , a third in New York, and a fourth , “ ’ ” on s Cleopatra s Needle , has been set up the Thame

Embankment in London . The last two are supposed by some to be the two obelisks which king Mesphres 2 is said to have made , and which are reported by Pliny ’ to have stood at the door of Caesar s temple in Alex

In i Dér andria . an nscription found in the temple at al-Bahari it is said that the height of the obelisks which were set up in front of that temple was 108

i s 1 e 80 . cubits , . . , each obeli k was more than feet high No remains of these obelisks have up to the present

s f been found in Egypt, in pite of all the ef orts which

r have been made to t ace them . Recently a theory has 3 ” has been put forward that the obelisk which now stands in the Hippodrome at Constantinople i s only the

1 8 In upper part of an obelisk , and that it fact a portion

Th e text on it s ay s th at th e re w as an interval of th irty -ﬁve e ar II n Th th m I s et n h h I a d o e s V. y b we e t e reig n s o f Th ot m es . 2 Hist Na Bk i . t . xxx 1 5 . , v . , 69 3 etrie Hi s o l i 1 1 ff t r v o i . . 3 P , y , . p . T H HM E S III 6 1 O BE LIS K S O F O T . of one of the two obelisks which stood before Hétshep ’ set s temple at Dér al-Bahari: The inscriptions upon

h e III e Thot m s . it refer, however, to , but this is h ld to

dii icult in be no y the way of the identiﬁcation, for the obelisks might well have been set up after th e great ’ w It t queen s death by her nephe . seems clear tha the obelisk ” at Constantinople is only a portion of an

s ﬁ h obeli k , and as it is only about fty feet igh it appears

r to be too slende for its height , if we may judge from the proportions of the other obelisks of the reign of

Th thmes III us w o . which are known to , al ays supposing ’ that he set up those at the entrance to his aunt s “ ” s n temple . The height of the obeli k at Constanti ople

was was when it ﬁrst brought there is not known, but it probably much higher than it is now, for it was thrown down by an earthquake and it lay upon the ground for a considerable time ; and it is more than probable that

off some of the lower portion of it was broken , and that not knowing how to join the pieces together the prefect

re- Proclus , who erected it by the command of the 1 Emperor Theodosius , set up the largest portion . in Curiously enough , addition to the marble reliefs with which the base was ornamented by the Praetorian d prefect, the top was surmounte by a large brass pine

Th e Latin in scripti on on th e b ase of th e o b elisk reads Diﬁi cilis q uon dam Do m ini s p arere s ereni s J u ssu s et extin cti s p alm am portare ty rannis O m ni a Th e o d o si o c e d unt su b oli u e erenni q p . T er eni s si c vi ctus eg o d om itu s ue d ieb u s d q , J u d i ce sub ro clo su era s elatus ad auras P p . 62 T HE ARC H IT E C T PUAM 1533

ﬁr- s apple or cone thi , however, was thrown down by the an earthquake , which fortunately left the portion of i s obelisk standing where it now . For the carrying out of the great building opera tions planned by Thothmes III . , the services of a very large number of workmen

” ' cials diﬂr and o of e ent ranks and grades mu st have

been required , and the leaders of these must have

been men of great ability , who possessed a good theoretical and practical d t e knowle ge of archi ectur . Among such was the ofﬁcial

P a u m , and in

his tomb at Kfirna i s a scene in which this official is represented seated on a w chair, hilst six men stand before him with their left hands touching their right h n fli i l f S tat e of Netc em , a o c a o

u Th oth m es 111 . shoulde s, and their ight 4 0 Britis M se m NO . 8 . r r h u u , hands clasping their left h forearms ; t ey are all overseers, or superintendents , A three of the works of the temple of men, and T HE PRIME MIN IST E R RE KH -MA-RA 63

l handicraftsmen As t three of the . a par of the same scene in the tomb we see drawings of two obelisks , on which , when perfect , were inscribed the

Thothmes III . names and titles of , and we are quite ° justiﬁed in assuming that they were head men who planned and carried out the setting up of the great

Th othm es III A ffi obelisks of . nother great o cial

e -ma-Ba and trust d servant of the king was Rekh ,

( 3 “ ” i e wh o Ra 1’ , he is as wise as , whose s f u Thothmes I ancestor had held high o ﬁce nder . , hme II Ha Thot s . l , and queen tshepset he himse f was

Thothmes III r 32nd the prime minister of . f om the ’ 2 year of this king s reign until the early years of the

Of A - ete II B -ma- reign men h p . The tomb of ekh Ba is

at Khrna n , and it is one of the most interesti g of the

tombs of the period . The scenes on its walls represent

the envoys of the peoples of Punt, Kefti , Nubia, Syria, and the Islands of the Mediterranean Sea (3) bringing tribute to his master ; and the performance of the dutie s which devolved upon him in connexion with his duties

a s of governor of the city, and judge , and steward the A temple of men , and conﬁdential adviser to the king ; and the superintending of the work of the various ’ artiﬁcers and handicraftsmen employed in his ma ster s service and in his own and there are some interesting pictures in it which show how this great man found

1 ma l r ii l Le iu enk i . 3 S e e s s D e . 9 . p , , p Li e o Rekhmara Lon on 00 See e err f f , , 19 . 1 4 . N wb y , d , p 64 AM E N - E M-HE B T HE G E NE RAL relaxation and solace in listening to singing and musical

r the A - -h eb inst uments . To famous general men em we e have often ref rred already , and it is certain that as a

‘ Lim estone stat e of th e ro aljm oth er JI eta -k er u y h t, riti s M se m No B h u u , . soldier and in all military matters he was as expert as

a -ma-Ré Pu m was as an architect , or Rekh as a judge and K administrator . The scenes in his tomb at urna are

66 T HE RO MAN C E O F T E HUT I -A

5 00 B is , now preserved in the ritish Museum ; it written in three columns on the back of the papyrus in u XIXth As a neat , caref l hand of the Dynasty . far as t can be made out from the tex , the writer wished to say that Teh uti -a was a very able soldier who was u thoro ghly well skilled in the art of war, that he had received many rewards for his bravery, and that he had Thothmes III accompanied his master . on his campaigns

. in several countries . One day a messenger came from Tchahi the (Phoenicia), and reported that miserable e chief of Joppa had r volted , and that he had slain the d n sol iers and charioteers of the ki g , and that no man

‘ Thothmes III could resist him as soon as . heard these words he swore by his god Amen that he would destroy the city of Joppa , and went about raging like a panther . Then he called together his chiefs and m o cers t w h and told hem hat had appened , but they

a At knew not how to nswer him . this moment

Teh uti -a ff said to the king, Give me the great sta ,

(h enna Th thme III 3 o s . , of , and let valiant { 3 } i s s me I soldier and charioteers be sent with , and will kill the wretched prince of J oppa and take his town ; n the ki g was pleased with the proposal , and gave

Tehuti-a all that he desired . Soon after this, when Te uti -a h was in the country of Phoenicia with his men , he made a leather sack large enough to hold a man,

and forged some iron fetters for the hands and feet , and

shackles and wooden yokes , and made four hundred large jars , etc . — I AND T HE C APT U RE O F J O PPA 67 When these were ready he sent a messenger to the prince of Joppa to say that he was sent to him

Teh uti- a -in- by , who was the commander chief of the m III e Th oth es . a my of , but who was g eatly envi d r ~ r by the king on account of his bravery, and that the king wanted to slay him for this reason Tehuti -a had escaped from the court ; and that he had brought w ’ f ith him , hidden in his horses fodder , the sta f of

Th othmes III if . , and that the prince of Joppa wished

Te uti-a him h would give it to him , and would come to with his brave soldiers and hold himself and them at i his disposal . The pr nce of Joppa replied graciously ’ and i Tehuti - a nvited , whom he knew well by reputa

tion , to come to Joppa , and promised to be a brother to

Teh uti - a him . When arrived , the prince of Joppa w w him ith his wives and children ent out to meet ,

and when they met he embraced him, and begged the n Egyptian general to come into his camp , taki g care,

however, not to allow his troops and their horses to

Tehuti -a come in with him . When had eaten and

M e drunk, the prince of Joppa asked wher the sta was , and in reply Tehuti -a seems to have asked that his soldiers might be allowed to come and feed their horses, A m and that a man of the pure , D (Q 0230 , ight be told offto go and order them to do so ; the prince of

Joppa assented , and when the fodder was brought in ff to the horses , the sta was found inside it . Soon

J O after this , the prince of ppa asked to be allowed to f l w Tehuti-a see the sta f, and hen had brought it , he 68 T HE RO MAN C E O F T E HUT I-A “ 0 held it before him, and said , Look, thou wretched

f Th othmes III one , this is the sta f of . , the mighty A lion, the son of Sekhet, unto whom his father men hath gi ven strength Then he stood up and smote ff d the prince of Joppa with the sta on his hea , and he fell down senseless ; Tehuti -abrought forth hIS Iron

- hands and fetters for the feet, and having fastened them on the prince of Joppa he placed him in the leather sack . This done , he called in two hundred of his soldiers and made them get into some of the large

h ad m d scaled j ars which he a e , and having up the top s and fastened round them the cords by which they were to be carried} he loaded them upon the backs of

men h strong , w om he told to march into the city , and w to break open the j ars hen they arrived there, and to z the inh abi let the soldiers out, and to sei e and bind d In tants of the city without elay . this way ﬁve

J Tehuti - a hundred men would get into the city of oppa . then made some of the men of the prince of Joppa go to the master of the horse and tell him to proclaim ’ to the quee n that the god Sutekh had delivered the of Egyptians into the hands of the men Joppa, and as the res ult the master of the horse and his townsmen opened the gates to the men carrying the jars , and so admitted ’ Tehuti - as the enemy into the city . Once there , O let soldiers pened the jars and out their companions, who straightway seized the inhabitants and bound

them with ropes, and put on the fetters and wooden

had yokes which they brought with them . Later , AND T HE C APT U RE O F J O PPA 69

Th thme III when the army of o s . came and wished to take possession of the city Tehuti - a sent a message to A his master, saying , Rejoice , for thy father men hath

g iven thee the wretched prince of Joppa, with all his

subjects and his city . Send thy servants to come e u and take him prison r . Mayest thou ﬁll f ll the

A -Ba n house of thy father men , the ki g of the gods , with slaves who shall for ever and for ever bow ” 1 beneath thy feet . Such is the story of the capture of Joppa , and it is clear that it is nothing more than It a historical romance . may be mentioned in passing A that M . Chabas thought that the pure who are men tioned w above ere to be identiﬁed with the Hebrews , but though this alleged similarity of name was as good as any of the identiﬁcations which were put forward

the was in early days of Egyptology , it not accepted by capable scholars , and is now regarded merely as an example of the effort which was made at that time to ﬁnd Biblical names in the hieroglyphic inscriptions .

KHEPERU AM E -HETEP of , son of the Sun, N , god , prince

Thebes .

- 1 Th e incidents of th e story are plac e d in a conn e cte d form b y M M r in i E ti . as e o h s Contes ens . 87 . p gyp , p - 1500 ME HE T E P II . 7 0 T HE RE IG N O F A N

AMEN- HETE P II A . II , or menophis . ,

w as son Th othmes III at the of . by H “ sh e set is p , who styled the royal wife ; “ greatly beloved of him Th othmes III roval mothef a s ) , the , H tshep et

who was the daughter of the great queen , a UR H tshepset . He succeeded to the throne of Egypt on the day following that on Am enf ete II p ‘ i i h s d . e . l st which father ied, , the of

a 4 Pharmuthi , but we know that he had been ssociated with his father in th e r ule of the kingdom some years “ In before . addition to his Horus name , Mighty Bull , ” “ - u mighty of two fold valo r , he styled himself, Lord of “ ekh eb et H s the shrines of N and atchet, who e power is ” 1 - to wide spread , and maketh [him] rise in Thebes , d con uereth and Horus of gol , who q by his might in ” 2 ’ U d his all lands . n er father s experienced and A - - faithful old general, men em heb , he had already war s learned the art of , and it was , apparently , neces ary for him to begin at once to justify his position as successor of one of the greatest and most able of the

s v king who e er sat upon the throne of Egypt , by setting A out on an expedition to We stern sia . Thi s expedition

1 3 3114 3 3 3 “ 3 15

w A : k u its t R 1500] E XPE D IT IO N AGAIN ST I AKHIS A 7 1 must have taken place at the end of the ﬁrst or in th e second year of his reign , ’ M for, as M . aspero 1 in points out, the ‘A a stele at m da , which was set up by him in his third year , he de scribes how he sacri ﬁced the prisoners whom he had taken in

l m Takhisa i , , h]3ﬁ a country which lay to the north of Kadesh . An account of the expeditio n is found in a very mutilated state on a stele in the ruins of the great 2 temple at Karnak .

1 H s Ai m ii i t m to . . , .

291 . p . 2 S ee Ch a m olli on No p , ti ces tom . ii . . 1 85 , p Ae Z eit Ma s ero . . 1879 p , g , ,

. 5 5 ff Wi e em ann Ae . p d , g m n Ges ek . . 373 an d Er a , p ; , A Z ei t 1 889 3 m e . 9 g , ’ . p Gray di ori te s abti ﬁgure of k ing Am en e II i nsucrihbed wit a text O fth e VIth het p . , a ter of th e oohk of th e ead C p B D . h ritis M se m No B . h u u , 7 2 F IG H T W IT H NO MAD IC T RIBE S 1500

-hete II From this we learn that Amen p . marched of Shemshu - atu - ma ﬁrst all to the country of , u CI D a s: a w he k Eq E , here fought like

a ﬁerce lion , and defeated the enemy , and took many prisoners ; the net result was the capture of 1 8 1 6 26th prisoners alive and oxen . On the day of the the Shemut ﬁrst month of season , his majesty passed

n Q —D c tﬁ ﬁ over the arm of the Oro tes , q

md s/zetet Arenth , and having led his army across , he began to march through the land with the valour of

od Menthu the g as he was journeying along , probably

his well in advance of the main body of troops , he l s u perceived at a di tance a n mber of nomads , mounted n on horses , who were comi g to meet him , with the view

of preventing any further advance on his part . His m ajesty then made ready his weapons of war, and

s charged into the body of nomad , and laid about him w ith such vigour that the court scribe , who drew up d b this account of the ﬁght , eclared he was as terri le as

As the god Set when in a ﬁerce rage . soon as his majesty cast one glance o f his eyes upon them they

ﬂed , and he seized all their goods , and taking the

s nomad chief with him , he led him to the frontier of A and disarmed him . mong the spoil which the

1 ’ Erm an s sug g e sti on th at th e king o nly d e scri e d this b o dy of men b y sweeping th e h oriz on with h i s ey e s sh a ded by h i s h an d i s prob ably c orrect ; in any case i t i s wh at e very traveller i n th e esert o es to -d a and it h as al a s een th e custo m of th e n atives d d y , w y b to ee atch and loo out in thi k p w k s w ay .

‘ 74 T HE ST E LE O F AMADA

evade it, was too fresh in their memories for them to wish to ﬁght just then . The results of the expedition t m l were rather moral han ateria , and it served chieﬂy to prove to the Syrians and others that the new king of Egypt was willing and able to come to the country d as quickly as his father had one on the other hand , the king obtained a large number of gifts from the n governors of cities and the heads of tribes . Refere ce is made to this war in an inscription which the king

‘ ordered to be cut upon a stele in the temple of Amada b n in Nu ia, and from this we obtain some i teresting

s details . Thi temple was founded in the reign of

Usertsen II . , but had fallen out of repair , and was in rui n Th othmes III its a state of until . undertook

A -h ete restoration . When men p returned from Syria ‘A a he went to m da , and celebrated the festival of the laying of the foundation stone on the 1 5th day of the

n Sh emut the third mo th of the season , in third year of ff his reign , and he formally o ered to the god of the III m Thothm es . te ple the repairs which had made ,

s and the additions to it made by him elf. These we additions were very considerable , as mav see i from the ﬁrst ﬁfteen lines of the stele . Follow ng th e description of these we have the statement that he made this stele 1 “ after his majesty came from Upper

‘ —M ’M w a lh ﬁw i i t h h

Le siu s Denkm a ler p , ,

iii l 65 . . p . S LA G H T E R O F S E VE N KING S U J 7 5 Q Rethennu g: (5 w , having over thrown all his enemies and made broader the

s fro ntiers of Egypt in his ﬁr t victorious campaign . His maje sty came with a heart expanded with

A for joy to father men, [ ] he had slain seven chiefs with his own club when they were li ving in

Thekh si the country of , and he hung them up ’ s head downwards at the bows of his majesty boat ,

‘ ’ Ré -aa- khe eru -smen-t which bore the name of p aui ,

‘G BQ up ﬁi ﬁ . Six of these he had stretched out high up on the walls which were oppo site

ds to the pylon of Thebes, together with their han , and the other he placed in a boat and had conveyed

- i t h e s . e n h . a d to rebel chief of Ta ken , , Nubia, ung

1 Na ata upon the walls of the city of p , D a é ] , so that all the folk there might understand the mighty acts and deeds [of’ the king] for ever and for ever in in all the countries of the world, and all the mountainous desert lands of the country of the

, and might know that he had Negroes w grasped with his hands and conquered the Aamu

the h the nomads of the eastern frontier) , and nort ern folk who lived away in the swamps in the most n remote parts of the country . The cou tries over which Amen -hetep claimed to have made himself

1 i it n f r r m e el Bar al A larg e N ub an c y ot a f o G b k . - E II 1500 7 6 BUILD ING S O F AME N H T E P .

Kﬁrn master are enumerated in a scene in a tomb at a , 1 z— Retennu published by Lepsius, and are as follows ,

Mennu eh erna A Kenset , Kefti , N , Menti , nti of ,

-Am -meht i e Thehennu . . , Pat , Tares , Sekhet , and Ta , ,

Nubia, the Eastern Desert, Libya , the Oases , the lands of P the northern shores of the Mediterranean , alestine ,

The Syria, and Babylonia . building operations of Amen - hetep do not seem to have been conducted on a in very large scale , although his name is found several of the ancient shrines throughout the length and

As h e breadth of Egypt . worked the quarries at

u m he T ra it would see , as Wiedemann supposes , that must have repaired some of the old buildings of At Memphis , but no trace of such remains . Karnak he built between two pylons of an old temple a small

temple , which seems never to have been ﬁnished . This building consisted of a gallery with fourteen square

pillars ornamented with reliefs, a hall , entered through

a granite door, with a roof supported by sixteen square

m sm colu ns , and a series of all chambers which ﬂank the

- d hall . The has reliefs are goo , and some of them are coloured . On one of the large pylons he had sculptured on each side of the gateway a scene in which he is i dep cted in the act of slaughtering his enemies . He

to l repaired or added the temp es at Hermonthis ,

Elephantine , and at all the principal sites between the

First and Second Cataracts , and he caused some works

Denkma l iii l er . 3 . , . p 6 1500} HIS ‘ M U M MY AND T O M B 77

Kummeh to be carried out at , where he is depicted in Khnemu the act of pouring out libations to the god , ff and of making o erings of various kinds . The mummy

-h te II d of Amen e p . was iscovered in his tomb in the

Valley of the Tombs of the Kings at Thebes , by 1898 M . Loret, early in the year . The tomb much Thothmes III resembled that of his father, . , and its wallsare ornamented with a large series of ﬁgures of the gods and with the text of the great funereal work “ t B t Is In en itled, The ook of [knowing] tha which the ” In underworld . the tomb were found three mummies , each with a large hole in the skull, and a gash in the breast ; fragments of a pink leather cuirass worn by the king ; a series of statues of Sekhet , A H t , . ; nubis , Osiris, orus , P ah etc a set of Canopic s vases , and amulets of all kind ; a large series of alabaster vessels ; and a collection of mummies of h kings and royal personages, w ose names have l a The a re dy been enumerated . funeral chapel which Amen - hetep built for himself was near that or Thothmes III its m . , and re ains may be seen close to Ramesseum the .

RA- MEN- KHE PERU Sun TEHUTI-M ES-KHA , son of the , HA K U . 78 RE IG N O F T HOT HME S IV.

- n IV THOTHMES IV TEnUTI M s . . , or , T oéd wm c M the u of anetho, is said to

have reigned nine years , but of the events

his w of reign hardly anything is kno n . “ In addition to his Horus name Mighty

s Bull , form of rising [like the he “ d adopted as his titles , He who is oubly stable in his kingdom like the god ” 1 “ s Temu , Lord of the hrines of Nek ” “ h eb et Uatch et d and , Horus of gol ,

r n mighty one of st e gth , destroyer of ” 2 “ the Nine Bows (or Pat) , Crown of “ ” crowns, or, The one who riseth with risings the last title he often introduced into the cartouche con Th th 3 taining his name o mes . Judging from a scene

r s in which is cut on a ock on Kono so , a little island the Nile which lies at the northern end of the Island of h hm I e T ot es V. Philae , must hav undertaken an expedi

tion into Nubia in the seventh year of his reign . Here we see the king in the act of slaying two Nubians with in tu his club the presence of the Nubian god Te n , Q 0 d it and the g Khas, these gods declare that they have given to the king all the Anti tribes of 4 Nubia, and every foreign land . On an inscription i — m f I a M o un nhl qqlgq; .

- - Men k h e eru Ra rinc e of Law . p , p 4 Le ius D nkmd l f iii l s e er . . 69 e. p , , p 1466] HIS E XPE D IT IO N IN T O NU B IA 7 9

‘ A a u Thothmes IV in the temple at m da in N bia, . is “ described as the Beautiful god, the valiant one in

very truth , the conqueror (or destroyer) of Kesh

(Kush) 3 $3 , who maketh the frontiers thereof to

be as if they had never existed, the mighty king by reason of his bravery like the god Menthu ﬁrm of n s heart amo g the multitude , crusher of all foreign lands and thus it seems as if theking made the raid which the Egyptian kings usually made into

Nubia in the course of their reigns , whereby they In obtained much spoil . an inscription , dated in the

ninth year of the king , published by M . de Morgan ,

Th thmes I mention is made how o V. sailed into Nubia and conquered all the tribes there and also in all

" Ra foreign countries, and how made him to be feared 2 Thothme I s V. like Sekhet . That made an expedition

Tch ahi into , A E , or Phoenicia , is proved by the i b e nscriptions on the tomb of the scri e T hanni , M V 3 i ; ]? at Thebes , where n he says that E l T

he followed his master there , and that he registered the

names of large numbers of soldiers [there], and that h the king laid waste the gardens and orchards t ere, and compelled the nobles of the country to bring A tribute to him . nother witness of the expedition into

1 n a l r iii Le sius De km e . l . 69 f. p , , p 2 M r an Catalo ue . 66 6 . J . d e o 7 g , g , pp , 3 Ch am olli on Monum ents . 831 th e m o st re c ent escri ti on p , , p ; d p

h il Mi ss ch . Fran ai s t m 2 o f th e tom i s b Sc e . Ar e o . v . . 59 . b y , c , p C LE ARS T HE S I 80 T HO T HME S IV. PH NX

A -h ete Syria is the stele of men p, the high priest of the

An- her m he god , j] who says that was a follower Th othm i n of his es IV. ) footsteps the foreign “ lands of the south and north [when] he went into

Neh eri n ma n Karl M , , and , , [T / m the two countriesihich represented the limits of Egypt 1 to the north and south respectively .

Thothmes I V The name of . is found on the walls of the temples at many places in Egypt and Nubia, but his contribution to the buildi ngs of Karnak was com

arativel n did t p y small , consisti g as it of a par of the wall which encloses the obeli sks that were set up by Hat sh e set and the i p , inscr bing of a list of gifts which he made to the god Amen when he returned from one of his s u In uccessf l raids . his short reign of nine years it was impossible for him to erect a large temple whereon to in scribe a record of his raids or expeditions into Nubia and and Syria, it is probable that he had no great wish h to do so , inasmuch as he saw that bot these countries had been subdued by his predecessors, and that he was reaping the beneﬁts which accrued through their labours . k One of the works which he undertoo will, how ever, keep his memory green for centuries , that is to say, the clearing away of the sand from the Sphinx i e at G zeh . W have already mentioned in con nexion P i with the yramids at G zeh , that the early u history of this remarkable object is nknown , and that

1 Sh ar e E ti an Inscri tions l . 93 lines 5 6 . p , gyp p , p , ,

82 H IST O RY O F T HE S PH INX

different views as to its age exist ; the view held by those whom we should naturally expect to be the best judges is that the Sphinx dates from the peri od of the IVth Early Empire , and that it is as old as the Dynasty, or older, but a recent theory declares that it was made XIIth Am enemhat III It is b . in the Dynasty y , of

u Is m course , a c rious thing that no mention ade of this e monum nt in the early hieroglyphic inscriptions , but it

was is quite likely that it wholly buried in sand , and that it was forgotten for centurie s . ‘ In 1 817 Oaviglia was carrying on exca vations P d m at the yrami s, and at about this ti e turned his attention to the digging out of the Sphinx from In the sand in which it was buried . the course of his work he discovered a ﬂight of steps leading up to the monument, and between the paws of the Sphinx a well -laid pavement ; passing to the end of the pavement nearest its breast were the remains of what had once evidently been a small open temple . Between the paws of the Sphinx is an altar of red granite , and immediately in front of its breast is a huge u red granite tablet , fo rteen feet in height , upon which

n Thothmes I d u is i scribed the account of how V. g the n Sphi x out of the sand . On the upper portion of the tablet is a vaulted sky, beneath which is the winged disk

-Beh utet nd of Heru with pe ent uraei . Beneath these

Th othmes IV are two scenes in which . is seen making an offering of incense and pouring out a libation before

m - two hu an headed lions , or sphinxes, couchant upon ' 14 66] T HE T ABLE T O F T HE sPHINx 83

who l - - pedestals , are the visib e types of Heru em khut ,

Z h ee $ Q , or Harmac is . Betw n these is a s I vertical line of hieroglyphics which read , grant that Ré -men -kheperu-Tehuti -mes -kha-khau shall rise like \

the sun upon the throne of the god Seb , and that he shall attain to the rank of the god Tem one Sphinx “ s I l ays , give victory to the lord of the two ands , Thothmes , who riseth with risings like [those of] the ” “ I l sun , and the other says , give ife and power unto Th othm es the lord of the two lands, , who riseth with B risings like [those] of the sun . elow these scenes 1 are several lines of text, from which the following facts are d awn r 5 The tablet was set up on the 1 9th day of the third month of th e season Shat in the first year of the ’ n u n king s reig , and after en merati g a number of high flown Thothmes IV titles which identify . with several “ u the he e . t . of gods , g , Beautif l god , son of Tem , the “ H - n avenger of eru khuti (Harmachis) , the living sphi x , x fi Neb -er - fi of tcher the text goes on to say ,

B e ehold, his Majesty was like a babe lik

And Horus the Child among the papyrus swamps . ,

e Behold , he mad a hunt in order that he might give his heart pleasure in the desert country round about l Memphis ( literally, the White Wal ) , and along its

1 f See Le siu s Denkma ler iii . l 68 and for th e text see p , , p . ;

Bru sch Ae . Z i ts hri t 18 6 . 89 . g , g e c f , 7 , p 84 HE RUKHUT I- KH E P E RA-RA-T E M U 14 66

roads, which went south and north , in order that he

might practise shooting at a target, with And [arrows tipped with] copper . he hunted the lions

In and gazelle the mountains, and he used to drive away in his chariot [which was drawn by] horses that were ﬁeeter than the wind ; and he would have with

him n was two atte dants , and no man able to know And where he went with them . it came to pass that once when it was the hour for allowing his servants to

rest , he wished to perform an act of worship to h w Harmachis at the s rine of Seker in the under orld,

ff cornﬁowers and to make an o ering of , and to pray to I the goddess sis , the lady of the North Wall and of K m . the South Wall, and to Sekhet of and to Set Now a great magical power 1 had existed in this place n all all from the beginni g of time , and it extended over the region as far as Kher-Ah aut wherefrom led the u road of the gods nto the western border of heaven ,

And th e Heliopolis . at this time the Sphinx form of a most mighty god Kheper came unto this place , and

r h the g eatest of the Souls , and the oliest of the holy

ones rested therein, and the inhabitants of all the city of Memphis and in all the towns in his territory round

about raised their hands in adoration unto him , and brought rich offerings unto his lica (or One day the king was hunting in this neighbourhood about

1 I. e . a s ell h a d een lai o n th e c ountr . , p b d y

8 E S E ARS A A B . c. 14 66 6 T HO T HM Iv . C L W Y [ u ff p and made o erings to the god, and determined the him to do what god had asked to do . The lower portion of the stele from which the above facts

are derived is broken away, and the last few lines on the portion which remains are in a very fragmentary e 14 stat , but the few legible words in line tell us that the a -Ra Sphinx was made by king Kh f , and that it was

- s the image of the god Temu Harmachi . This piece of m infor ation is very important, for it proves that in the XVIIIth Dynasty the priests of Memphis or Heliopolis, who advised the king to undertake the work of clearIng

was away the sand from the Sphinx, believed that it

- the image of Temu Harmachis , and that it was a -Ra fashioned by Kh f , the builder of the second pyramid at Gizeh about two thousand years before that

is for date . There no reason believing that the stele considerIn I s which we have been g not authentic, or n that the text on it is not genuine , and there is othing ’ n stra ge about the king s resolve to clear away the sand , except that it might be considered a comparatively

h It not T othmes to . trivial task for undertake was ,

for however, a trivial task, even in the days when unlimited labour could be obtained for nothing the removal of hundreds of thousands of tons of sand was s no mall matter , and it must have entailed considerable

v expense ; from many points of iew, however, the n i scription is of great interest , especially as we gather from it that Thothmes seems at one time to have been in doubt as to hi s successwn to the throne of his T HE SAND F RO M T HE S PH INX 87

- father Amen hetep II . He was the son of Amen h wh o n ete II . p by a wife was not of royal ra k , and the text on the stele of the Sphinx seems to indicate that he would become king only on the condition that he cleared away the sand from the image of Temu

Harmachis , and so restored the worship of the god .

s m the A From thi it would also see that priests of nnu , s Thothmes or Heliopoli , promised to give their assist ance , provided he cleared out and restored the sanctuary

th e m - of for of the Sun god which they worshipped, ’ and when we consider that the king s ancestors had been ﬁrm and zealous worshippers of the god Amen A - Ra or men , it is a remarkable fact that he performed w this ork , unless he received great assistance from m It the in obtaining the throne . may be that Thothmes preferred the worship of the old Heliopolitan

A -Ra gods to that of men , and that the priests of

knowm h Heliopolis , g t is , persuaded him to help to

’ restore the worship of one of the olde st gods of the h northern kingdom . On the ot er hand, we know that the the Aten l heresy of worshippers , which cu minated

- A hete IV. a in the reign of men p , was kin in some

‘ of Aten as respects to the old worship , and this heresy was introduced into Egypt by the princesses o from Mesop tamia who married kings of Egypt , it may be that Thothmes IV. supported the priests of Heliopolis because their cult resembled that of i W n his ch ef wife, who came from Mitanni , or ester

Babylonia . 88 T T ME I D ART AT AMA HO H S V. AN

hothme V the c Whether T s I . was ﬁrst of the kings f Egypt who entered into friendly relations with the kings of Babylonia (Karaduniyash) and Mitanni (Mathen) w cannot be said , but we kno that in his reign such relations existed , and that they continued during the reigns of two of his successors . Thus in the Tell

‘ - Tu hr tta el A . s a marna tablet, Berlin , No , the king of Mitanni , says in the third and fourth paragraphs of

st A - ete IV h . , his epi le to men p Now, my brother, let the friendship which existeth between me and thee be ten times stronger than that which existed between 2 Nimmuri a In thy father y and myself. all the dealings which he had with me he never caused me I sorrow by any word which he spake , and never caused him sorrow by any word which I spake ; whatsoever I asked him to do that he did on that e very day, and whatsoever he ask d me to do that I of did on that very day . When the father

i e Thothmes I immuri a . V Artatama N y ( . . ) sent to my grandfather and asked for his daughter to wife my

grandfather refused his request, and though he sent ﬁ the fth time , and the sixth time , he would not give It t her to him . was only af er he had sent [the

s eventh time] that he gave her to him , being [com

elled s p for many reason ] to give her . Thus we have d Thothmes IV irect evidence that . married a princess

1 i n l r Di e Th on l f - - c e ta e n on T l a 1 . W , f v e l el Amarn . 5 k , p

- - - I . e . Q 2 7 Ne b M aat Ra Am en ete , ( Q ] ( h p

0 T E RE IG O F AME N-HE T E P I 14 50 9 H N II .

A E -HETEP III A M N . m I II . , or enophis , Th othmes IV was the son of . and queen

- -na a e g Mut em , and as H tshepset maintain d t g_ _ u hat the god Amen became incarnate in 8 ' her earthly father at the time when she

was begotten, and was therefore her true

A - et h e III. l father, so men p dec ared that the god Amen became incarnate in his

Thothmes IV father . , and that he was the

KA ' N E KH T -KHX ff un A E - A T o spring of the ion of men and the M U S , th e/ Hor us nam e o‘i 1 - -ua A -h ete III - - I queen Mut em . men 7 A m en hetep II . p - a or reigned thirty one ye rs , the m according to Manetho , but onuments prove that

n was his reign was earer forty than thirty years . He crowned king on the 13th day of the third month of ’ Shemut r the season , soon afte his father s death, and it is probable that he was not twenty years of age . His m o Horus names were seven in nu ber , and he ad pted as “ his titles, Mighty Bull , rising [like the sun] with

“ ‘ a a uniteth Ma t (or , diademed with Ma t) He who the

i a q wh te crown , beloved of Heliopolis , gI 4 ill8 a The stable one of many years and festiv ls,

L “ T R ( 9 ° a Mighty Bull , whose power is l l l l l l

” “ - 2 W 1A far reaching, [ t Mighty Bull,

c , u prince of prin es Eg g, TT“ Mighty Bull,

1 C o i es of th e relie s illustratin this ill b e oun in Rosellini p f g w f d , M m ti Re li lat —4 1 L siu s Denkma l r iii 4 onu en a es 38 e e . 7 75 etc . , p p , , , ;

9 2 G RE AT PRO S PE RIT Y O F E GYPT 14 50 Q g ] Q a the fo m of risings [like the sun], S n r a E I I u s v kau O i Prince of all living , ; I” ﬁﬁi n l l “ Lord of the shrines of Nekhebet and Uatchet The

stablisher two Horus of gold , of laws, subduer of the “ of A lands , great one , smiter the siatics Mighty one uniﬁer of monuments , of the two lands, whose might H extendeth from Heliopolis to ermonthis, smiter of the

s u Menti , ubduer of the Libyans, s bduer of the Pati , A conqueror of the nti of Nubia, king of kings, avenger

Kenset A of the gods, lord of , great god , etc . men hete III u the p . was , undo btedly, one of the greatest of n kings of Egypt , and in his lo g reign the country attained to a state of prosperity and greatness the like of which had never before been seen therein . He con solidated the empire which his great ancestors had won ,

he - on and although, with one exception , carried no great wars , his supremacy was recognized from the most southerly limit of Nubia known to the Egyptians to the northernmost parts of Syria and Mesopotamia . Vassal natIons paid to him the appointed tribute un t l hesita ing y, because they knew that they had to dea l . with the representative of a power which in the past had smitten them swiftly, hard, and often , and because they believed that representative was prepared to U smite them as swiftly and as hard again . nder the strong but peaceful rule of Amen -h etep trade between

s d Egypt and her neighbours ﬂouri he , and king and subject mutually beneﬁted by the wealth which was

94 T HE T E MPLE AT S O LE B 14 50

A wa 1 Semneh s n, and on a large stele at , in the Second i Cataract . To commemorate this success the k ng built

and a large temple , with two pylons , two courts, and two l -eu-kha- -M a e hypostyle hal s , at Menen em a t, n ar Soleb far the modern village of , and not from the head of the Third Cataract ; it was the largest Egyptian d buil ing ever erected in Nubia, and was over three

r U hund ed feet in length . pon the pylons are sculptured scenes in which the king is represented in the act of smiting the heads of a group of his foes in n the traditional manner, and a list of the ames of the

Nubian tribes that he had conquered . The ruins of the temple buildings are still very considerable, and are unquestionably the best preserved of all the

Egyptian monuments in Nubia, a result which is due to the fact that the building lies some distance from n f ative villages, and the people have ound the task of n n m carryi g away the sto es too heavy for the . The g larger columns are nearly seven feet in diameter . The use of this temple was twofold it served to remind the and natives of their conqueror, in time of need parts of

The inha i it could easily be made into a fortress . b u tants of the country, seeing the large ﬁg res of the u king on the pylons , would attach a s perstitious b importance to them , and the uilding, which would appear massive to natives who were accustomed to live d in tents and huts ma e of palm branches and reeds , Indicated the presence of a power in the land whi ch

1 ’ Le si o ci t iii l 1 h s . . . . 8 . p u , p , p 14 50 I E F - ] T HE W V S O AME N B E T E F III . 95

the was to be permanent . This is view taken by the natives of the Eastern Sudan of the huge red brick Khar ﬁm palace which Lord Kitchener built at t , and it

Am -hete III is more than probable that both en p . and n his modern represe tative , the Sirdar, were as mindful of the moral effect which their buildings would have upon the natives as of the practical uses to which the ediﬁces themselves could be put . In n Palestine, Syria , and Wester Babylonia

- ete III A . men h p had no need to make raids , for the tribute was regularly paid to Egypt by the vassal e chiefs of these countries . The r lations which he maintained with the great kings of Western Asia

a were of very friendly character, and the Tell ‘ el- A e Kallimma- marna tablets prov that Sin , or 1 Kadashman-Bél Karaduni ash B , king of y ( abylonia) ,

Tushratta his and , king of Mitanni , were connexions of

A -h ete III by marriage . Thus men p . married a sister cf Kallimma- the Sin , and from information given in B the draft of his own letter to this king ( rit . Mus .

A -hete III No . we know that men p . also if k ’ married one , not two , of the Babylonian ing s

' He i t her daughters . marr ed , but apparently not wi h ’ Shutarna father s full consent , a daughter of , king of and Tushratta Mitanni , also a daughter of , the son

u Shutarna A -hete III and s ccessor of ; that men p .

’ 1 Thi s i s ro a l th e c orrect readi n of th e in s n am e b ut as p b b y g k g , th e reading Kallim m a -Sin i s n ow well-known it h as b een u se d in th i s or w k . 6 G ILUKHIPA T AT M- KHIPA T HI 14 50 9 , U , married two princesses of Mitanni is proved by the ’ fourth paragraph of Tushratta s letter to Amen- h etep ’ IV n Tushratta s . (Berli , No . sister was called Gilukhi a p , and she is mentioned in the inscription on

A -het II one of the sets of royal scarabs which men ep I . in caused to be made, these words they brought to “ m S atharna his ajesty the daughter of , the prince of C 6 [5 eherna Gilukhi a N , the lady p , and O w w 317 her principal omen , who ere in number . ’ Tush ratta s l -khi a daughter was cal ed Tatum p , a fact w s b hich we learn from the last line of the Berlin ta let , 296 No . , wherein we have , following after the list of “ th e h s n : t ings, this tateme t This is a complete list “ Tushratta of all the wedding gifts which , king of

t Nimmuri a A - hete III his Mi anni , gave to y ( men p . ) -In- brother, his son law he gave these gifts when he gave his daughter Tatum -khipa to Nimmuriya in But Egypt to wife . of all the Mesopotamian or

A -hete North Syrian women whom men p married, the

d the l best belove was beautiful Thi , or Tii , whose name appears in the Egyptian texts under the form

‘ [ el- A M ﬂ] , and in the Tell marna tablets as

” 7 : A 1 r " =II° None of the other siatic wives was “ ” acknowledged to be Q ueen of Egypt, this honour ’ being reserved solely for the lady Thi . Her father s

’ Iuaa i name was , qq ]k g , and her mother s

Thuaa a z ; s , ﬁq k g] she seem not to have

- 14 50 98 S C ARABS O F AME N HE T E P III .

b elOn ed , g‘ to any royal house in Mesopotamia but it is perfectly certain that she was accorded the highest rank and honour which a woman could obtain in “ d Egypt, where she is described as royal aughter,

s royal ister , royal mother, royal wife, great lady ,

lady of the South and North . The lady with whom she is identiﬁed is represented as having a s fair complexion and blue eye , and she has all the physical characteristics of the women belonging to certain familie s who may be see n in north - eastern A Syria to this day . Thi was the mother of men h te I A - A -hete e V. p , and of his sister men sat, and men p III n . gave her name promine ce everywhere equal to

own It that of his . has been commonly said that he

is married her in the tenth year of his reign , but there for h no evidence t is statement, because the large scarabs which are quoted in proof say nothing of the k kind . These scarabs are of four kinds ; one ind is

dated in the tenth , and one in , the eleventh year of his

reign, and two kinds are undated . The text on the ﬁrst group of scarabs reads Year tenth under the

majesty of Horus, the mighty bull, diademed (or

n law ekheb et risi g) with , lord of the shrines of N and

Uatch et s w two , establi her of la s , paciﬁer of the lands,

s the Horu of gold , mighty of valour, smiter of the A siatics , king of the South and North, the lord eh- a -Ra Ra maker of created things, N Ma t , chosen of , A - ete son of the Sun, men h p, prince of Thebes , giver

the the of life ; the royal wife , mighty lady, Thi , ” 14 50] AM E N - HE T E P T HE LIO N H U NT E R 99 — living one the name of her father was Iuaa; the

Thuaa s T name of her mother was . Wonder . hey s l brought to his majesty , life , trength , and hea th ,

Kir i a Gilukhi a Satharna th e k p ( p ) , the daughter of ,

Neh erna w 317 prince of , and all her chief omen , in number . Thus this scarab proves beyond a doubt A -hete III his that men p . was in the tenth year of ’ reign already married to Thi when Shutarna s daughter

Gilukhi a In p was brought to him Egypt . The group of scarabs dated in the eleventh year of his reign gives the names and titles of himself and Thi in the same way and in the same order as the class dated in the h “ tenth year, and then we are told on t em that his “ majesty ordered the making of a lake for the royal

Thi i n 3 Tcharukh a wife , the great lady, , her city ( ) of .

Its l 3600 s 600 ength was cubit , and its breadth

was cubits . The festival of inauguration performed by his majesty on th e l 6th day of the third month of

h a the season S at, when his m jesty sailed over it in his boat called ‘ Aten The two undated classes of scarabs repeat the names and titles of the k n and i g Thi in the same way and in the same order , but one cla ss records that in the ﬁrst ten years of A -hete III his reign men p . shot with his own hand ,

HA . d and one hundre two ﬁerce lions , Q Q ”x R 6 “ . and the second that the frontiers of his kingdom Ll w extended from Karei , in the extreme

N W W ‘ AN VVV\ O u i Neh arIna south of N b a, to , [E k k 14 50 AM E N-H E T E P T HE LIO N H U N T E R

or Western Babylonia . Thus it is impossible to tell from the large scarabs the year of the reign of Amen~

III . h etep . in which he married Thi

th e slau h ter of 102 li0 n s b th e b - i t text r ecord Ing g y S cara of Am en h etep III . , w i M se m No . h i n . ri t s , k in d urin th e ﬁrst ten ears of h i s re g B g g y h u u

- III te . The building operations of Amen he p were i n many and vOf various k nds , and remai s of them are to be found from one end of Egypt and Nubia to the

1 0 2 T HE T E M PL E O F L UXO R o n 36 there for the king in the th year of his reign, and at Silsila and elsewhere the quarries were worked

n so co tinuously , that abundant supply of good stone At might be forthcoming for his buildings at Thebes .

h e Karnak built a large pylon , and completed certain works which had been begun i n the reign or reigns of his predecessors , and he cut inscriptions and sculptured ’ reliefs upon some of the walls of the g reat temple of Amen - Ra which enumerate the various gifts that he

t s dedica ed to the great god of Thebes , and illu trate the great boat of the Sun which was employed in the

s s temple proces ions at that period . But the greate t of all the buildings which he set up on the east bank of the Nile at Thebes is the temple dedicated to the Theban C A - Ra Triad of men , q i f? Mut , g 2ﬂ, and

Khensu t its , E which was s yled by builder ” s A in A t The Hou e of men the Northern p , and is now known as the “ Temple of Luxor ’i It was and s i s b l ust h till a wonderful ui ding, and m ave been the n s T It was 5 00 ha dsome t temple at hebes . nearly feet long and about 1 80 feet wide ; it was connected with d s Karnak by means of a pave way , on each ide of which was arr anged a row of rams with their faces

its It turned towards main axis . was added to by

- - I s II. t Heru em heb , Seti . , Ramese , and o hers , and it must have been considered a shrine of great sanctity ’ s A n-h ete s for several hundreds of year . me p son , the

A - h t I e e V. heretic king men p , ordered the name and

1 0 4 T HE T E M P LE O F L UXO R [R C-14 50 A ﬁgure of men to be erased from the walls, and he b uilt a shrine near the te mple in honour of Aten at

his h the s s deat , however, it was pulled down , and tone which formed it were used in other parts of the

d n as buil i g . The greatest injury to the temple w h tu wrought by the early C ristians , who smashed sta es , d s has- s i ﬁgured reliefs , and destroyed the shrine in it with characteristic savage and ignorant zeal ; certain “ ” u parts of it they altered and t rned into churches . In the sanctuary at the south end is a chamber in which are depicted scenes of th e transformation of A wh h o m T othmes IV. men , under the for of becomes

A - t I nd n he e II . a the father of men p - , the conceptio , n birth , and reari g of the royal child . These scenes C f the are , of course , opied rom those on walls of the Der al- i n temple of Bahar , which describe the divi e

a At s A origin of the great queen H tshepset . Thebe men hete III Menthu p . built a temple in honour of the god ,

s and another to the godde s Mut, which he provided

’ with a large number of black basalt seated statues of

ss the godde Sekhet , sphinxes , etc .

the On the west bank of Nile he built a large temple , and in front of it he set up two colossal statues of him s n elf, which are generally k own throughout the world “ ” as m the Colossi of Me non . These statues are made of s new 5 3 quartzite sand tone , and when were about

I h feet high , not , of course , ncluding the crowns , w ich were several feet in height ; the pedestals which sup port them are each a little over twelve feet high . The

I o6 AME N -HE T E P so N O F HAP

° The Egyptian o i cial who was most concerned In the building of the temple of the Colossi

A -h ete a of Memnon was men p, the son of H p} ’" Kha- -Uast o icial and grandson of em , an of high

Thothmes III rank who ﬂourished in the reign of . The inscriptions found upon h1 s broken statue supply a considerable amount of information about ’ his duties , and it would seem that he was the king s

In1n1ster A w - six d chief . fter t enty lines of intro uctory

A —hete Ha matter , in which men p, the son of p, de scribe s his own abilities and how the god Thoth had given him the understanding which made him a most

valuable servant to his lord , and an adept in the know ” of i A ledge div ne books , he goes on to say that men

ete III h p . appointed him to be a royal scribe, and that “ ” he became skilled in the book of the god , and saw the

s glories of Thoth , and knew all the deep my teries of

t was li erature , and that every secret thing known to him n t . He then became an orator, and the ki g promo ed

s ss him to be an in pector of the people , and he asse ed

and in th e the taxes justly, did this such a way that

people who were taxed applauded him . He appointed

stone illars at alm ra in th e earl m orni n and ro m ston e s in p P y y g , f th e Valle of iran i n th e Sin ar M ountains an d i n m ountain s y G g ,

et ee n Bire d ik an d r a an d at As an an d at s ev eral lac e s i n b w j U f , w p th ﬁ l h ar f n i n e S d an . Dr Br s ch a so e th e sam e in o so u . ug d k d d th m l K t o l i e te e at arn a . E v . . . p k ( g y p , p 1 He w as also s rnam e Hui ; —c om are u d p [ 1 “ M E QQHT’SH T HE C O LO S S I O F ME MN O N 1 0 7 inspectors to patrol the roads which led into foreign lands , and to make the people dwell in their appointed

the s N places on east and we t banks of the ile , and they were supposed to keep strict watch upon the nomads ~ Nemausha fw w v f called , gR ] f EQ he also made men to keep watch over the river way s

- Th l i f me n ete III . at ebes . e Co oss o A n p Th r a x r F rom a p oto ap b A . B e to , L o . h g h y u

into Egypt, and he was the captain of the company of ’ v men who manned the king s boats for this ser ice . He divined what his master wished to do in respect of the people that were subject to him and he was in charge In of the prisoners taken by the king . return for all these services the king made him overseer of works , I o8 AM E N -HE T E P SO N O F HAP 1 4 50

L mer hat and : , the able servant made to live the name of the great king for whom the mountains of sand “ stone had been created . He says , Through the love “ which was in my heart I worked to make his two images in this his great templeafrom block[s] Of stone ” 1 was each of which is as solid as heaven . The like never done for any king of Egypt since the days of

- Ra 2 i s the Sun god , and as each statue was forty cub t

s high, the pylon of the temple behind them eemed comparatively insigniﬁcant ; when each statue had been set in its place the pair resembled the gods B a and u Tem . To fetch the blocks of stone for the statues the overseer of works tells us that he had to build eight

boats , and that when they were set up the heart of every man who had been employed by him in the s u ervice was very glad . The thankf lness which the architect must have felt at the end of this difﬁcult task m can be better i agined than described .

Am -hete son Ha en p, the of p, also built a temple at the

Dér al- i and place now called Med na , by a decree which

A -hete III 6th men p . promulgated on the day of the fourth

S ha t month of the season , in the eleventh year of his n reign, it was ordered that the building should be mai

5 2 2 13 15 33 512 “ P HR H R n a i l H W E

M ri tte Ka k l a e rna . 3 , , p 6 . 2 I h . e . t e li e h ad n ev er e en one at all . , k b d

I I O T E M P LE AT E L -KAB 14 50 words was attributed power of a most remarkable

. A character Curiously enough , a mention of men h etep the sage occurs in the tract which Josephus A h d “ wrote against pion (i . w erein it is sai , This “ king (Amenophis) was desirous to become a spectator

s his s of the gods, as had Oru , one of predeces ors in b that kingdom , desired the same efore him ; he also communicated that his desire to his namesake Amen

was i s ophis , who the son of Pap s , and one that eemed

to partake of a divine nature , both as to wisdom and ” ’ futuries III s the knowledge of . answer to the king “ request Amen -hetep told him that he might see the d if go s , he would clear the whole country of the lepers ” r and of the othe impure people . Now the name ’ - Am h ete s I e . given to en p father by Josephus, . , Papis, i s n el nothing but the Egyptian ame of his father, H p, ” t a r 1 with the ar icle p , the , added the eto .

n a A - ete III I other p rts of his kingdom men h p . built

At El-kab he largely . completed the small temple w Th othm es IV hich . had begun to build in honour of

o ekhebet n the g ddess N , and at Elephanti e he built a

m Khnemu small but most interesting te ple in honour of , the Nubian god of the First Cataract . This building was comparatively small, and was approached by a short

to ﬂight of steps, on each side of which , at the p , was a i column w th a lotus capital . On each side of the temple were seven square pillars, and a portico ran

1 Thi r in e ut Erm n e s ch i t 188 s w as st o t o b a Aeg . Z i t r f , 7, ﬁ p d y , 14 p . 7 . 14 50] T E M P LE O F S O LE B I I I

n and round the buildi g, which consisted of one hall a small shrine chamber leading out of it ; the main portion 4 0 30 1 3 of the ediﬁce measured about feet , by feet, by feet . This temple was still standing, and was in a good state of preservation when in 1799 the members of the c d great Fren h Expedition ma e drawings of it, which they 1 fortunately published later ; but in 1822 Muhammad Ali fa t A an wished to have a palace built for himsel sw , n and the whole building was tor down, stone by stone , b y the local governor, who burnt the slabs of calcareous stone to make lime for mortar , and employed the blocks

of . granite , etc , to make the foundations of the new

e At palac . several places in the First Cataract are inscriptions which refer to works of various kinds A -hete III carried on by men p . , and the remains of his buildi ngs in Nubia testify to his care for the shrines of ol that country . The temple of S eb has already been men tioned the , but we may note in passing that importance which it possessed in the opinion of its builder is testiﬁed

A -hete III by the fact that men p . specially visited Nubia the u n At Sedén a to attend ina guration ceremo ies . g , a

h a little to the north of Sole , he built small temple in

his honour of wife Thi , and here may be seen the cartouche of the q ueen side by side with those of her

A -hete II I. husband . To men p is sometimes given the credit of having ﬁrst discovered the suitability of the plain which lies between Gebel Barkal and the Nile for b uilding purposes, and there is no doubt that he built a

’ 1 Descri ti on ole l E te t l — om . i . ates 34 37 . p gyp , p I T M B O F AM E - HE T E P III 14 50 rz O N . temple there , for otherwise the two granite lions in the h B Britis Museum , and the colossal ram in the erlin ’ Museum , all of which are inscribed with the king s s names and title , would not have been found there . a The writer, however, saw many fr gments of stelae and statues which had all the appearance of having belonged

u XIIth Is Im to mon ments of the Dynasty , and it possible to believe that the Egyptian o cers and i s generals , who v ited Nubia long before the period of th e XVIIIth s s Dyna ty , did not recogni e the importance of such a station a few miles from th e foot of the Fourth Cataract , whether for a fortress or a temple . The ﬁne r l h pai of ions referred to above , w ich were brought from the ruins of the temples at Gebel Barkal by Lord

Prudhoe , are thought by some to have been taken there

wh o s from the north by the king u urped them , but 1 that seems unlikely . Amen -h etep hewed for himself a tomb out of the solid rock in the Western Valley of the Tomb s of the

s King , and he appears to have been the ﬁrst king to make a sepulchre there . The walls of the corridors and chambers were ornamented with coloured representations the u s of the king holding converse with vario s great god ,

1 h e in h o se na m e o c curs ith th at of Am en - ete III T k g w w h p .

“ h t r th e m onum ents of h i s ath r M in th or s e re s o e e . Lore t e w d d f , h s h e s n of Am en - te III n s ees a roo th at e w a t o he . a d th at h e p f p , r ep aire d th e tem ples wh i ch th at g reat king h ad b u ilt at Gebel

al Se e Recueil tom . xi . . 2 12 . Bar . k , p

1 1 - A 14 30 4 AME N HE T E P Iv . ND HIS

h i - s Ra- H - Ra-H and Nort , h gh prie t of eru khuti ( arma

one n chis) , the exalted in the horizon in his ame of ” “ wh o is his s 1 and Shu in di k , Mighty one in his It duration of life . appears that in the early y ears of his reign his mother Thi took a prominent part in

of she the government the country, and that ordered certain works to be carried out as if she were the

s h mistre s of Egypt, but there is nothing to show t at she assumed a po sition similar to that held by a s Thothmes III H t hepset when . was a boy . When

-hete IV t Amen p . ascended the throne he mus have ’ was arrived at man s estate , for he married , and it is thought that he married the wi fe who is called

Ro al w Nefer- in the texts , y ife , great lady , tith,

‘ We know from the Tell el- Amarna tablets that

Tushratta , king of Mitanni , gave his daughter

- T atumkhi a A h ete III . p to men p to wife , for, in his

us M . letter to theEgyptian king (Brit . No .

Nimmuri a he says in the ﬁrst paragraph , To y , king of

m -in-law I Egypt , my brother, y son , whom love , and

t Tushratta n M who love h me, , ki g of itanni , who

s ea m s i c e

2 n f L 9 O

3 - - T l ts No. 10 . 4 2 . See Bez ol Bu e Tell cl Ani arna ab e , , d dg , p 14 30] W IVE S F RO M M E S O PO T AM IA 1 1 5

- - in . loveth thee , thy father law . With me it is well be h May it also well with t ee , and thy house , and

m u -khi a with y da ghter Tatum p , thy wife whom thou

lovest, and may it be well with thy wives , and with th s thy sons , and with y nobles , and with thy chariot ,

and with thy horses , and thy warriors , and with thy

and t n is l , and with every hi g which thine may it be ” Tushratta d well indeed . When sent his aughter to - t Amen h etep III . he sen with her a dowry suitable for a lady who was going to marry the great king of Egypt , but it is most unlikely that such a dowry would have been given to her had she been going to marry a mere r n s s the p i ce , who e uccession to throne was not well In s . a assured any c se , in view of uch a deﬁnite state

“ ’ ment as that contained in Tushratta s letter it is impos sible to speak of the Mitannian princess as the

A -hete IV wife of men p . only , as some have done , for we know that she became the wife of both father and

An Nefer son . attempt has been made to prove that

A -hete IV u -khi a tith , the wife of men p . , and Tat m p are

e s s 1 a . M one and the sam person , but it is, M a pero says , far more likely that Nefer-tith was an Egyptian lady

and the daughter of some princess of royal blood, whom

A -h ete III the son of men p . and Thi married in order to

make good through her his right to the throne , which m was , of course , seriously compro ised by his descent

from Thi , a foreign mother . During the ﬁrst few years of his reign Amen -hetep

1 O . cit. tom . ii . . 3 1 7 . p , p - P 3 . 0 . 14 30 1 1 6 AM E N HE T E P IV. AND AT E N WO RS HI j[

’ I s u V. appear to have been g ided by his mother s u counsels, and it is q ite easy to see from one of the

s s n t titles which he as umed on a cendi g the throne , hat

he had by nature , or had been taught to have , views on religion which were in some respects akin to those of

s s It m the prie ts of Heliopoli . will be reme bered that

Thothmes IV his grandfather, . , had dug out from the

Bet - i sand the Sphinx , the symbol of Harmach s , who o f s A was a god Heliopoli , and that his father, men

hete III . p , had celebrated the festival of the opening

the w of lake , hich he had made to please Thi , by

s the A ailing over it in a boat called Beauties of ten ,

I e was l . . , of another god who worshipped at Heliopo is ,

- e Ra the city where all the forms of the sun god , . g . , ,

- - - a - H Ra Temu , Kheper , Heru , eru khuti , Heru khuti ,

Am -h ete A . . IV. ten , etc , were adored When en p came “ to the throne , he called himself the high priest of

Bet - H h th e one in his armac is , exalted the horizon in ” is in name of Shu , who his disk ; thus it is clear that

A e he was an adherent of the religion of ten , and ther is no reason for doubting that his mind had been led to take - such theological views through the teachings of t It w his mo her, Thi . may have been that these vie s were strengthened by the Opposition which was offered

A his by the priests of men to succession to the throne, for it is clear that the deep hatred with which he

' sudden ro wth regarded them and their god was not of g , I but on thi s point the in scri ptions are silent . n the

A -h t I e e V. early part of his reign, men p followed the

- 1 1 8 AM E N HE T E P IV. AND HIS

and houses for tho se court o fﬁcials who were bold enough to cut themselves off from the old traditions of Thebes ; the neighbouring mountains would afford

n - s n resti g place for the dead , and the ki g felt that when he had once taken up his abode in his new city he would be able to defy the rest of Egypt . Meanwhile ,

the however , relations between the king and the priests Am d of en became straine , and this is not to be wondered at when we remember that soon after his accession to the throne the king began to cut out the name of Amen At as well as his ﬁgure from every building in Egypt . length an open rupture took place , and the king found it desirable from eve ry point of view to remove him self

his his new and family to city , which he called Khut

” 19 1 M M i . e A . . f , , ten , ] g the Horizon of the Disk A he d his A -hete bout this time iscarded name , men p, because it contained the name of the

A h s hated god men , and gave im elf the new

name - eu- A ) Khut ten , Qg ] “ ” i e A . . , the Spirit, or Glory of ten , or ’ At the Sun s Disk . the same time he changed his Horus name from “ Exalted ” “ One of the double plumes to Mighty A ” Bull , beloved of ten , and he styled “ himself Lord of the shrines of Nekh ebet Uatch et m and , ighty one of sovereignty i in the city of the Hor zon of the Sun , d the Horus of gol , who exalteth the NE W C AP IT AL KH UT -AT E N 1 1 9 D name of the isk, the king of the South and North ,

a two living in Ma t, the lord of the lands , the lord of ” w b now Am cro ns . The reak was complete , and en

h ete IV A p . settled down to worship his god ten in his “ n A own way in the city Horizo of ten . Much has been written about the worship and creed of A n te , but as the inscriptions do not give us any deﬁnite

s information on the ubject , a great deal of theorizing is m A n ade to take the place of fact . The worship of te

was a very old one in Egypt , and its original home was

v nm Heliopolis , but it had ne er provoked the e ity of the

Egyptians , who tolerated it and were tolerated by its w A A priests . The orship of ten as understood by men

hete IV ff p . was , however, a very di erent thing , for h A w ereas the old ten worship was tolerant, the new A ten worship was not , for had it been tolerant the king l would have betaken himse f to Heliopolis, where the

s It prie ts would have received him gladly . is clear from the reliefs which have been found at the city

ut-A A Kh ten , that the god ten was regarded as the

giver of life , and the source of all life on this earth , and

was that his symbol the light, or ﬁre , or both , of the ; A Sun ten was the physical body of the Sun , and the creed of Aten ascribed to the god a monotheistic character or oneness of which it denied the existence in

any other god . This being so , the new religion could not absorb or be absorbed by any other, and similarly , A ten could not absorb or be absorbed by the other gods

of Egypt , because he had nothing in common with 1 2 0 T HE W O RS H IP O F AT E N A A them . ttempts have been made to prove that the ten worship resembled that of th e monothei stic worship of the s h w A Hebrew , and to s o that ten is only another n Ad6n form of the ame , a Semitic word which is “ ” usually rendered lord, but as far as can be seen now

s f Aten i term inate in um an and s s ini n n h e Th e ra o , w c , p o t y h h h h h g u r f n -h et I n h i i f h ca to c es o Am e e V. a d s fe Ne ertit . u h p w

the worship of Aten was something like a gloriﬁed

s materialism , which had to be expounded by priest , who performed ceremonies similar to those which

Helio olitan - belonged to the old p sun worship , without

any connexion whatsoever with the worship of Yahweh ,

1 2 2 WO RS H IP O F AT E N AT KH UT -AT E N [ 3 0 14 30

from the hymns and other compositions in the Book

of the D ead .

A Het The temple of ten was called B enben ,

N W VV‘ was : and a very large building , but E]E._J J] J “ m it was never ﬁnished, as far as the orna entation of the walls is concerned ; in its courts were altars on which

s f n d incen e was burnt and of eri gs were lai , and it is possible that the idea of the altar was sugge sted to the son architect Bek , the of Men , by the altar which the great queen Hatshepset had erected in her temple at Der 1 al- i It Bahar . is an interesting fact that no sacriﬁces ff ’ of any kind were o ered up , either on the queen s altar

or on the altars of her successors , and it must be noted that the queen says in her inscription on her

- Fl a s altar that she built it for her father Harmachi ,

-o+

6) £921 a a; and that REL- Harmachis was the one ancient god of the

A -h ete IV r Egyptians whom men p . delighted to honou . The high priest of the temple at Khut -Aten was made to adopt the old title of the high priest of Ra at

- l i e . r an . U He iopolis , , ma , j k (lEg , and in many respects the new worship was carried on in the temple by means of many of the old form s and ceremonies of the Heliopolitan priesthood ; on stated

s s occa ion , however, the king himself ofﬁciated . 1 This altar m easures 1 6 eet b 1 3 e et b 5 e et a nd it s to i s f y f y f , p r a h ﬂi h t f e c e d by a g o ten steps at th e we stern en d ; it w as x t b Na ille T m le D i l- e c ava e v . e o r c Ba h ri f e a t . i . . 8 . d y p , p p

1 2 4 D E S C RI PT IO N O F T HE NE W

Meanwhile the new city Khut - Aten prospered and

s be grew , and many wealthy people and noble who had come terriﬁed at the growth of the power of the priests of Amen left Thebes and took up their abode there ; a n f l umber of court o ﬁcia s naturally followed their king ,

as new and the canon of art , which he proclaimed and d d patronize , gave abun ant employment to sculptors

s n s and artist of every kind , to say othing of the killed workmen who were needed for the carrying out of his c r , . p ojects the ity soon ( became well populated The s d house were beautifully ecorated, and many of them s s had pla ter pavement , which were ornamented with 1 unusually arti stic designs and patterns ; la rge garden s full of choice plants and rare trees were laid out, not only in the grounds of the palace , but also in the ‘ s oﬂici l the a s hi s hou es of high , and architect Bek and

s in k the new workmen pared no pains ma ing _ city beautiful in every sense of the word . The artists threw offmany of the old trammels and conventionali

i s s s ties of the r profes ion , and indulged them elve in new

s s new s new de ign , new forms , colour , and treatment of u s s s I the s bj ect which they wi hed to repre ent . ndeed it is to the buildings of the city of Khut-Aten and their decoration s that we owe many of the ideas of the i possibilities of Egyptian art ; the art of the period sg characterized by a freedom and a naturalism which i s s never before or after met with in Egyptian hi tory .

1 A n m er of th se ere u n c ov ere o e tri u b e w d b y Pr f . P e in th e ‘ r e of h i l - c ou s s exc avati ons at T e l el Am arn a .

1 6 -H T E O R H -E -AT E 2 AME N E P IV . K U N N wh o bringeth him forth a perfect being at the appointed

A t a ll i time . ten is the crea or of l ving things , and of all men of whatever language and colour, and of the

A e A i s Nile ; in short, t n , and ten only, praised as the h sun A creator of material t ings , and the is ten , and all r people were called upon to ado e him . t w A - hete I V We have seen hat hen men p . ﬁnally i A declared himself n favour of ten as oppo sed to Amen Ra hi s Amenh ete , he changed name from p to Khu en -A ten , and it must now be noted that the form and

th e d e has- s ls ﬁgure of king as epict d in relief a o changed . In the earlier monuments of hi s reIgn he is repre sented as possessing the typical feature s of his father and

‘ his el- A others of ancestors, but at Tell marna his t ff physical charac eristics are entirely di erent . Here he n is portrayed with a very high , narrow, and recedi g l n forehead, a large , sharp , aqui i e nose , a thin , weak

and n n set mouth , a large projecti g chi , and his head is upon a long and extremely slender neck ; his che st is d s l rounde , his stomach inﬂated, and his thigh are arge

s and broad , and in many re pects his ﬁgure resembles

m It re r that of a wo an . is impossible that such p e sentati ons of the king would be permitted to appear in has -reliefs in his city unless the king a pproved of them , and it is clear that he did approve , and that his ofﬁCIals understood that he approved of this treatment

the s of his person at hand of sculptors and artists, for some of the high ofﬁcials were themselves represented n s th d . e s in the same ma ner Still , ome of rawing of

1 2 8 PH Y S IC AL C H ARAC T E RIS T IC S O F AM E N -HE T E P IV

u the king must be regarded as caricat res , but whether i w s be a ntentional or other i e cannot s id . Some have thought that the features given to the king by the arti sts were in some way supposed to be connected i A with the views held by the worsh ppers of ten , and 1 s it has also been sugge ted that he was a eunuch, but for neither sugge stion is there any satisfactory d groun . ’ D uring Khu -eu-Aten s comparatively shor t reign of ’ les s than twenty years the whole of the king s energies seems to have been expended in superintending the building of his city , and in developing the worship of

A the w ten . With vie of furthering the latter he built small temples at Heliopolis , and Memphis , and other ancient cities, but of these very few remains have been e found . War se ms to have been abhorred by him , for we do not hear even of the old familiar raids into t Nubia, which nearly every Egyp ian king was obliged m to make as soon . as he ca e to the throne ; on m 2 the other hand , we learn fro the tomb of Huia ,

’ s [mk 1 , the king treasurer, that in the

1 “ Est i s v erm utet or en d er K oni se i b ei e in em F eld z u e w d , g g entm annt or en und h a e s o d ie ch ara teri stis ch en Z ii e d er w d , b k g Eunu ch en ang en o m m en ; d e m wid erspri ch t e s jedoch d ass derselb e si eb en Toch te r b e s a ss un d dem z ufolg e d ie E ntm annung e rst ein v o r e s ch rittete n en alterh atte er ol t s ei n k Onn en w o g f g , i e sel e auf d i e Ae nd eru ng d er P hy s i og n o m i e aum m eh r e inen

d b k ‘ ” i m n u b n onnte . a n h in ﬂu a su e e e A . es c s e G E s W g . . 397 . k d , , p 2 ‘ i n m i s o n in th e T ell el- Am ar n l t r B li n N 6 Th s a e a e te er o . f u d , , , u nder th e

—‘ In all the has- reliefs at Tell el Amarna Khu - eu

A Nefertith ten is always accompanied by his wife ,

- f u - A Nefer ne er i e . to whom he gave the title ten, . , the

and with whom several writers have identiﬁed the wife of

- A hete III . u men p , Tat m [1S E Q E};

Tushratta the daughter of , king of Mitanni . Prof. “ s 1 A III Petrie say , menhotep . was negotiating for his ’ son s marriage before his death ; and from another letter (9) we learn that Tadukhipa was the daughter

A si c thus married to khenaten , and who [ ] was known ” M s 9 in Egypt as Nefertiti . M . aspero take the view

n -k hi a that whe Tatum p , who had left Mitanni on the understanding that she was going to marry Nimmuriya

A -h ete n men p ki g of Egypt, arrived in

Egypt she found that the old king was dead, and that

A -hete IV his son men p . took his place and married her . In support of his statement Prof. Petrie merely refers

6 s 9 . to tablets Nos . and , and pas es on ; but M Maspero to prove his point quotes the British Museum

\ 1 1 letter No . , and the description of its contents P drawn up by rof. Bezold and the present writer . “ ” s Q Thi letter is addressed to the ueen of Egypt, and it is generally thought that the queen referred to d “ is Thi , especially as mention is ma e in it of Thy ” Na khuri a A -h ete IV son p y , or men p . The opening “ words contain greetings to thyself, greetings to thy

2 1 i sto l II 20 t n m 1 1 r v o . . . Hi s . A a to . . . 32 . . 9 H y , p 7 , p - - 14 30 A E HE T E P III AND AME HE T E P IV. 1 1 ] M N . N 3

n m -khi a son , greeti gs to Tatu p [my daughter], thy ” -in- And i . e . Kalla tu . , , thy bride or daughter law in another letter 1 Tatum -khipa is directly referred to as the wife of Napkhuriya (Amen - hetep But she d was not originally inten ed to be the wife of this king,

-hete III Tushratta for Amen p . had negotiated with ’

e Hi s t . . ( . not , as Prof Petri says p for his son s hi s own Tushratta marriage , but for , and clearly -in- describes him as his son law , as he also describes ’ - h ete IV on . . Amen p . later Prof Maspero s description

-h te III é é i e A n e . . . of me p as poux pr tendu , , as a

-khi a husband to whom Tatum p was never married, because he was either dead or dying when she reached

Tushratta Egypt, is disproved by letters from to

- III A hete . men p , which contain greetings to Tatum w ” 2 It khi a . p , my daughter , thy ife is evident that Tatum-khipa was for some ti me before the death of

A -hete III co - men p . his wife with Thi, and that after his death she was taken over by his son Amen

i s b h te I . e V. p That this view shared y Dr Winckler, the editor and translator of a large number of the

‘ el- A s Tell marna tablets, is shown by his tran lation of the words ka lla ti -k by which Tatum -khipa is described ’ Tushratta s in letter to queen Thi, already mentioned “ -in- as above , not as to thy daughter law, or even B to thy bride, as was done by Dr . ezold and myself

1 ’ M le la Missi on t m i e moires o o . v . . 302 line 8 , p , . 2 l D i e Tho a l x 4 inc er nt e n . ii . 1 No 4 W f , . 9 No . k , pp ( ( 1 2 AM N - H E T E P 3 F ILY O F AM E Iv .

“ ” “ but n cc - in as dei er Mitfrau , to thy wife ,

' e co- Thi A -hete III , the wife with , of men p . For ’ - Prof. Petrie s identiﬁcation of Tatum khipa WIth Nefertith d d no good groun s can be discovere .

A -h ete IV The family of men p . consisted of daughters ,

— - / called z l A AN w W . a who were . ten merit , 1] S q q 5]

2 a -A n o M f /w - - - . 3 A s en a M ket te , 1 . . nkh p U ] g g]

“ M m is q g] 4 Nefer neferu

[ 5 Willi k o qgj

- t - - 6 . e e eu a neferu Ra . S B Q p , Q , EIII23 v m A -Bak et . 7 . g] ten , These

” n “ B A n “ r t names mea , eloved of te , Vi tue (or, protec ion) A ” A ” B of ten, ten is her life , eauty of the beauties ” “ ” of A n 9 u Ba te the Less, Beauty of the bea ties of ,

1 Th e or kallatum m ean s in th e Se m iti c iale cts ri e and w d d b d , ” also a h ter-in -law a act rov e b s ev e ral as sa es i n th e d ug , f p d y p g h e o e s a h m m i ll i m n ri i o e . t T u C n e or i sc t n s . s s et s c a e u f p , g , g dd d “ halla tu m ra bi tuni rea t ri e Ni h t i s calle ka llatuni , g b d g d k uttu mtui n th e vei le Bri e and els e h ere w e h ave Itti emeti , d d w , “ a ll i i usu i tti ha llatt eni eti i rusu h e h ath set th e m o th e k at p r , p , r “ i n -law at v ari an c e ith th e au hter -i n -law h e h ath s et th e w d g , ” - -l t ari an c e ith th e m oth r -i n -l a h ter in aw a v e aw . Se e d ug w i ll 4 1 n i o m I s cri t ons i v . . 9 ob v . 2 5 1 2 6 2 52 4 1 Cu e f r n p , p , ; , , , 7 , .

Dr inc ler o tai ns hi s tran slation Mi t ra u rom th e m e anin . W k b f f g ” ri b de .

1 34 RE LAT IO NS O F E G YPT W IT H

of the despatches which were sent by the king of Eg y pt to his vassal prInces and governors in Palestine and

Syria , and to the kings of the independent kingdoms of In A . ssyria, Babylonia, and Mitanni a separate chapter a brief sketch of the contents of the letters from Western A few sia is given , but a paragraphs must be devoted to a consideration of the state to which the possessions of Egypt in Palestine and Syria had been bro ught by Am -h ete IV the incapacity of en p . His grandfather

Th othmes IV m . had arried a wife from Western Baby

his A -h ete III lonia , and father men p . had married a si ster and a daughter of Kallimma- Sin (Kadashman Bél Karad uni ash Shutarna ) , king of y , a daughter of ,

Tushratta king of Mitanni , and a daughter of , king of

A -h ete IV Mitanni thus men p . was connected with the

s r greatest of the royal hou es of Weste n Babylonia, and the heads of those houses were anxious to cont inue with him the friendly relations which they had enj oyed with

B A -ubal i . l A his fathers esides this , shur t, king of ssyria ,

w as ss l quite prepared to do busine with him , and c early had no wish to become involved in war with Egypt and

Svria P as far as regards and alestine , its vassal kings and princes would have paid to the son the tribute which

they had paid to the father , had the son taken the pains to journey into their lands and to show them that he

was a capable successor to his father . This , however ,

A -h ete I V. t men p did not do , for here is no mention in the inscriptions of a war or expedition of any kind having been undertaken during his reign had he occupied his KING S O F W E ST E RN AS IA 1 35 mind after the manner of his fathers we should probably

s A have heard little about the here y of ten , or of the s It A -hete worshipping of the Di k . seems that men p

IV -A . began to build his city Khut ten in the fourth hi s and n year of reign , therefore the strife betwee the p riests of Amen and himself must have assumed large l proportions ear ier ; in any case, from the fourth year of his reign to its end he had neither the time nor the opportunity of attending to the affairs of his empire . As soon as th e peoples of Palestine and Syria learned how he was spending hi s time they became restless;

" i cult especially as they found themselves in a di position . That they had no great love for the rule of Egypt is shown by the fact that they never lost an opportunity

s i of rebelling again t her k ng , but now they began to realize that she was not strong enough either to make them pay tribute as of old or to protect them against the growing power of the peoples of the Kheta , w E i s ? who had forced their way to ards the south and were threatening the independence of the tribes

oﬁi cials of Northern Syria . The Egyptian , who journeyed from place to place throughout the country

s and administered many parts of it for their master, al o

s fﬁ s found them elves in a di cult po ition , for they soon

h ow perceived weak his rule was becoming , and that

m Be they were powerless to enforce their com ands . fore many years had passed nearly all the country of i Palestine and Syr a was in a state of revolt , for the 1 36 G RO WT H O F T H E KH E T A PO WE R a great princes attacked e ch other, and city after city ’ n s fell into the ha ds of its enemies, the king caravans

d wa were openly plun ered on their y to Egypt , the

n Shi rdana s who merce ary soldiers of the and the Ka hi ,

s were in the service of the Egyptian , were slain, and the vassal princes of Egypt boldly made league with the

w . Kheta and ith the Khabiri The Kheta , who are no doubt the people referred to by the As syrian s under the name of Khatti , have been identiﬁed with the Hittites

” f fi s of Holy Scripture , but on insu cient ground , and similarly the Khabiri have been identified with the w fi s s Hebre s . The rst pos e sions which were lost to 0 —4 ) I Sim ra ha i nd re Ullaz a Egypt were y , , M c

Ni and Tuni a w Az iru , q 0L) ? p, y and , Abd Ashratum th e A the son of , governor of murri , in

“ the waste the league with Kheta, laid whole of the di strict which was under the rule of the prince of

t Nukh ashshi Ka na about the same time the country of ,

[ 1 53 13 LW—I Anaulcas a q E k , was captured by

the Kheta on their own initiative . The governors of ﬁnd the cities on the coast were next attacked , and we that the Khabiri and the Kheta and their rebel allies

Bérﬁt Baretha b e captured , i n , and J % I kg( s and s A ieged Tyre , compelled the inhabitant of scalon , m and Gezer , and Lachish , etc . , either to supply the m d t with provisions , or to attempt to ur er heir

rs governo .

1 38 AB I- M IL KI O F T YRE 1 4 30 because each month he sees more clearly what the end must be .

o f Abi - was The position Milki , governor of Tyre ,

u one m a serio s at this ti e , for he seems to have been driven from his abode on land and to have

‘ T re which established himself on the two rocks of y , were some distance from the city on the mainland .

m al nland off The enemy had occupied the , and had cut d his supplies of food , and water, and woo , with the V h n l iew of starving him out , and t e ships a so prevented him from obtaining provisions by sea ; it was only with the greatest difﬁculty that he was able to despatch a n i letter to the ki g . The following render ng of one of his letters will illustrate the troubles of this long f v suf ering ser ant To the king, my sun, my gods . “ Abi - I Thus [saith] Milki thy servant , fall down seven times and seven times at the feet of my lord the — I s m king , and am the dust beneath the sandal of y I I u lord the king . ndeed am keeping g ard over the

r h n s fort ess of the king which e placed in my ha d . My face is set towards going to see the face of my in I lord the k g, but am unable to do so because of the hand action) of Z im rida of the city of Sidon ; for should he hear of my departure to the s me palace he will perform act of enmity unto . Let the king my lord give me twenty (3) men to guard d the fortress of the king my lor , and then let me I come before the king my lord , so that may see his

I the happy face . have set my face to perform ABI-M IL KI O F T YRE 1 39

n let n service of the ki g my lord , and the ki g my lord ask his inspector if I had not before set my face [to I go] into the presence of the king my lord . have

s sent my envoy to the king my lord with his de patch , therefore let the king my lord send his envoy to me I with his despatch , and will depart straightway to n u the king my lord . Let the ki g my lord t rn his face [to me] and give me water to drink and wood for his servant [to burn] Let the

off f king my lord know that we are cut rom the land , and that we have neither water [to drink] nor wood r I [to bu n] . have already sent my envoy to the king I my lord, and gave him ﬁve talents of copper, a n k n woode throne etc . The i g my lord wrote to

‘ : A t t me , saying cquaint me by let er wi h whatso ’ I ever news thou hearest in Canaan, [and therefore n say], The ki g of Danuna is dead , and his brother in hath become king his room, and his country is quiet . Let the king know that ﬁre broke out in the

U - city of garit, and that one half of the city hath been h l s burnt, but the other a f hath e caped . The

Itak ama Khatti have disappeared . hath conquered the Aziru 1 city of Kadesh , and hath made enmity

Nam awiz a I with y . know the evil act which Z imrida 9 hath committed and how he has gathered together ships and men from the cities which are

to Az iru friendly , [and that they will come] against

1 Th e s on A d -A h m of b s ratu .

2 ‘ Go ern or of Si n an d La h i h v do c s . - 1 4 0 B URRABURIYAS H AND AM E N HE T E P IV .

f v me Let the king turn his ace to his ser ant, and set out to come [to 1

A -h I The letters which were sent to men etep V. by the independent kings of Western Asia also prove that the king was not maintaining with ; them the ancIent friendship in th e traditional

Burraburi ash II Karaduni manner, for y , king of “ s n ya h , says in one despatch , Your e voys have

i come to me three t mes , but you have sent no rich ” 2 ou In gift ; therefore I have sent y nothing . “ e s anoth r he ays , The caravan of my messenger whom “ I sent to you has been twice plundered in your ” 3 territory , a statement which proves how unsafe the ’ - l A hete s . country , presumab y Syria, was in men p time Elsewhere the Babylonian king complai ns that his

“ merchants have been killed and robbed, and demands 1 Tushratta satisfaction from the king of Egypt ; , king

n - of Mitanni , also complai s of double dealing on the 5 A n-h d ete IV. part of me p , and ju ging of the case as he presents it to us it would seem that trickery was devised in the city of Khut - Aten as well as in other

s citie of Egypt . Opinions differ as to the character of AInen but when all is said that can be said on his behalf the

1 Th e text i s u lish e in Bez ol -Bu e Tell c l-Amarna Tablets p b d d dg , ,

. 64 and a sum m ar ill n n l i of th sam e or b e ou o a e x . e p , y w f d p g w k ’ an oth er ren erin ill b e oun in Winck ler s Die Thonta eln d g w f d f f 2 p . 77 . B l - 3 e z o B in l r it 2 5 . e o . ci t. No . 3 . W c e o . c . . d udg , p , k , p , p 4 5 Ibi d . 27 . Ibid . 57 ff. , p , p

1 4 2 RE IG N O F S E AAKA- RA 14 00

A -hete IV h men p . was succeeded by a king w ose

i e - - -k . Ra a . a a name has been read in various ways , , se , Ra- - aa- k a-khe eru Ra- - aaka- nekht- khe eru se p , se p , and

Ba- smenkh -k a- -kh e eru s ser p ; the ﬁr t of these forms ,

Ra- -aa-k a the ﬁ se , seems to be the correct form of rst ’ t k Ra par of the ing s nomen or name , especially as the full form of the nomen as given at the head of this paragraph is found upon porcelain rings at Tell ‘ el A I G SE AA-KA 1 RI T CHESER KHEPER marna . K N U ascended the throne of Egypt because he married

A A hete IV ten merit, a daughter of men p . ; of the h details of his reign, which does not appear to ave n t been a lo g one, probably only two or hree years, n nothi g is known . On the wall of a tomb which dates from the time of his father -in- law he is represented as n A - ki g and is accompanied by his wife ten merit, and

A -hete IV a from the fact that men p . lso appears in this scene we may assume that Se -aa-k a-Ra-tcheser-k heperu ’ co- was made regent some time before the king s death .

A -h ete IV This successor of men p . appears to have carried on the worship of Aten after the death of his

-in- -A father law , and to have made the city of Khut ten

his capital .

RK-KHEPERU-NEB son Sun AMEN-T UT - A KH , of the , N HE A - E S Q N B U . ’ 1 In som e copi es of thi s king s cartouch e s w e m ay rea d S e-kh erp - t lea Ra, e c . 14 00] RE IG N O F T UT -AN KH -AME N 1 4 3

T T -A H -AME was A -h ete I I U NK N the son of men p I . by a wife who was not of royal rank ; he married a A - hete IV A - s-eu- a-A daughter of men p . called nkh p ten , and thus obtained the right of succession to the A throne of Egypt . He was not a follower of ten , as e his name proclaims , and it is a remarkabl fact that

' his e A -s-eu- a-A wife changed her nam from nkh p ten, ’ which she had used during her father s lifetime , into A h-s - en-A nk men , thus proclaiming her devotion to

A -Ba men . He adopted many of the titles of the old

i e the kings of Egypt , . . , Mighty Bull , Horus of gold , ” beautiful god , lord of the two lands , etc . , and also “ P A the i e called himself rince of nnu of South . . , Ra n e e Hermonthis . His nomen or am has b en “ ” a e A n expl ined to mean the living imag of me . The chief event in the life of Tut-ankh -Amen was his removal of the court from the city of Khut -Aten back to Thebes , where he showed himself to be a loyal A w servant of the god men , and set to ork to repair or rebuild parts of the great temples of the god in the A Northern and Southern pts . He caused a series of reliefs illustrating the chief scenes in the procession of i ’ . e. New Y the festival of Opening of the year, , ear s

Day , to be sculptured on the walls of the colonnade of the temple of Luxor, which had been built by his father, and he carried on certain works in the temple of Karnak ; and everywhere possible b e restored the name and ﬁgure of Amen which his father-in-law had cut ordered to be out or mutilated . During his reIgn ’ 1 4 4 D E C LIN E O F E G YPT S P O WE R IN S YRIA 1400 b “ the royal son of Ku sh was one Hui and C h . it is probable that through him Tut - ankh—Amen

A -Ra carried out the repairs to the temple of men , b 1 which have een mentioned above . From the tomb r' of this 0 cial at Kurnet- Murrai we learn that the

tribes of Kush brought tribute to the king , but this is n not to be wondered at , seei g that Nubia was ruled by a “ royal son of Kush who had not been affected by

s the heresy of the Disk wor hippers . The scenes on the

s n tomb represent the Nubian chief bringi g gold rings,

d - — gold ust , skins of animals , ebony head rests, precious

s , . ; stones, thrones, couches oxen, etc el ewhere are picture s which are explained as the bringing of

Ruthennu tribute by the chiefs of the people of the , or

‘ l el- A Syrians . With the evidence of the Te l marna tablets before us it is di “ cult to believe that the ~ northern Syrians paid trib ute to Tut- ankh -Amen so soon after the collapse of the Egyptian power in A Western sia, therefore it is far more likely that the Syrians depicted on the walls of Hui ’s tomb are a company of merchants , who have come to barter with n the Egyptia s and not to bring them tribute . We “ must probably interpret many scenes of the bringing t ” m of tribu e in the tombs of Egypt in this anner .

Meanwhile , after the departure of the court from

-A Khut ten to Thebes , the capital of the worshippers d l of the Disk declined rapi ly, for the temp e services

one languished , and as there was no in the palace to 1 S ee a e 1 4 8 p g .

1 4 6 T HE RE IG N O F AI

“ ff - r name , Mighty Bull , of sa ron coloured isings , “ ekh ebet adopted as his titles , Lord of the shrines of N ” “ Uatch et P u A and , ower do bly strong , smiter of sia , “ Maét the Horus of gold , the prince who keepeth ” s the law) , the creator of the two land , and Divine ” n n l gover or of Thebes . The last me tioned tit e he A had placed in his second cartouche . ccording to h Ai Brugsc , was the superintendent of the whole ” stud of Pharaoh , and his wife Thi had been nurse of

A -h IV but ete . men p , whether this be so or not it is quite certain that both AI and Thi were great favourites at i n S the court of this king , for they appear a cene in

A -h ete e prayer with men p and his wif , who are elsewhere n 1 represented as bestowi g gifts upon them . From this Ai A it is clear that was a devotee of the god ten , but whether a sincere one or not depends upon the identiﬁ cation with him of the king who built a tomb for him

l s self in the Western Val ey of the Tombs of the King . “ Ai A The divine father , who was beloved by men

hete IV m e p . , certainly built a to b , which was n ver

‘ n el- A Ai ﬁ ished , at Tell marna, and a king , who was also a “ divine father ” and had married a wife called in Thi , hewed out a tomb for himself and his wife the

Western Valley of the Tombs of the Kings , and there is every reason for thinking that both tombs were built ff by one and the same person , though at di erent periods

. o s of his life . The ﬁrst may , as M Masper suggest ,

’ ‘ 1 n s ar i n Ai s tom at T ll l- Am n L i Th e s e sc e te e e e ar a ; se e e s u s ,

’ b p l 1 ff III iii l 03 . . D km ciler . . en , p ,

1 4 8 T HE T O M B ‘ O F AI

have been made at the time when Ai had no expectation n of becomi g king of Egypt, and the second when he was actually the king of Egypt ; the second tomb itself proves that the man who made it was

king of Eg ypt . This being so , there are no good grounds for not thinking that Ai the king built Ai’ both tombs . But whatever may have been s views about the supremacy of Aten in the days when b e worshipped this god at Khut -Aten in company with

Am —h ete I u V. en p , it is q ite clear that they underwent a very considerable modi ﬁcation when he was about k to become ing of Egypt, for he adopted names and A n titles in which the god ten is not even mentio ed , and he made a tomb for himself and his wife in the Valley of the Tombs of th e Kings near that of Amen h t III n e e . p , thereby showi g that —he wished to be buried near the great kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty A who had worshipped men and made Thebes their In capital . the new tomb he placed a beautiful, richly sculptured and Inscribed red granite sarcophagus ; at i s I the four corners are ﬁgures of four goddesses, . . , sis, h Ser et Sel et Nep thys , Nit and q , or q , with outspread

wings , and on the front is the winged disk with uraei

t n v and ou spread wi gs . The tomb is not ery large when

th e other d It compared with royal tombs of the perio . “ ” is usually called the Monkey Tomb by the modern

A w s rabs, because on the alls are picture of several dog Ai headed apes . During the reign of no military t expeditions were undertaken, and it is pre ty certain that nothing whatever was done to try to regain Egypt’s

I SO G E NE ALO GY O F H E RU -E M -HE B

- On c details of his genealogy are not known . as end m b e g the throne adopted as his Horus name , “ w w n ” Mighty Bull , endo ed ith pla s, or, counsels, “ and the most frequent of his other titles are , Lord “ h of Uatch et of the s rines Nekhebet and , mighty ” “ v A t s l one of mar els in the p , The Horu of go d , ” s M a re ting upon a t, making to be the two lands, ” - Mighty one of valour, etc . Of the life of Heru em heb we gain some interesting information from an 1 Inscription found on the back of a double statue which is preserved in the Museum at Turin ; here we have

-netch emet the king and the queen Mut , the former holding the symbol of life and a sceptre to his breast,

the ‘ latter and wearing the headdress of a royal lady ,

The which was originally surmounted by plumes . text

- a is full of high sounding phrases , and the bre ks at the beginning of the ﬁrst twenty lines make it

f m the dificult at ti es to form a connected sense , but — principal facts recorded are as follows z He was b e

A n- Ra f m gotten by me , who took upon himsel the for of ’ H -em -b c s as eru b s earthly father, ju t the god took upon himself the forms of the fathers of Hatshepset and -h te II Amen e p I . when they were begotten ; he was b - 13119 A s orn in the city of Het suten , 26 5 laba tron polis of the Greeks , and Horus, the god of the city,

d be took him straightway un er his protection , and stowed upon him all manner of physical gifts and

1 li h e ith an En li sh translation b th e la t Dr Bir h F irst pub s dw g y e . c ii 4 ﬁ Bi l c l i . 8 b Ar h . v o . . 6 . i n Trans . Soc. . , p H E RU -E M -HE B AS C E ND S T HE T H RO NE I SI

mental powers , and clothed him in the skin of the god . l i n He was he d great honour by gentle and simple ,

even as a child , and every one recognized that he was the offspring of the god and was destined to occupy a

most exalted position in Egypt . In due time the god him Horus brought before the king in the palace , 2 1]Q] [MR and he was at once made

Re- er n L h , or governo of the cou try . ater I a I r

f : “ h e At w became the en , f] or deputy of the

two b e king in the lands , a position which occupied with great success for many years the nobles of Egypt “ ’ d the of rendere homage to him , and chiefs the foreign “ nations of the south and of the north stretched out

their hands towards him , and made supplication to his ” At - face as unto a god . length Horus of Het Suten wished to establish his son upon his everlasting throne , and arrang ed t h at Heru -em -heb should go to Thebes and

r A appea before men , in order that this great god might f seat him upon the throne of Egypt . Horus himsel took him to Thebes , and their j ourney through the d country was hailed with elight by all men . When Heru- em -heb arrived in Thebes he went to the temple A of men , and was received joyfully by the god , who led

-netch emet and the young man to his mother Mut , she embraced him , and apparently resigned then and there on his behalf all her claims to the throne of Egypt ; on

Uatchet I i e hth s this Nekhebet , , Nit , s s, N p y , Horus , 1 5 2 H E RU -E M -HE B RE ST O RE S T HE T E MP LE S 1400

s Set, and all the company of the gods raised a hout of A A joy . fter an interval men led his son into the large b all e of the templ , in order to stablish his crown upon ” d u his hea , and the gods saluted him and beso ght the king of the gods to bestow upon the new king the years

- of a long life and thirty year festivals , and to give him the power to augment the worship which was paid to i n the gods Thebes, Heliopolis , and Memphis, lg i L]

Het- -k a Ptah . Thereupon the names and titles of the new w king ere decided upon , and the remainder of the n d coronation ceremo y was duly performe . The coro - - heb nation over , Heru em appears to have left Thebes and to have sailed down the river “ in the form of the

god Harmachis , having taken possession of the country according to the decree which had been passed con ” him Ra “ N cerning from the time of . ext he restored (o r rebuilt) the temple s of the gods from the region of

4 3 a 63 the papyrus swamps in the Delta, ?S[j il];

-k enset b e to the land of Ta in Nubia, and caused to be

the S sculptured images of gods , Ki which were larg er and more beautiful than any that had ever - Ra been made before . The Sun god rejoiced to see his shrine s which had been desolate for a long time s f made to ﬂouri h again , and where ormerly there had

been one statue there were now a hundred . Having restored the buildings and set up the ﬁgures of the gods

h e n in them , bestowed upon the temples la ds and goods ,

1 54 RE FO RM S O F H E RU -E M -HE B 1400

- - n Heru em heb at Karnak . The i scription upon it is

unfortunately much mutilated, and large gaps occur in u it, but eno gh of it is legible to show that it contains copies of the decrees passed by the king in council with hi s ministers for the suppression of frauds and crimes of various kinds . The king, it is said , watched both by day and by night to do good to Egypt, and he intended to put down with a strong hand the shameful irregularities which had grown up in connexion with the collection of taxes, etc . Then follows a list of the oﬁences which had been brought before the notice of

s and b e s the king per onally, it seems that puni hed the d Th othmes III elinquents in the same manner in which . had punished men who were proved to have committed

ff - l . simi ar o ences We see that the tax collectors seized , i in the name of the k ng , whatsoever they pleased, declaring that they needed it for the execution of their duty , and having once taken the prope ty of the poor r . in this way they refused to give it up again . The

wh o collectors were accompanied by scribes , made false entries in the government registers, and both classes of " o i ci als expected to gain on every transaction which e a th y carried out for their master . When a local W li e of the day moved from one place to anoth r, his

servants seized , in the name of the government , the boats and beasts of burden belonging to any one who

use had such things , and made of them without T payment . What goes on to this day in urkey went

and on then in Egypt, the poor were plundered on all 14 00] H IS C O U RT S O F J U ST IC E 1 55 hands on the slightest provocation the tax -collectors would swear that those who had paid taxes had not paid them , and the amount of the rate levied on the people often depended on the good will or good nature

u- - of the collector . Her em heb found that it was l ss use e to appoint inspectors , because they frequently

and u u became corrupted, in t rn they corr pted other

" o i cials who had the p ower to bring them to book ; as e a result the king was robbed , and many of the p ople

- - were brought to beggary . The decrees of Heru em heb were humane and just ; among others he ordered that the tools or means by which a man earned his living were not to be conﬁ scated if he could not pay his taxes ;

ff b e s b a n some slight o ences puni hed by eating, but offender who committed an act of glaring injustice and cruelty was punished by havi ng his no se split and by

s i e I . . bani hment to Tchar, $7 , a district Sirb onian s i e near the Lake of clas ical wr t rs, and a notorious criminal settlement . On stated days Heru em -heb sat in his palace to hear complaints and u ff petitions , to adj st di erences , and to pass sentence on those who had been charged in his court and found guilty ; and if the exercise of his powers in the se respects was guided by a knowledge of human nature

s m we may well believe that he did a va t a ount of good . Many Eastern rulers have establi shed courts of justice

s t on thi pattern , but they have usually degenerated in o courts of injustice on the deaths of their founders , and d one more harm than good . 1 56 RE ST O RAT IO N O F T HE T E MP LE S

We have already seen that Heru - em -heb ascended A the throne through the inﬂuence of the priests of men , and it is time to refer to the great works which he did in honour of that god . His ﬁrst act seems to have been to pull down the Het -Benben which

m -h te I A e V. en p , the misguided heretic , had set up in A the very midst of the buildings of the temple of men , l in honour of the god Harmachis , in order to proc aim

was A that he a high priest of this rival of men , and to i i s h H - - nsult the pr e ts and people of T ebes . eru em heb

s ss de troyed this ediﬁce with great thoroughne , and u sed up the stones of which it was built for the founda

two b e s u tions of the pylons , which erected at the o th end l A - Ra of the great temp e of men at Karnak . To carry on his b uilding operations here and elsewhere 1 he

r s Silsila worked the quar ie of , and on the walls of the small temple which he hewed in th e mountain there he cau sed to be painted scenes illust rating the principal events which took place during the expedition which u he led into N bia . This temple is entered by ﬁve n doorways , and consists of a lo g , narrow, vaulted chamber, with an opening immediately opposite the middle doorway leading into a smaller room, which probably formed the sanctuary . On the wall at the southern end of the larger chamber is a relief in which the king i s depicted seated on a throne borne by twelve

s l soldiers wearing feather , and he is fo lowed by rows of

1 For a li st o f h i s il in s an d re storati on s s ee Wi e e m ann bu d g d , hi hte 4 10 Ae . Gesc c . g , p .

1 58 E XPE D IT IO N T o PU NT [ 3 0 1400

or the Egyptian king , even any bartering which was “ ” him was b distinctly advantageous to , termed tri ute

had descri by the court scribes , who to draw up the p “ ” tions of his expedition and the li st of conquered l cities , which were to be inscribed on the wa ls of the A temple of men at Karnak . Heru- em -heb sent ships to Punt to bring back loads r of gum , and of othe products of that country , and the “ ” people would also regard as tribute th e results of these h s mercantile expeditions . Records of t i kind , however, prove that Egypt was beginnIng to . feel the desire to

ss s s regain her former po e sion , and that she possessed a ruler who wi shed to give effect to this desire . Before Heru - em- heb ascended th e throne he seems to have b a a begun to uild tomb at Sakk ra, and from the inscriptions upo n its walls we learn that he was a "

‘ li d sm er th e prince , and a , and that o ces which he

s - held at court were tho e of fan bearer and royal scribe ,

- - It, b and commander in chief of the soldiers . has een thought that this tomb was built for one Heru - em -heb who is not to be identiﬁed with the man who became n king of Egypt , but there are ma y reasons for consider n ing thi s view untenable . The i scriptions on the statues at Turin prove that the king was of noble

not though necessarily royal , rank and birth , and indicate that he was held in high honour because of it . w n Unfortunately , they do not say hat ki g it was who promoted him to the government of the country , but it

Tut-a - Am n may well have been nkh e , who was glad to 1400] T O MB O F H E R -E M HE 3 1 U ; 59

ﬁnd a capable man and soldier to set over the country

the f of North . The o ﬁcial who built the tomb at Sakkara is represented with the uraeus on th e fore head this proves that he was connected with the royal

th e XVIIIth s family of Dyna ty , and agrees very well

n Der al- i w with the i scription at Bahar , hich says that ’ - -h h m I king Heru em eb s grandfather was T oth es II .

Viewed in this light , the inscriptions on the walls of

m A s the te ple of men, describing conque ts in Syria , may r h be inte preted in another way, for t ey may refer to events which took place duri ng expeditions conducted

i was u i e when the k ng a yo ng man , . . , about the time

n -a -A n At whe Tut nkh men was reigni g . any rate , it is

° much more likely for the high o i cial of Memphis to have b een the nominee of the prIests of Amen than a comparatively unknown man, and for the queen Mut -netchemet to have resigned her claims to the u throne in favour of a relative of the old royal ho se , than of a stranger . The length of the reign of Heru - eb an em h is unknown , but according to inscription

- published by the late Dr . Birch he reigned twenty one 1 years .

1 i i ons i n the Hiera i D m ti h cte l 14 nsc t t c anol o c ara r . I r p e C , p . CHAPTER

— S MMARY. EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. U

THE kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty were undoubtedly the greatest who ever occupied the throne of Egypt , and their rule marks a new era in the history of Egypt . With the advent to the throne of the early kings of this dynasty Egypt began her career of foreign con in quest, culminating the formation of an empire which e A covered the greater part of West rn sia, and which lasted in a more or less ﬂou ri shing condition for a

Aahmes I period of nearly three hundred years . . completed the expulsion of the Hyksos , which was n Se enen-Ra III begu by q . , and pursued them into Palestine and captured thei r stronghold Sharuhen ;

A - ete I his son men h p . was occupied in extending the southern rather than the northern frontier of the Thothmes I kingdom , but his successor . conceived and began to carry into execution the conquest of the d whole of Palestine and Syria , and actually succee ed in reaching the city of Ni , which was probably situated b near the Euphrates, and set up a memorial ta let

“ ” 1 62 T HE RO YAL P RIN C E O F C U S H further submi ssion of th e Nubian tribes was brought

-h ete III th e A . about , and under men p whole of Nubia f n was ef ectively occupied, the Egyptian frontier havi g

s Na ata been pu hed as far south as the city of p , or

‘ Gebel Barkal, at the foot of the Fourth Cataract . Here the frontier remained until the secession of the Nubian kingdom from Egypt under the rule of the Piankhi princes of the house of , some ﬁve or six u n h ndred years later . The admi istration of Nubia

' rei n of Th othmes I was organized in the g . , when a “ V i iceroy was appointed , whose o cial title , Royal prince i of Kesh (Cush) , appears for the first time in Egypt an history ; at first the person selected to fill this post

ozﬁcer was a great noble or trusted military , but later the ofﬁce became an appanage of one of the royal

princes , who was, no doubt, usually an absentee . The administration of Western Asia was a more

not serious matter, and could be so easily provided for . Palestine and Syria were inhabited by a number of

tribes which were usually at war with each other, but

not n the people were barbarians like the Nubia s , for they were nearly as civilized as the Egyptians them n in selves, having for centuries been i cluded the sphere

of inﬂuence of the ancient culture of Babylonia , which

may well be older than that of Egypt itself. The language and writing of Babylonia had been long u s ed d throughout the country , and remained the me ium of communication between all the nations on the eastern th h shores of e Mediterranean . W en Syria and Pales C E IFO RM WRIT ING IN SYRIAx 1 63 UN /

n d and ti e were actually un er the rule of Egypt, paid n tribute to the Egyptians , the Babylo ian language was

f f i th e the o cial speech of country, and was used by the Egyptian conquerors in corresponding with their subjects as well as with the non - Semitic princes of and A d Cyprus , Cilicia, rmenia, who ma e Babylonian d P the language of iplomacy . The coast of alestine was already in the XVIIIth Dynasty inhabited by the m fa ous race of the Phoenicians , who had at that time attained the position of merchants , and carriers by sea,

w s which they al ays afterwards retained . Many pa sages

‘ in the Tell cl- Amarna tablets show us that in the XVth century they already possessed ﬂeets of merchant ships , and we know from a fresco in a Theban tomb 1 that the importers of objects of curio sity and value from the northern countries into Egypt were

Phoenicians . This nation also used the cuneiform

s P writing at thi period, for the hoenician script as we ﬁnd it on the cup of Hiram had not yet been developed by them . They were brought under the control of the

Th thmes III n o . Egyptians by , and duri g the revolt of

r A -h ete IV the Canaanitish tribes in the eign of men p . they proved themselves to be the most faithful of

As all the iatic subjects of Egypt . The Egyptians administered their Asiatic possessions chieﬂy by making

the f use of local chie s , who were no doubt subsidized , and who ruled their tribes as the representatives of

1 1111119 1 R u c r . 8 5 l x u 2 8 . Daress ev e Ar h 3 s e 9 v o . xv . 6 y , , , , p 2 i i ] iv . s I emi m . . . Cor u ns cr . S t to p p , p 1 64 T HE BABYLO N IAN S AND KAS S IT E S the Egyptian Government to which they had to send back tribute . To the courts of the more important d chiefs Egyptian residents were appointe , much in the

“ same way as Briti sh o 1 cials are appointed to reside at I d the courts of n ian Raj ahs . Besides these , travelling 1 commissioners were despatched from time to time from Egypt to investigate matters and to adjust ff w di erences bet een the various tribes , and high

‘ Egyptian o Icials were often temporarily appointed f governors of some disaf ected region . The well - being and fortunes of the Egyptian EmpIre in We stern Asia were greatly affected by the presence on its frontiers of a series of powerful and highly civilized e Karaduni ash kingdoms , . g . , y , or Babylonia, Mitanni , i e Matiene A i . . , the classical , or Southern rmen a , Kheta ,

A Arsa i or the Khatti of the ssyrians , p , or Cilicia,

hi a At Alas . and y , or Cyprus this time Babylonia was 2 under the rule of a dynasty of foreign kings wh o

s n n belonged to an ea ter race of uncertain origi , known ’ s to us as Kassites . This dyna ty was founded about

17 25 l Gandish Wh o by a king ca led , and its kings, were contemporaneous with the XVIIIth and XIXth

s i the w Dynastie , w ll be found in note belo . Of these monarchs Kara -indash was a contemporary of Thothmes

1 C om pare th e p osi ti ons ofYank h am u and o th ers wh o se exi sten c e ‘ n u s b th e T ell el - Am arn a ta le ts i s m ad e kn ow to y b . 2 I s A m K ara -i n d ash Kad ashm an -Bél K a ash . . , g u , , d - - B ar e Kuri alz u I . Burrab uri a sh K ara Il ar d a h N an , g , y , s , az ib u b ‘ - a sh Kuri alz u II . Naz im aruttas h Kad ash m an T a r an d g , g , , g u , Sh ag ash alti -b uriy ash ( ab out

1 66 E ND O F T H E KIN G D O M O F MIT ANN I d irect inﬂuence of Babylonia, and had been generally

u s n r led by the monarch of that country . Duri g the period of the rule of the Hyksos in Egypt a Semitic prince called Ishmi -Dagan r uled in a semi

s A independent fa hion over ssyria , and in the time of

-indash n B n A - - s - Kara , ki g of abylo ia , shur bel ni hi shu , A the king of ssyria , was recognized as an independent

s monarch by the Kas ites , who were compelled to agree to a treaty in which the boundaries of the two kingd At were deﬁned . the same period, however, the kingdom of Assyria was regarded by the Egyptians as

s s a tributary nation, a po ition which was never a signed

n Karaduni ash n to the ki gdoms of y and Mita ni , and it remained tribut ary until the end of the reign of Amen het III t ep . , when , simultaneously wi h the revolt of the

As -uballi n Syrian tribes against Egypt, hur t, ki g of

A w off i ssyria , not only thre the Egypt an yoke , but at

s i w the ame t me attacked Babylonia , ith the result that m he ultimately obtained su icient power to set a king

— - alz u II — Kuri g . upon the throne of Babylonia . Henceforth for some hundreds of years the Assyrian power eclipsed that of Babylonia . The kingdom of Mitanni seems to have collapsed soon after the reign of

Tushratta , and the country was divided between the A ssyrians and the powerful race of the Kheta, who

s mu t now be mentioned . The Egyptians ﬁrst came in

hothmes III conﬂict with the Kheta In the reign of T . they seem to have been originally a mountain race A of rmenian origin, and their home was probably RIS E O F T HE KH E T A P O WE R 1 67

t the high lands of Cappadocia . During the XVIII h

Dynasty their power increased towards the south , until

A - ete in the time of men h p IV. we ﬁnd them occupying the whole of the Country round about Aleppo and l Emesa . They were extreme y warlike and no longer d paid tribute to Egypt , in eed they were greatly feared by Babylonians, Mitannians , and Egyptians alike ; the di sturbance s in Syria and Palestine at thi s period were chieﬂy due to their interference in the affairs of

Khani albat these countries . The kingdom of g , which

’ ‘ In cl- A is mentioned the Tell marna letters , must be in K placed or near the territory of the heta . The position of the land of Arsapi can be ﬁxed h wit certainty, and it represents the later Cilicia ; n its language , at present undecipherable , is writte in d n cuneiform characters , and ju ging from the ame of the king Tarhundaraush it must have belonged to the

non- and -A o f A 1 Semitic non ryan speech sia Minor .

1 1 M M Alashi a The country of , or y , Q) I ? with which the Egyptians at the end of the XVIIItlI

s t Dynasty were in con tant communica ion, must, it

he seems , placed in Cyprus, of which it was probably in l a part , and this island must also be p aced the land

" si m Thothmes III A f7 3 . of , ] M] , which rendered

tributary . The Egyptian name for the whole i sland

1 Se Kr t h m er Ei nl i tun H ll l i e e sc e . 370 if. a O d es t Ci v li z ati on , g , p , , 9 " . 0 ﬂ p . 1 6 8 C YP RU S AND T HE KE FT IU

M Inthanai A w 1 is , q g [M , which is probably Yatnana A the hieroglyphic equivalent of , the ssyrian m na e for Cyprus . The Egyptians imported from

Alashi a y large quantities of copper and precious woods ,

w s Troodos hich seem to have come from the fore ts of . The extension of the Egyptian Empire to the borders

A Is n of sia Minor, and the partial subjugation of the la d

of Cyprus , brought the Egyptians more or less into A A contact with the nations of Western sia, sia Minor,

Crete, etc . the generic name of the lands wherein

n Ke ti these nations dwelt is in Egyptia , f , k

Ke thu , w , or f 2 a term which according 1 4 ; B to rugsch , means nothing more nor less than Hinter ” h land . The old theory w ich regarded the Keftiu n as Phoenicians must, therefore , be aba doned . The nation s of the Keftiu were at the time of the XVIIIth Dynasty included within the Sphere of inﬂuence of the “ early European ci vilization which is called My ” n a ce aean, the chief seat of which appears to h ve been I 2 A in the sland of Crete . mbassadors from a nation

r i Thothmes III of Kefti we e rece ved at the court of . , and representations of them and of the gifts which they brought with them are depicted in the tombs 3 -m a- Ra Men- - Ra - h of Rekh , and kheper sen , two great

1 T it 1 3 . hi i n ti a i i d M H c . . ll s ee o . 6 s e c t on s ue to r . a d ﬁ p , p 2 E v an s Cretan Pi cto ra hs assini an d A nnua l Bri tish S chool , g p ( p ) , a t A h m i as i . t ens v o l. v . s , ( p ) ’ ’ 3 l A A i e Hi s cl m . ll r s n uncl ri sse d Av enne s t. e rt to ii . M e P , , ; u , 4 E uro a . 8 4 p 3 3 9 . , pp ,

’ 1 7 0 T HE KING S P O WE R ABS O LU T E

1 Pursatha h raids . The nation of the , w ich must be

i s ident ﬁed with the Philistine , is not mentioned in XVIIIth the Dynasty, and at this period it does not

h on s appear as yet to ave settled the coa t of Palestine . The relations between Egypt and the above mentioned peoples of the Mediterranean at this time appear to n have bee , on the whole , friendly , and the discovery of Mycenaean objects with Egyptian remains of this date and the evidence of the great inﬂuence which Egyptian

s M t art exerci ed over that of the ycenaeans, prove tha these relations were of a continuous and not intermittent

character . The history of the XVIIIth Dynasty shows that the power of the king was absolute as far as the dictation of the foreign policy of the government was concerned b ut though in theory b e controlled the internal affairs ‘

of the country in the same way , we see that in practice he was checked by the nece ssity of consulting the

h A - R5 wis es of the priests of men at Thebes , who were

ss now becoming very powerful, and by the impo ibility

M Of 0 cials of dominating the actions of the large army ,

both civil and military, who had by this time taken the place of the old aristocratic and semi -independent

ao governors of the nomes . The troubles which H s companied the yksos inva ion , and the long wars of liberation carried on by the princes of the XVIIth Dynasty resulted in the disappearance of the old erp ci

li d or XVIIIth princes , chiefs of nomes, who in the

1 T l- m Winc ler ell c A arna . 87 . k , , p KH U T -AT E N MAD E T HE " C AP IT AL 1 7 1

st f Dyna y were replaced by royal o ﬁcials , all the power

o r of the g vernment being cent alized at Thebes . The

Herakleo olis ancient political capitals , Memphis and p , XVIIIth declined greatly in the Dynasty, and the ancient religious capital , Heliopolis , sank into obscurity A on the other hand bydos revived, chieﬂy because it was the most ancient centre of Osiris worship , which at this time was far more prominent than under the d kings of the Mid le Empire . The temporary transfer of the court and government administration from

‘ Thebes to Khut -Aten (Tell el- Amarna) in the reign of Amen -h etep did not result in any permanent dis

of th e organization the administrative machinery, but religious upheaval which accompanied it was very n It m co siderable . see s as if the king was obliged to e quit Theb s , for the capital was as sincerely devoted to the worship of Amen as he was to that of Aten ; his departure probably saved the country from rebellion th and civil war . The episode of the retirement of e he retical king with his whole court to the new palace “ ” t - and city of the Spiri of the Sun Disk, which he built far away from the shrine s of the ancient religion n which he had repudiated , and the stra ge life of

s s d religiou and arti tic propagan a which he led there , utterly oblivious of the fate of the foreign posse ssions s of his empire , is one of the mo t curious and interesting in the history of the world . The history of the development of the Egyptian religion at this period is dominated by the transitory 1 7 2 T HE AT E N WO RS H IP

A A M M episode of the ten heresy . The word ten , Q GS ” - means Sun Disk , and the veneration of it was ex tremel E y ancient in gypt , or rather in those parts of the country where the inﬂuence of the prie sts of t in Heliopolis was paramoun . The old veneration A n cluded no monotheistic conceptions , and the te was venerated solely as the disk of the Sun - god Ra ; at

A was Heli o olitan base , then , the worship of the ten of p s origin , but it only became a here y when monotheistic

- s was ideas were imported into it, and the sun di k t regarded as the sole deity of heaven and of ear h , the It source of all light and life . seems that these new views were introduced i nto the worship of the Aten by the importation into Egypt of foreign religious

ideas of a monotheistic character, which were brought n b A from Mitan i y Thi , the Mitannian wife of men

h ete III A - hete IV p . , and mother of his son men p .

-en-A (Khu ten) . The cause of the bitter dispute

A -k I V the between men etep . and priests was the fact that the worship of the Aten as developed by him admitted of the existence of no other gods ; all the anthropomorphic and theriomorphic gods of Egypt

w e ere to be abolished , and the sole d ity to be wor

shipped was the actual , burning , and radiant disk of n the Sun , who was no lo ger to be regarded as the d A Go . god of the sky , but as Himself, One and lone s as s Such revolutionary idea the e were , no doubt, exclusively conﬁned to the king and court at Tell ‘ el- A marna , for all the priests and the bulk of the

1 74 FUN E RAL C U ST O M S IN T HE XVIIIT H DYNAST Y

of the making of offerings to the deceased by his Wi fe

s hi s f and the various member of family , rom which it is clear that the veneration of ancestors was a sacred XVIIIth duty ; in the Dynasty, however, we see that the deceased himself is usually depicted in the act of

ff Horns making o erings to a god, who is generally , and this remained the most striking ch aracteristic of

In descri sepulchral stelae until the latest times . the p tion of the remains of the dynasty of Antef kings given above reference has been made to the fashion which grew up in their time of making coffins in the shape of

the mummiﬁed human body ; under the XVIIIth

s s Dyna ty this custom became univer al, and the old rectangular 0 0 us did not come into use again until

In XVIIIth s the Roman Period . the Dyna ty exalted

two 0 0 ms personages were buried in or three , and a r board, elaborately painted and deco ated with a human

a s f ce , was often laid upon the mummy thi board was ,

s l car tonna e in later day , rep aced by a g casing made of

layers of linen and plaster, which ﬁtted the body

‘ In i ca rtonna e closely . st ll later times g cases were e mad of old papyri , which were broken up and mixed

so with gum, and formed a kind of cardboard . The kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty were not buried i n s In pyramids like their predece sors , but large rock n hew tombs , which contained corridors and galleries of

great length , and several chambers which were used for commemorative festival services and for the making of

ff s o ering . Each king began to build his tomb as soon T HE T O M BS O F T HE J ’ KING S I 7S

and as he ascended the throne , its extension and the decoration of the walls , etc . , continued until the time of

. a his death ; practically , the longer king reigned the

e larger his tomb became . The arlier kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty were buried in the mountain near

Der al-B i h the temple of ahar , and t eir tombs could probably be approached from that building ; the later

n s l a ki g bui t tombs for themselves in the rocky r vine , commonly called the “ Valley of the Tombs of the ” a - l- l t A a Mu ﬁk . Kings , in rabic , Bib n Of the lat er group one of the olde st and most interesting i s the

A - ete II h . b tomb of men p , which was discovered y 1 898 In n M . Loret in . additio to the mummy of this king there were found in it the mummies of Thothmes

- - I I A h ete III A ete IV. I V . . , men p . , men h p , Seti ,

- I Sa P IV V V . tah, Rameses . , Rameses . , Rameses , and

-nekht Set . These mummies were probably removed from their tombs and placed for safety in the tomb of - t I XIst A h e e I . X men p in the time of the Dynasty, u when a number of mummies of other kings , incl ding

I II . those of Seti . and Rameses , were removed for similar reasons to the famous hiding- place near Der al- i has d h . Ba ar , to which reference already been ma e In A - et the tomb of men h ep II . were also found three in mummies , each with a large hole his skull and a At gash in his breast . the time of their discovery a theory was promulgated to the effect that these were slaves who had been sacriﬁced during the ﬁnal funeral but ceremonies which took place in the tomb, further 1 76 T O M B S O F P RIVAT E IND IVIDUAL S examinations of these mummies seem to show that they owe their wounds to the Violence of the robbers of the

tomb in ancient times , who dragged them out of their

cofﬁns and mi shandled them in search of treasure . The tombs of private individuals retained a modiﬁca

- tion of the pyramidal form as far as theirs entrances

s were concerned, and the wall were ornamented,

o h cials i especially in the case of great , w th scenes in which the chief events of their own lives and of the

s h time in w ich they lived were represented , a very favourite subject being the introduction and presenta tion at court of the ambassadors and bearers of tribute

from foreign potentates and vassal nations . However faithful in point of costume and minute peculiarities

s r uch scenes may have been, thei general design and

treatment were strictly conventional, the old Egyptian In canon of art being faithfully adhered to . the reign

-en-A w of the heretical king , Khu ten , hose artistic

predilections have already been referred to , art as well

as i rel gion became infected with the taint of heresy . Excellent illu strations of thi s fact will be found in the ’ frescoe s and pillar decorations of the king s palace at ‘ T el- Am w m oti s ell arna, here we ﬁnd plant f especially treated with a freedom from conventionality and tr uth to nature which were hitherto unknown, and which It are never found in later periods . cannot be said ’ that Khu -en-Aten s sculptors and painters obtained either greater or less success in the treatment of the

1 78 ARC H IT E C T U RE IN T HE XVIIIT H DYNAST Y

XVIIIth s - I A h ete . Dyna ty, when under men p the old s - n tyles of scarab engravi g , which are so characteristic

of the Middle Empire, and are distinguished by a profuse use of the Spiral ornament and by deeply -cut

InscrI ti ons t p , gave way to lighter and more elegan

s At i n S l fa hions . the same per od the i scribed ea cylinder ceased to be used, and the style of the Egyptian hieratic writing underwent a very consider 4 ’ able change . Of the houses in which the Egyptians lived at this period we know little , but it is certain that those of the

had d h wealthy large gar ens attached to them , and t at the main building stood in the midst of a courtyard ' whicli was bounded by a high wall . Of the furniture which was used in such houses we know a great deal ,

at thanks to the tombs Thebes , from which have been u t recovered so many tr ly beau iful examples of tables , chairs, couches , etc . , often inlaid with ebony , ivory, a nd cedar wood ; and the fact should always be remem bered that by far the greater number of the obj ects of this class which are found in th e Museums of Europe XVIIIth are the product of the Dynasty , and belong to no later period . The hieroglyphic inscriptions which are found throughout Egypt and Nubia show that under the rule of the kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty the shrines of all the gods of Egypt were restored , and most of their m te ples rebuilt , and a comparatively permanent provision seems to have been made for the maintenance of the " ’ T E M P LE S O F KARNAK AND L UXO R 1 79

services and sacriﬁces of the gods , and for the support of those who ministered to them out of the gifts brought from foreign nations and the tribute paid by vassal

’ a s Der al tribes . H tshepset tell in her temple at Bahari and in the Specs Artemidos that she restored the

Aamu i e shrines which the , . . , Hyksos , had wrecked , and

and rebuilt the altars the temples which were in ruins , b ut it must be noted that most of the temples which

s she built were those of godde ses . Early in the XVIIIth Dynasty the ancient shrine of Amen in the A t d beautiﬁed/ Northern p (Karnak) was restore , and and greatly enlarged, king vying with king in adding

t d in honour cour to court , and buil ing to building, . of the god of the city who had worked their deliverance

r A from the Hyksos plague . Late , in the reign of men h ete III A - Ra u p . , a new temple to men was beg n in A t the Southern p (Luxor) , and succeeding kings added

w - largely to it . Both temples ere under the high priest ﬁg A N w w x b of men, Yi q and were served y the A whole body of the priests of men in Thebes , who , although they did not yet control the political and Of military policy the country, as in later days , were nevertheless fa st becoming a very powerful corpora tion, the inﬂuence of which was already eclipsing that of the more ancient hierarchies of Heliopolis and M emphis . Many women of high rank in Thebes were appointed to o I ces connected with the worship in the

e emat temple , and received titles accordingly, . g . , q en 1 80 P O S IT IO N O F T HE P RIE S T H O O D “ Eff—j o A 0 a rw w w I e sm er A men, $ . . , g of men , M / v and the inﬂ uence of the rotherh ood of Amen was thereby greatly increased , and it acquired great wealth A from the gifts of such devotees . nother source of great wealth to the brotherhood was the share which was always set apart exclusively for the god Amen out

s of the booty captured from foreign nation , and we must not forget the profits which accrued to the priests of Amen from the labours of the lower classes of the order who mummified the dead and carried out all the n funeral arra gements in Thebes . We may note in passing that the position of the priest had undergone ce a great modifications sin ncient times , for under the XVIIIth Dynasty it could not any longer be said that

i so acto the head of the family was p f a priest, nor do we ﬁnd that all great o I cials any longer held priestly

f ’ o ices as a matter of course . The priests now began

s to form an entirely distinct cla s of the population, and their po sition was of a most exalted character ; but to

enter the priesthood was open to every man , and the n son of the peasant who ow ed an acre or two of land, i having once entered the pr esthood , might, as well as a " o 1ces son of a high ofﬁcial , aspire to the highest of the

order , provided he possessed the necessary ability . Reference has already been made to the large class of m o i cials , forming a sort of bureaucracy , who performed m the functions of local govern ent , which in the time of the earlier dynasties had been carried out by the local ha princes , and among such must be mentioned the

1 82 H O RS E S E M P LO YE D IN T HE E G YPT IAN ARM Y

A new of Ptah , etc . feature of the equipment of the armv of the New Empire was the introduction of W 5 3? " 5 the war chariot , 5 , the corps of O a charioteers was called 1 ? thent a 20 11

“ those who belong to the horses . But although the Egyptians readily adopted from the A h siatics the use of the horse in a chariot, t ey never

s our and formed bodie of cavalry in sense of the word , n though they were ready e ough to drive horses, they

v to s seem ne er have had any great de ire to ride them . Under the XVIIIth Dynasty it cannot be said that th e tchamu lot of the common folk, Ak , was as happy and prosperous as it had been in th e XIIth Dynasty, for not only had they become liable to forced military service in foreign lands , but the greatly increased expenditure of the court and administration

s resulted necessarily in greatly increa ed taxation .

Moreover , it is open to considerable doubt if the paid

° ° o cial of Pharaoh was as forbearing or as just towards the people Under his charge as the bailiff of the old

uZ 1 Z prince had been . It has often been said that the period of the XIIth “ A e Dynasty was the Golden g of Egypt , but if a ’ nation s greatness is to be gauged by its material

1 Alth ou h th e old o ers of th e er a ha rin c e s h ad la se w e g p w p p p d , s ee th at i n th e XVIIIth Dy n as ty th i s ti tle w a s b estowe d upon a o ur ite as a c o rt i i n ti n v s s t c o e . . u on Senm u t . f u d , g , p ‘ T HE G O L E AG E O r E GYPT 1 8 D N I ﬁ 3 wealth and power this title will more justly be applied XVIIIth to the period of the Dynasty , which undoubt edly marks the highe st point which Egyptian civiliza A tion and power ever reached . The reign of men

ete III m In h p . was the cul inating point Egyptian ff history , for never again , in spite of the e orts of the

Ramessids , did Egypt occupy so exalted a place among th e At nations of the world as she had in his time . his death a decline set in , the progress of which was

and I not arrested, either by the energy ability of Seti . or by the ﬁctitious glory of his prete ntious son

II h a n Rameses . , who in modern times s bee commonly

s but erroneou ly called the Great . ( 1 84 )

A R III CH PTE .

THE TE EL—‘AMAR A TAB T LL N LE S .

‘ T HE Tell el- Amarna Tablets consist of a number of Am letters, despatches, etc . , which were written to en t III A - t I e e e e V. h p . and to his son men h p , kings of XVIIIth Egypt in the Dynasty, by kings and governors

s of certain countrie , and districts, and cities , and towns in Western Asia . They are written in a cursive cunei — 1 form character , chiefly in a Semitic dialect Babylonian — and a few of them contain dockets in the Egyptian hieratic character recording the names of the countries b from which they came , and proba ly the dates when

It u be - they were received . wo ld hard to over estimate

‘ the importance of the Tell cl- Amarna Tablets from a

V historical point of iew, for they supply information of a character which exists in no other body of documents us known to . We learn , moreover, from them not only concerning the relations which existed between the

1 A eculi ar eature in th es e ta lets i s th e re ent u s e of lo sses p f b f q u g , wh i ch explain c ertain Sum erian i de og raph s b oth b y Ba by loni an an d b ale sti ni an r s In som e c ase s Ba loni an or s are ex y P w o d . by w d lai ne b th ei r ale tini n ui alents p d y P s a e q v .

1 86 T HE D ISC O VE RY O F T HE T ABLE T S tablets which were originally deposited in the chamber n will never be k own , for several were broken accidentally and the pieces destroyed by the Arabs who dug them

out of the chamber , and others were broken wilfully by m h the , eit er for the purpose of easy carriage on the

‘ persons of those who helped to dig them up and were concerned in the secret removal of antiquities from one

place to another, or that the number of men who were to have a share in the proﬁt derived from the sale of

the tablets might be increased . Moreover, several fragments were lost or destroyed by certain natives who were sent to take them to the antiquity dealers in 1 B 81 Cairo . The ritish Museum acquired about M 1 60 tablets , the Berlin useum about pieces, some

of them being of considerable size, the Museum in 60 Cairo about tablets, and about a score of small

“ tablets and several fragments fell into the hands of private collectors ; j udging by these ﬁgures it appears that the number of tablets which were preserved “ ” of the ﬁnd was about three hundred . With the tablets were found a clay seal having two impressions

A - I of the prenomen of men hetep V. ; ﬁve square

alabaster plaques , inlaid with the prenomen and name ' A - h ete III i i of men p . in dark blue glazed fa ence ; a l ght ’i blue glazed fa ence plaque , rounded at the top , and

1 I o tain e th ese a cts i n ecem er 1887 rom a entlem an b d f D b , , f g in E t wh o w as I eli eve th e rst E ur ean wh o s aw th e T e ll g y p , b , fi op ‘ el- Am arn a T a lets an d w h o h ad ers on al n owle e of th e m en b , p k dg wh o o h t th em rom th eir n r b ug f fi d e . - - A D KALL=IM MA S IN 1 8 AME N HE T E P III . N 7 inlaid in dark blue fai ence characters with the names A -h ete III and titles of men p . and his wife Thi in hieroglyphics ; and a red stone j ar cover carved to represent a lion and a bull fighting . The contents “ of 1 the principal tablets of the find may be thus s ummarized 1 ETTER ROM AMENOPHIs III T O KALLIMMA- SIN L F . ,

as Kadashman-Bél ING or the name may also be read, , K

OF KARADUNIYASHf The letter opens with the words ,

Kallimma- Karaduni ash To Sin, King of y , my brother, A thus saith menophis , the Great King, the King of

‘ : I Egypt, thy brother am well , may it be well with i t thee , with thy government , w th thy wives , wi h thy

children, with thy nobles , with thy horses , and with

thy chariots, and may there be great peace in thy

t me ma e land ; wi h y it be well, with my gov rnment,

with my wives , with my children , with. my nobles ,

r with my ho ses, with my chariots , and with my troops , ’ in A and may there be great peace my land . men ophis refers to the refusal of Kallimma- Sin to give him his daughter to wife on the ground that he did not A know whether his own sister, whom menophis had

married , was alive or dead , and tells him to send to the Egyp tian court a messenger to see her and the

Kallimma- happy conditions under which she lives . Sin

1 Am en o h is i s calle Nim m riri a or Im m u ri a or Mim m uri a p d y , y , y , all of h i ch orm s re resent th e E ti an ren o m en Neh -Maat-Ra w f p g y p p , 1 88 AM E - E E III AND KALLIMMA-S IN N H T P .

appears to have done so , but neither the messenger nor

k the any of his colleagues had nown lady personally; d In and they were therefore unable to i entify her . answer to the remark of Kallimm a-Sin that he was “ accu stomed to give his daughters in marriage to kings

_ ” Karaduni ash of y , and to receive handsome gifts in A v r return , menophis says that he will gi e in eturn for his daughter riche r gifts than any Babylonian could give him , and that he will besides give him a gift on behalf of the siste r concerning whom Kallimma Sin was maki ng Inqui rIes ; also that it is useless to refer to the old treaty between the king of Karaduniyash

Thothmes IV A s and . , for menophi has duly observed it its In n th e , and fulﬁlled conditions . a swer to com plaint made by Babylonian envoys to the court of

Kallimma- Egypt both to Sin and to his father, to

ff ill - A the e ect that they had been treated , menophis

m s declares that all such state ent are lies, for they had been treated with great re spect ; the king of Egypt also denies emphatically that he made any complaint whatsoever about the beauty of the woman Kallimma- whom Sin had sent him to wife , and calls the envoys liars . The text at the end of the tablet is incomplete , but the fragments which remain seem to refer to some disp ute about chariots and horses, and the Babylonian king seems to accuse the 1 king of Egypt of bad faith . (Brit . Mus . , No .

1 Th e num ers h ere iven are th o se h i ch a e ar in th e British b g w pp Muse m Gui d e to th e Bab lonian and Ass ri an Anti ui ti es Lon on u y y q , d ,

- - I 1 90 KALL IM M A S IN AND AM E N HE T E P I I . for “ who here could say that she is not a princess ? “ s He adds , to increase the closenes of the relations “ between us , thou didst write to me of marriage, and I , in order that we might become more nearly related, and that there might be brotherhood and friendship

s If between us, did the ame . thou wilt not send me ” I And . a wife , will not send thee one as w I concerning the gold about hich wrote to thee , ’ w saying , Send me much gold ith thy envoy , thou

s must send it during the eason of harvest, either in h Ab the mont of Tammuz or that of , and if thou wilt do this I shall be able to ﬁnish the work which I I If have begun , and will give thee my daughter . the gold be not sent in one of the months mentioned I cannot complete the work which I have undertaken ; n I and if thou se dest it later, when the work which nd h have undertaken is e ed , of w at use will it be to me ? If thou sendest to me 3000 talents of gold

n I s not I the hall accept it, and will not give thee

my daughter to wife (B .

4 ETTER ROM KALLIMMA- SIN TO AMENOPHIs III . L F . Kallimm a- Sin acknowledges with thanks and hearty greetings the arrival of th e lady whom the king of

Egypt has sent him to wife , and he announced in b return by the hands of Shut , his envoy , the despatch o f couches and thrones made of precious woods and t gold , and other valuable objects as gif s for the king of t Egypt . On this ablet is an impression of a scarab , on the base of which is i nscribed the hawk of Horus - A T S H RAT T A 1 1 AM E N HE T E P III . ND U 9 wearl n g the crowns of the South and North , the

s s s di k of the sun , 0 , etc . The carab mu t have been u w made in Egypt , j dging by the impression , which sho s

h the t at characters were cut accurately upon it, and Kallimma- Sin seems to have had it impressed on this tablet as a compliment to th e king of Egypt (Brit .

Mus . No . and B . A 5 . ETTER FROM TUSHRAT TA ING or IT N I To L , K M N , AME O HIS III i N P . He mentions the letter wh ch he had sent to Amenophis to inform him that he had ’ l Tushratta s ki led the murderers of his ) brother,

Artash umara Pirkhi , and that he had slain , who usurped the throne of Mitanni after the death of

Shutarna , his father , and refers to the friendly

1 relations which existed between th e kings of the countries of Mitanni and Egypt . He next reports that

his the king of Khatti invaded land, and that the lord

Tishub him and had given into his hand, that he had

his III killed him and forces to a man . Amenophis .

Gilukhi a 1 Tushratta now had married p , a sister of , and Tushratta states that he is sending gifts of chariots and n horses to the ki g of Egypt , and articles of jewellery for his sister ; in conclusion he begs that his

s Gili a Tuni - i ri n messenger , y and p p , may be se t back s d N0 pee ily with a gift (Brit . Mus . .

6 E TE M T A A A E H I III T R RO USHR TT T o M NO S . . L F P Tushratta refers to the great friendship which existed

1 ' Th e Eg yptIan orm o f th e n am e I s f Q - E II D T S HRAT T A 1 9 2 AM E N HE T P I . AN U

t Th thm es IV Shu arna o . between his father and , the

A o f s father of men phis , but says that the riend hip which now exists between Amenophis and himself is ten times stronger than that which existed bet ween

Tishub their fathers , and he hopes that the god Ramm anu Rimmon) of Mitanni and Amen of

Tushratta Egypt will make their friendship to prosper . then mentions that he h as allowed th e Egyptian envoy A Mani to see his daughter, whom menophis wishes to h marry, and he hopes t at she may be as pleasing to A menophis himself as she was to the envoy, and that the goddess Ishtar of Mitanni and Amen of Egypt may th e of mould her to please will the king of Egypt . Tushratta then asks that a large quantity of gold may

and be sent to him, says that he is making ready

certain implements and weapons of war and the chase , which his grandfather had premised to send to A menophis , but omitted to do so ; he suggests that the gold which he expects to receive from the king of b Egypt be regarded as payment for these o jects, and as ’ ili his daughter s dowry . He asks that the envoy G ya

may be sent back as quickly as possible, and states

n - that he is sendi g gifts of lapis lazuli , horses,

chariots , precious stones , and thirty women (Brit . Mus .

No . ETTER M T 7 . RO USHRAT I L F TA T o AMENO PHIs II .

Referring to the arrival of the Egyptian envoy , Mani , whom Amenophis has sent to bring to Egypt another

Tushratta -khi a daughter of , called Tatum p , to be his

- II AND T S HRAT T A 1 AM E N HE T E P I . U 95

Tushratta wife , says that he is quite willing to send her t to Egyp , only that her wedding apparel is not ready yet, n and that she ca not start for six months . Meanwhile he sends a messenger of the king of Egypt called

Haramash shi the It back to him with present letter . seems that Amenophis had despatched a quantity of

Tushratta d gold to , who had it examined, and foun

or that it was either not pure gold not gold at all . This being so he refuses to send his daughter Tatum khi a A p to menophis, and he asks in the letter which Haramashshi took back to him that the objects which l him he had a ready sent , and which belonged to his

Shutarna father , may be returned to Mitanni (B .

8 ETTER ROM TusHRATTA T o AMENOPHIs III . . L F Tushratta announces the despatch of his daughter -khi a n Tatum p , in company with the Egy ptia envoy t H Mani and the Egyptian in erpreter ani, and he prays I m that Shamash and shtar may go before her, and ake in her a delightful thing the sight of the king of Egypt , and that she may bring to him both blessing and joy .

Ameno hIs He sends gifts to p , which he prays may be safely guarded for one hundred thousand years among A the treasure s of menophis (B .

9 . ET TER FROM BURRABURIYASH I G O F ARA L , K N K D IYAsH T o AMEN PHI 1 I Burraburi ash UN O s V. , y writes

1 ‘ h ll l- Am a n T l Am no hi I i s c all In t e Te e r a ab ets e p s V. e d NAPKHURRIYA h i ch i s i nten e to b e th e e i v alen t of , w d d q u E -KHE PER - A i th r r i on f h r n m N FER U R . e . e st o t o t e e o en , , ﬁ p p - 1 96 B URRAB U RIYAS H AND AM E N HE T E P IV . to say that he h0pes the friendship which existed

A III e n between menophis . and hims lf will be co tinued

w and A IV bet een himself menophis . whatsoever the king of Egypt wishes for from Karaduniyash shall be

and hO es sent to him , he p that the king of Egypt will send him anything he may wi sh to have from Egypt

(B . 1 0 ETTER ROM BURRABURIYASH T o AMENOPHIs . L F

I Burraburi ash s V. y says that becau e our fathers were friends they sent gifts to each other , and neither

no m refused the request of the other, atter how costly

s wa the thing which was desired . He complains that A IV menophis . has sent him only two manehs of gold , and begs that he will send to him as much gold as III n hi Amenophis . se t ; but if he cannot do that let m

l c Burraburi send at least ha f as mu h . yash is in great n need of money because he is buildi g a temple , and he

i s s s is very anxious to ﬁn h the work as oon as pos ible .

In Kuri alz u th e Burraburi ash the time of g , father of y , the Canaanites wrote to him and asked him to j oin them in making an attack upon the frontiers of Egypt, but Kurig alz u wrote and told them that he would not associate himself with them , and warned them that if they attempted to do an unfriendly act towards the king “ ” s of Egypt, his brother , he him elf would march u the ag ainst them and pl nder them, for king of Egypt

Now A s was an ally of his . the ssyrian under their A -ub allit s Burraburi ash king shur , who was a vas al of y , m had made their way into Egypt, presu ably with the

- 1 98 B URRABURIYAS H AND AM E N HE T E P IV.

’ Burraburi ash y , but who was living at her father s court It n an in Egypt . is interesting to ote that Egyptian princess was allowed to marry a son of a Mesopotamian III A . prince, especially as menophis had refused to

Kallimma- allow his daughter to marry Sin . The name of the Mesopotamian prince has not yet been found (Brit . Mus . No .

12 E TTE R RO M BURRABU YA H T o AMENOPHIs . L F RI s

IV Burraburi ash . y refers to the envoys whom he had

A III . sent to menophis , saying that though he was unable to give him the daughter whom the Egyptian

' king wished to marry, he was prepared to send another

“ A n s E menophis se t back an an wer, but before the gyp

Burraburi ash A tian envoy could convey it to y , men d d d ophis die , and the aughter who had been promise d x him to wife ied of the plague . The te t is mutilated , but it seems that a Mesopotami an Woman was sent to

A I di h cult V. Egypt as a wife for menophis , only a y arose because a su fﬁciently imposing escort could not

Burraburi ash be provided for her . The sister of y was m A III sent to Egypt to beco e the wife of menophis . ,

3000 Burraburi ash and her escort consisted of men , but y can only manage to ﬁnd ﬁve chariots for the escort .

Burraburi ash A IV y asks menophis . to send him certain

s objects inlaid with ﬂoral de igns in ivory, and sends as “ ” 1 a gift to him and to th e mistress of his house

1 Th e Babylo ni an word s Bi lti bi ti are th e exact e q uiv alents of < [ ] “ ” th e E tian or s nebt er la o f th e h ouse b g yp w d 5 I, p , dy , y h i h h i l a s escri in th e un eral t xt w c t e w fe i s a w y d b e d f e s . B URRABU RIYASH A D AM E N- HE T E P IV 1 N . 99

’ - pieces of lapis lazuli . The lady s share is only twenty

so pieces of the stone , and his reason for sending her little is because she showed Burraburiyash no sympathy “ iction when he was in some serious trouble , or a , or illness (B . 13 ETTER ROM BURRABURIYAsH T o AMENOPHIs . L F

IV Burraburi ash . y reports that he has been ill , and that his sickness was so sore that he could not enter

tain the Egyptian envoy , who , in consequence , has neither eaten nor drunk with him he was very ill and m A expected to die , and was y angry because menophis

’ of had not sent him letters condolence . Eventually he

spoke to the Egyptian envoy about it , and he pointed out that the di stance between Karaduniyash and Egypt was so great that it was impossible for the king of Egypt to have heard anything about his sickness ; when this view was also taken by the envoy of Burra buri ash y he was satisﬁed , and he now writes to say that he will maintain his friendly relations with A h E menop is . He reports the despatch to gypt of the A Egyptian envoy, and asks menophis to send back the n Mesopotamian envoy ; as the road is da gerous, and

water is scarce , and the heat is great, he only sends

now a small gift , but he hopes to send a second mes senger to Egypt who will bring many pretty things

to Amenophis . The gold which had been sent from

Egypt had turned out to be full of alloy , and of inferior

Burraburi ash b quality, and y egs that more may be A l i l sent to him , only he hopes that menophis wil h mse f - B URRAB URIYAS H AND AM E N HE T E P IV .

s e in pect it, and mak certain that it really is of the

t Burraburl ash ﬁnest quali y . y next complains that his envoy Salmu has been twice robbed on hi s road to Biri amaz a Egypt, the ﬁrst time by , and the second time by Pamah u ; and inasmuch as the territory in which E the robberies tooks place was under the rule of gypt , he demands that his envoy shall be admitted into the ’ n s ss l ki g s pre ence , and that his lo shal be made good

to him by the king of Egypt (B . 1 4 ETTE R ROM BURRABURIYAsH T o AMENO H IS . L F P IV Burrab uri ash s treat of .

y refer to the y q peace which

has been concluded between them, and then goes on to

report that a number of his merchants, who were

n Ahi - a journeyi g with [his envoy] T bu, tarried for purposes of trade in the city of Kinahhi ; after Ab i

a Shum adda T bu had gone on his way, , the son of

Balum mi Sh utatna Shuratu , and , the son of , a native

A s s of cco, sent their follower after the merchant , and having overtaken them in the city of Hinat6n they

killed them and took possession of their goods . Burra buriyash at once sent his envoy to report the matter n A to the ki g of Egypt, and he advises menophis to A q uestion the man about it . He then calls upon men ophi s to make good the value of the property which men has been stolen in his country, and to slay the w m who sle the erchants , for unless he does so more

merchants, and perhaps even government envoys , will e w two be killed , and the trade b t een the countries A h s will be destroyed , and the inﬂuence of menop i

D M - T E P I z oz T US HRAT T A AN A EN HE V. had always existed between himself and Amenophis

III s A s IV . , and bid menophi . ask his mother Thi about them . He then goes on to say that his grand

Artatam a was s d u Sl X s father , , a ked for his a ghter time

b Thothm es IV in vain y . , and that he only consented to give her to him on the seventh application Tush ’ ratta s f h Shutarna s at er , , was a ked for his daughter A III it s . ﬁve time in vain by menophis , and was only on the sixth application that he consented to ’ “ e Gilukhi Tush ratta s A a . giv p , sister, to him men

III Tushratta ophis . next sent to and asked for his

u -khi a she da ghter Tatum p , and at length went to Egypt to become a wife of the king ; her dowry was paid to the Egyptian envoy Hamash shi within three

s Am n month , and e ophis was well pleased . He gave gifts to the envoys , but the gift which he sent to

Tushratta . was a poor one He, however , promised to

Tushratta send to certain gold statues, but they were A s Tushratta never sent, for menophi died, and assures

Am IV his enophis . that grief was so sore when he heard the news that he lifted up his voice and wept ; when l Am IV he heard ater that enophis . had succeeded w him he was much comforted , for he kne that the friendly relations which exi sted between Mitanni Tushratta and Egypt would be maintained . next recalls the circumstance s under which the promise to s A give the gold statues was made, and say that men

O I to phis V. did on one occasion send statues him

s Gili a n the by the hand of y and Ma i , but that T US HRAT T A AND T HI E E —O F E G T 2 0 , Q U N YP 3

“ wood statues were made of . Relying, however, upon A I u V. the old friendship , he asks menophis to f lﬁl ’ s s him s his father promi e , and to send the gold statue , ow m for which he n akes a second request . The letter concludes with some remarks about some weapons of war which Tushratta had been meaning to despatch u for some time past, but had not done so beca se

A IV he re menophis . had not sent the gold which m quired, and so e allusions to the delay which had occurred in sending back the envoys from Egypt

1 ETT ER ROM TUSHRATTA T o THI EE 7 . F Q L , U N A s OF G T . E YP fter alutations to the queen , and to “ ” 1 u -in-law m-khi a her son , and to thy da ghter , Tatu p , he refers to the ancient friendship between the royal n houses of Mitan i and Egypt , and reminds her that she knows better than any one else h ow ﬁrm this l friendship was . He reca ls the message which she had

the Gili a sent to him by hands of y , the Egyptian envoy, f A IV. begging him to be a riend to her son menophis , and asking him to send envoys with peac eful salutations ’ s as before . He then mentions her hu band s promise

to send him statues of gold, and complains that the two statues which h er son had actually sent were

w ood m made of , and asks Thi to bring the atter

1 Th e or s ka llati -ka c an h ave no oth er m eanin and it oul w d g , w d th ere ore seem a s if T atum -k hi a m arri e Am eno h i s I a p V. nd als o f ' d p Am en o h i s III . w h o seem s to h av e i e sh ortl a ter h er arri l p , d d y f va i n E t g yp . S HRA D M E - T E 2 0 4 T U T T A AN A N H E R Iv .

under his notice . He hopes that Thi will send an envoy to his wife Iuni in company with the envoy

A I s I V. of menophis to himself, and promise that nni

“ sh all send an envoy in return to her ; Tushratta sends “ ” oil Mus Thi a gift of good , etc . (Brit . . No . 1 M T A TA A E I 8 . ETTER RO USHR T T o M NOPHIs L F V. Tushratta acknowledges gratefully the receipt O f the s gift which had been sent to him from Egypt , but he complains that the two gold statues which had been made and exhibited to his envoy Giliya had

never been sent to him , and that two made of wood

s u were all the tat es which he had received . He is quite w illing to maintain the old friendly relations w ith Egypt, but if he does the two statues of gold i n must be sent to him , addition to the gold which

m w i s he needs . He entions the gifts hich he sending

A s IV - to menophi . and to the queen mother Thi ,

t -khi a and to Ta um p his sister, and states that he is sending his letter by the hand of the envoy Peri z z l s on the tablet is in cribed a hieratic note , which states that it was received in the ﬁrst month of winter in A the twelfth year [of the reign of menophis IV. ]

(B . 19 ET TER ROM TUSHRAT TA T o AME NO H IS IV . L F P Tushratta says that he has once befo re sent his envoys

Periz zi Bubri and to Egypt, and begs that now he is sending them again Amenophis will let them return M quickly with gifts from him ; if he does, ani , the Egyptian envoy, shall be sent back to Egypt quickly ,

2 0 6 ADAD - NIRARI AND AB D-AS HRAT UM

° warning the king of Egypt not to let his O i cialS interfere unduly with the Alashiyan merchants and 6 Am IV their ship (B . ( ) Letter to enophis .

d s 200 announcing e patch of talents of copper, and ’ B 7 asking for the envoy s return ( . ( ) Letter

d s t h s referring to a e pa c of copper, and asking for ome

in 8 and 9 thing exchange ( B . ( ) Letters from the m chief Ofﬁcial of Alashiya to the chief o ci al of Egypt

n i a nouncing despatch of gifts, and po nting out that as the ship and its goods are royal property they must not

O cials be interfered with by the Egyptian (B .

- 2 1 . ETT ER FROM A A NIRARI I G OF NU L D D , K N 1 HASHSHI was , mentioning that his grandfather 2 Th othmes III appointed governor of the district by . , and reporting that the Hatti king is troubling him

greatly (B .

22 ETTERS ROM ARD -ASHRAT M E . U O V RNOR Three L F , G

O F AM RRI U , reporting his ﬁdelity , and asking for help , and saying that he is trying to keep hi s hold upon

Hllaz a Sumur and on behalf of the king of Egypt ; ’ Abd -Ash ratum s Pa anati M us . chief was called h (Brit .

NO S . . and B

28 E TTER ROM THE EOPLE O F TUNIP . L F P , near

A Thothmes III leppo , referring to the help which . gave

their city during his reign, and saying that they feel they are being given over to the enemy ; they have

1 l o A d i stri ct in A epp . 2 ir a M n - - Manak hb Q ﬁfj e h e er Ré . y ( ﬂ] , k p AZ IRU AND T HE K IN G O F E GYPT 2 0 7

s w a ked each year for t enty years, but in vain , that Iadi -Addu [their old governor] might be restored to

Aziru b them . The rebel has already ro bed a caravan

a d l he of the king of Egypt, n if he p not sent soon

Tuni Ni h as p will fall, as the city already done, into Az iru the hands of , and if he succeeds in capturing

Sumur all will indeed be lost (Brit . Mus . No . 24 ETTERS ROM AZ IE TO T HE . Group of eight L F U I G K N , assuring him of his ﬁdelity and submission , and u promising to send trib te, and saying that he would have obeyed the orders of Hai , the Egyptian general , and come to court with Hatib if he had not been pre vented from doing SO by the raid of the Hatti on Nuh aShShi ; he would have rebuilt Sumur but for the i n same reason . He denies the accusat ons made agai st him, and asks for troops to help him to protect the land on behalf of the king . He describes his ﬁdelity “ : in these words To my lord, the king , my god , my “ Aziru th sun ; y servant . Seven times and seven I k n times prostrate myself at the feet of the i g, my

d 3 1 33 34 34 a 36 3 . 7 lor , my god, my sun (B , , , , , , 38 ,

HE ING T o AZ IE 25 . LETTER FROM T K U , complaining Bib -A a th e of his conduct in respect of dd , his brother, Aziru king of Gebal (Byblos) . seems to have declined

his a bribe from his brother to bring him into city , and the king hearing of thi s asks him how he can write to him declaring that he is a loyal servant of his whilst i h e s . Bib committing such an act Moreover , when 2 0 8 AZ IRU AND T HE K ING O F E G YPT

A u Az iru him dd was in Sidon , did not help to go to the king in Egypt, but placed him in the hands of the h ow local kings, well knowing hostile they were ; ’ therefore the king thinks that Az iru s words are not

ut no true , and in future he will feel compelled to p faith in any statement he may make . But besides this , it has come to the ears of the king that Az iru has been

the on terms of friendship with prince of Kadesh , the

hIm enemy of the king , and that he has been supplying with meat and drink, and the king knows that the It report which he has heard is true . is clear that Az iru cannot in such a ca se be loyal both to the prince

s of Kade h and to the king his lord , and cannot even be

m In studying his own interests by b eh av g such a way . “ At the present time those whom thou didst try to l burn are consuming thee , and they wi l destroy both ” s s s thee and those whom thou love t, ay the king ; if thou wast loyal to thy lord the king there is ” nothing which he could not do for thee . Next the king warns him that unless he becomes loyal to him , and abstains from all foolish hostility he and his family

s die n shall urely , but if he does as the ki g wishes he s r shall live , for the king has no de i e to waste the r Kinahhi n s d count y of . Fi ally the king ays wor s to this effect : You have excused yourself from coming e into my presence in Egypt , and have promis d to come

and ou next year, you say y have no son with you very I well , excuse you this year, but if your son comes

s . back end him to see me, by whom all the world liveth

2 1 0 RIB -ADDA AND T HE KIN G O F E GYPT

Nuh ash shi l and as the kings of are hosti e to me , led n I by Hatib the foe are taki g my cities , how can build ? I w it ill, however, make haste to build it, only the king must know that half of the materials which the

S king gave me , and all the gold and ilver, Hatib hath

off I carried . Of course did receive the envoy of Hatti due k n with honour, and if the i g will only send his

I to I envoy will give him everything promised to give .

n S and Meanwhile let the ki g send hips, and chariots ,

B NO arms, etc . ( rit . Mus . .

27 ETTERS FROM RIB -A A KI G OF E RAL T o L DD , N G , THE I G w t K N , in which he reports the follo ing fac s n s co cerning the revolt in Pale tine and Syria, and “ ” Abd- Ashratum the says : 1 . dog has taken posses

Sim ra n a sion of y , and the ki g must send an Egypti n m o cer to ﬁ turn him out, and also a number of of cials s in to carry on the busine s of the king the city, other

Of wise he will seize the property the g ods of Egypt .

Gebal and Hikubta belong to the king . Send back

Abd - I w th my servant Ninib , whom sent i Buhiya

The O f is alwavs e (B . city Gebal , and has be n

now loyal , but the Habiri are very powerful . We have had to give up everything to Yarimuta that we might have food to eat ; my ﬁelds yield no harvest

all because we cannot sow corn ; and my cities , both

S those in the mountains and those on the hores, have

Abd- Ashratum fallen into the hands of the Habiri . Shi ata ad the has seized g , and persu ed people of

mmi a so A y to kill their lord ; and they have done . ett r rom Rib -Ad d t h k in f i r L e f a o t e g o Eg y pt, report ng th e p og ress of th e r belli on nd r z ir e e A a . Briti s M se m NO . u h u u ,

2 1 4 RIB -ADDA AND T HE K ING O F E GYPT I must try to escape from the city with the friends Mu I I s . . whom have left to me (Brit . No am

B rﬁt ou in é ; send me help as fast as y can (B . All the cities except Berut have fallen into the hands H of the abiri , but even now, if you send troops, all

Abd-Ashratum i will be well (B . is deceiv ng the

Shirdana people , and the and the Suti, saying that he

I s S s is their lord . am till hut up in the city , no an wers ’ s two Abd come to my letter , and in months time

Ashratum will be master of the whole country (B . I have written to the king and told him several times t u hat the enemy are closing in ro nd the city of Gebal , “ ” and the dog Abd-Ashratum has captured the city

Bérﬁt of , and is coming against me . Behold, the city

Shuarbi of is the gate of Gebal, and as soon as you march out he Will depart therefrom ; at present I

u I be n cannot move o tside my city . g you to hearke

as as ss I to me and send chariots quickly po ible , and If will endeavour to hold this city until they come . s you will not hearken Gebal mu t fall, and the whole country as far as Egypt will be in the possession of the Habiri ; I am not strong enough to hold this city A without help . lthough Gebal has always been loyal the envoy of the king of Accho was more honourably received than was mine, and horses were given to him

(Brit . Mus . I have already told the king that for two years we have had no harvest, and now n we have no grain to eat . I beg you to send me grai in ships to keep me and my city alive , and send me RIB - ADDA AND T HE KIN G O F E G YPT 2 1 5

4 00 men and 30 pairs of horses ; let the grain which

Sim ra n used to be sent to y be sent to me . The ki g of Tana went against Simyra and intended to come against Gebal , but he had no water for his troops and I therefore had to turn back . f only one king would

- join me I could drive Abd Ashratum out of Amurri .

' - III Since the time when yo ur father Amen hetep . ] d left Sidon , the lands have fallen into the han s of the

Habiri (B . Behold, Tyre is in a state of rebellion ,

o amilki and if y u doubt my words ask my brother Y . I sent my possessions to Tyre for safety, but now the Tyrians have slain their general and also my sister and ’ I S her sons . sent my ister s daughters to Tyre fearing

Abd -Ashirta (B . My messenger has returned

. from Egypt and brought no soldiers with him , and

s w I now my brother, seeing thi , ill turn against me .

I Old I am S cannot come to Egypt , for am , and ick,

S very ick . The gods of Gebal are wroth with me , for

I a SInned I h ve against them . have sent a message to vou by my son, do hearken unto him and send me soldiers for on the very day on which soldiers came to

b r I n Ge al the city would eturn to him . am doi g my n utmost to hold the city, but my brother is stirri g up the people to deliver it into the hands of the sons of

Abd- Ashratum . Do not, do not forsake the city , for in S it there are much gold and ilver, and the temples are w full of possessions , all of hich will be theirs if they But take the city . do as you please in respect of me , only give me Buruz ilim to live in ; if Gebal falls then 2 1 6 RIB -ADDA AND T HE KING O F E G YPT

I Ammunira Abd shall go to . Since the sons of

Ashratum n are gaini g the mastery over me , and no

m o f word (literally, breath) comes to me from the outh

I e the king, declar unto my lord that, indeed , Gebal In d will be their city . ancient ays when the king neglected this city our fathers did not pay tribute to “ him not do you neglect it (B . You say, defend ” h ow I ? yourself, but can do it You have sent me neither foot nor horse - soldiers ; what will become of ? I and me will defend your city with my life , do not hearken unto those who slander me ; even if there be none to testify to my loyalty you know that it exists

Abd-Ashratum all the same (B . The forces of are joining the Habiri and are going to attack me ; send

o If ou frOm tr ops (B . y send men and horses Egypt and Miluha at once and with all speed I may live to serve

I - If the king again ; have no money to buy horses . your heart has any care for the city and for my life ,

s You s S send soldier . wi h that Haia hould be taken to

Sim ra I i y , and say that he arr ved there with his letter

I 1 3 Of S . in the night time , and gave manehs ilver, etc , to the Habiri as a gift ; I have nothing more to give

I s di d (B . sent two mes engers to Egypt, but they

You not return they carried a letter from me to you .

t h I s ou h ad complain at write evil tiding , but if y paid heed to my words Aziru would have been captured . IfI receive no help the Habiri will take the country , and if you will not send me soldiers then instruct Yankh amu and Bihura to go forth and they can occupy

2 1 8 RIB - ADD A AND T HE K ING O F E G YPT

s to I ; Buribita have already said , li ten what say let Sim ra remain in y and keep Haib with you , and

Az iru Abd make him your inspector . , the son of

Ashratum i s l s , before Geba , send therefore soldier

w Sim ra to capture him , for other ise y cannot hold

Az iru out (B . has captured twelve of my men, and demands as ransom 5 0 manehs of silver ; he has captured in the city of Yibuliya the men I sent to

Sim ra I Sim ra y am besieged by a ﬂeet of ships from y ,

Bérfi t - A Az iru , and Sidon, and Yapa dda and have

a S c ptured some of my hips, and they have put to If n sea to take others . you cannot help me se d me word so that I may know what to do ; your enemies

I Yarimuta are very strong . beg you to tell to send I u a me food ; indeed am yo r loyal servant , t ke heed

I . . . to me , for love my lord the king (Brit Mus No

" Sim ra I You tell me to occupy y , but am not strong enough ; and Ambi has now rebelled against me , and the governors of that city and its elders are ’ - h m B Abd A ratu s . in league with s sons ( rit . Mus The sons of Abd -Ashratum have seized your horses

A a and chariots . lthough people write lies to you bout I I I me am your loyal servant, and what hear will “ not write to you . These men are dogs and do fear your soldiers . The messages of other kings are 20 attended to, but mine are not ; send me men from

Egypt and 20 from Miluh a (B . Simyra is

Abd -Ashratum caught like a bird in a trap . has s llaz a B im ra h as n I H . S eized ( y falle , and RIB -ADDA AND T HE K IN G O F E GYPT 2 1 9

could not prevent it, because for ﬁve years past the

h aV Bum abula e . people been hostile to me (B ,

Abd-Ashratum his n the son of , hath forced way i to

Hllaz a Ardata Yihli a A , and the cities of , y , mbi, and Shig ata are his ; he and his brothers are in league with the king of Mitanni and the king of Kash . In old times you did not he sitate to act if enemies threatened to attack your cities , and now that they have expelled your viceroy and taken his cities why ’ ou c Abd-Ash ratum s do y remain ina tive ? (B . M sons are the servants of the kings of itanni, and

Kash , and Hatti (B . We have received some provisions from Yarimuta through the intervention ’ M Pahamnata i O CeI' of , the k ng s ; the foe is mighty, n I do not eglect this city (B . am not in

Bérﬁt it , and if you order me to leave Gebal will ’ Aziru s d I fall into han s . sent my son to you, but for three months he was not allowed to enter your I w presence . When am dead my sons will rite to you and ask you to bring them back into their city ;

do Bérﬁt why you neglect me ? (B . Sidon and l o i are not loya to you , theref re send an o cer to occupy them ; if the present inhabitants leave the

do city the Habiri will walk into it (B . You n ot attend to what I write ; if you neglect your cities H h s the abiri will take t em , for all the governor of A d -A hratum Abd b s B. cities are favourable. to (

AShratum t has been troubling me for a long ime past,

I r - I and w ote to your father [Amen hetep II . ] asking 2 2 0 RIB - ADDA AND T H E K ING O F E G YPT

im ra . S for troops Haib has handed over y , and you n must not be unmi dful of the killing Of your viceroy . If you delay in taking action Bihura cannot remain Kumidi d . in , and all your chiefs will be kille (Brit

Mus . No . My family urge me to join the

Abd-Ashratum but I not I son of , heed them ; have

O n fte written to you , but you do not answer my

I Ammunira letters . went to consult with , but the

was I w house closed to me . a ait the arrival of your s t I S soldier , and if you do not al er your mind hall

be a dead man . Two men and two women have

Mus been given to the rebel (Brit . . No .

Sim ra y has fallen , and the people of Gebal who were in it have been killed ; send now soldiers and

i char ots to protect the city, but if these do not arrive during the summer the enemy will take the city and ’ Sl Biuri fﬁ r ay me . , the king s o ce , has been killed , and the Egyptian O fﬁcial Pah amnata will not listen If for to me . it be said there is no food here troops,

know that this is the case with every city (Brit . d Mus . No . Though the king announce the

Irib a a h hi If s s . arrival of y , he has not come you

for I want to save the city send troops, when am

dead who will defend the city ? (B . I cannot defend the city because you do not keep a garrison

men here as your fathers did . Pahura has sent of — the Shuti who have Slain the Shirdani a mo st s m u ha ef l act ; he also sent three men to Egypt, and

' Since th at time the city has been in revolt against

M R T HE IRKAT IANS E T C . 2 2 2 RABI U , ,

the n S sun, let my lord ki g, my god , my sun, end chariot s with my son to defend the ci tie s of my lord h sun t e . king, my god , my Let my lord the king, my

n s the god, my sun , se d chariot to bring me to my lord I s king , my god , my sun , that may go into the pre ence .

n e of my lord the ki g , my god , my sun , and t ll him d I I . what have done Behol , am the faithful servant and I of my lord the king, my god , [my sun] , behold , have sent a messenger into the presence of my lord ” the king , my god, my sun (B .

28 ET TERS ROM RIB -A A T o AMANAPPA ask . F L DD , ing him to use his inﬂuence at the Egy ptian court to

s s him secure the de patch of soldier , and to send help

w u s of e u which o ld enable him to regain pos ession B r t,

‘ which had fallen into th e hands of Abd -Ashratum

B ib -Ad n his Since da had se t envoy to Egypt (Brit .

s NO S Mu . .

R M RABIMUR T o THE ING 29 E TT E RS O . . L F K

Babimur Bib - A d was the brother of d a, and seized the ’ city during his brother s ab sence in B erut . He reports

Az iru A n Irk ata that has killed duna, ki g of , and the Ammi a h as A k i s no king of y , and occu pied m i , and ,

r s doubt , a membe of the ho tile confederacy . which

n arim a i N . e includes the ki g of Hatti and the king of , . ,

s the Mesopotamia . The king mu t not believe accusa tions which have been made against him , for they are ° s t o i ci als ab olu ely false , as the Egyptian themselves " M us . . can testify (Brit . . No B 30 ETTER ROM T HE PEO LE OF IRKATA T O THE . L F P AMM UNIRA AND AKLZ Z I 2 2 3

ING K , stating that the report made by the Egyptian i o cial who had been sent to their city is false , and

s t that they are loyal ubjec s of the king of Egypt .

i s was They had , it true , fortiﬁed their city , but that u against Shank , and they were waiting for help from

Egypt (Brit . Mus . No . 1 ET E F OM AMMUNIRA O E 3 . L T RS R V R OR OF , G N ‘

BERIJ T T O THE ING . , K He promises to do all that k the ing wishes , expresses his loyalty, and says that ’ the he will guard his city on king s behalf, and will

-A receive Rib dda when he comes , and will send ’ forward the king s Shi ps as soon as they arrive at

B rﬁt é . . (Brit Mus B .

32 E TT ERS O M AKIz zr O E N F . R V R OR O ATNA L F , G K ,

A EN H IS I I 1 Akiz z i I TO M O P I . ( ) says that ever S nce hi s fathers became the vassals of the king of Egypt his

h as th e land been that of king of Egypt , and that whe n the Egyptian troops came thereto they were

supplied with meat, and drink , and cattle, and sheep ,

and oil , and honey but since Katna belongs to Egypt h it must be protected by Egyptian troops and c ariots, and unless they be sent soon Az iru and the Hatti will

Nuh ash shi A i t i s . S Aziru take the whole district of ,

M 0 l has carried some of his peop e , and , worse than that, the king of Hatti has carried off the statue of the

— h ad Sun god , whose worship the Egyptians imposed

upon the country, on which the Egyptian king had

Akiz inscribed his name . The people of z i now ask the

‘ king of Egypt to send money enough to ransom the 2 2 4 NAMYAWIZ A O F KUM IDI

Off people who have been carried , and to get back the

s theS un- ask tatue of god , in which case they the king

s b his his to in cri e name upon it, even as did father

2 Akiz z i (Brit . Mus . No . ( ) reports that he

s s is till alive , and declares that if he receive any letters from the king of Hatti he will send them on to Egypt ;

- sa Aida amma him he goes on to y that g is hostile to ,

— — and that Tiuwatti Of Lapana and Arz auni of Buhi z i

are in league with him , and that they are wasting the

i d kin . s of land with ﬁre On the other han , the g uh ash shi Z insar i Kinanat l N , and , and N , and are , ike

. can himself, loyal to the king The king of Egypt , of course, do as he pleases but if he will not come

s himself then let him send troop , and whatsoever gifts d I f he nee s from the people they will give him . Katna ’ i s tho ught anything at all of in the king s mind let

him send troops and let them march [at once]. When

n Arz auni Tiuwatti Ubi and o ce and are in the land of , A Dasha is in the land of mma, then let the king understand that Ubi no longer belongs to him ; - these “ Aida amm a sa GO men send daily to g and y to him , , ” bi As In conquer all the land of U . Damascus the land of Ubi stretcheth out her hand to the feet of the

so t king , even doth Ka na stretch out her hand (Brit .

NO S Mus . . 33 . LETT ER FROM NAMYAWIZ A OVER OR O F , G N " KUMIDI T E m iz T o H I G O F G PT . a aw a , K N E Y N y reports n Kumidi that he is holdi g for the king, and declares that it is not himself but E iridashwi who has seized

2 2 6 ABI-M ILKI I G O F T RE , K N Y

to give back the cities to him SO that he may be able to ser ve his lord the king even as his fathers did in former times (B .

36 RO OF ET E - E . G UP L T RS FRO M ARI MILK I OF TYR To “ E 1 TH KIN G . ( ) He says that he is the dust beneath “ d the san als of his lord the king , who is the sun which ” A riseth over the lands each day . fter some remarks as to the joy which he felt on the receipt of the king ’s d wor s he expresses his devoted loyalty, and says that he

d n SO is guar ing Tyre for the ki g , and will continue to do until the Egyptian troops come and give him water to drink and wood to burn to keep him warm . But the

Az iru Abd -Ashratum king must know that , the son of , Z imrid 2 Abi - is in league with a of Sidon . ( ) milki asks n i for troops to defend Tyre, and the he w ll go and see

Az iru n the face of the king . has been doi g evil , and Sim ra certain rebels have betrayed y into his hands ,

s Z imrida and what is very erious , of Sidon hath seized

" l lz u It Pa ri U . is known from one of the Sallier py

w O f that Tyre was supplied ith water by means boats, and Ulz u was the name in the XVIIIth Dynasty of the

was no place from which it brought ; this place was , ’ Abi -milki s doubt, on the mainland . position was n desperate, for , as he says , he has either wood, nor M O ICGS water, nor the materials for performing the last

Z imrida Aziru for the dead . is in league with , and the people of Ar vad have collected their Ships and have gathered together their soldiers and chariots , meaning

1 T -Am a n e S e e ell cl r a Ta bl ts i n th e Br iti sh Museum . lvii . , p ABI-MIL I KI G O F T RE 2 2 K , N Y 7 m Abi to ake an attack upon Tyre by sea and by land . milki entreats the king to send him a letter so that he may go and see the king, and he states that he is obliged to send this tablet to th e king by the hand

Abi - i s of a common soldier . (3) milk entreat the king to send twenty men to protect Tyre , and begs for wood w and water, for all his communications ith the main

Off S n land have been cut , and ince the e emy has blockaded him he has not been able to obtain either ’ In d wood or water . answer to the king s emand for information , he reports that the king of Danuna is

his dead , that brother has succeeded him , and that the

Of U h as country is peaceful . Half of the city garit

Itak ama been burnt with ﬁre , has captured the city

h Aziru n Nam awiz a Z imrida of Kades , has joi ed y , and has collected a number of Ship s ; Abi -milki begs “ n 4 A the ear estly for help . ( ) fter salutations to ever

- i e Abi - lasting Sun god , . . , the king, milki refers to the royal command which ordered him to provide Shalmavati n with cor and water, and reports that this has not been n done , and suggests that the ki g must make his own

h The arrangements for doing t is . king must know that

r i in Tyre there is neither wood , nor wate , nor anyth ng Abi- which can be eaten . milki begs the king to defend ’ Sh alma ati s and a y city , he reports the rrival of the i S Abi - king of S don in a hip , and declares that he ( milki)

S 5 Abi - will depart with his hips from Tyre . ( ) milki

s reports that he has sent a gift to the king , and a ks

t Usu him to cause the ci y of , whence he obtained his 2 2 8 S U RAT A AND Z AT ANA hi m water supply , to be restored to him, and to send

food for himself, and ten companies of soldiers to

s m defend the city . The Egyptian general does not ee n Abi- to be behavi g loyally to milki , for he does not allow him to O btain supplies from the city of Usu on : s HasOr the mainland . The king of Sidon and have i joined themselves to the Habiri , and the k ng should take back from them the land which theynow hold , he can inquire on this matter of his 0 cer who is in Kina i 6 Abi hh . ( ) milki reports that now the Egyptian troops h ave left Tyre Z imrida will not allow him to go to the mainland for wood and water ; he has already ’ S Abi -milki s Is lain some of forces , and the king

his entreated earnestly to protect servant (Brit . Mus . 1 9 99 1 62 28 3 . 8 Nos . , B , , , ETT ERS FROM RATA OF A HO TO THE ING 37 . OO L SU K , “ reporting his ﬁdelity, and describing himself as the

kin the servant of the g , _ dust of his feet, and the earth “ At on which he walketh ; he says, the feet of my

lord the king , who is the sun in heaven, seven times and seven times with belly and back I prostrate ” And myself. in a verbose fashion he asks , When

the sun in the heavens speaketh , what king would not ” hearken and obey ? (B .

A E 38 . ETTERS FROM Z ATAN I G O F AOOHO To TH L , K N , " ING O i cial K , saying that Shuta, an Egyptian , has

u Z irdaiashda ordered him to give p , who has taken

am awiz a refuge with him from before the anger of N y ,

A is M i e b ut d . . S since ccho like ig ol in Egypt, , ince

2 30 LE T T E RS F RO M MILKILI

Kilti the people of , but failed . On the other hand A - Shuardata bdi khiba has taken the city of , whilst he , i e Shuardata not ass . . , , has taken an ox , or an , or a

La a a man from him or his city . p y who was in league

A - with bdi khiba , and plundered our cities with him , is

2 Shuardata a dead . ( ) is unable to go to Egypt , p

arentl s p y becau e he has no money , moreover, as

Yankh amu i , the Egyptian o cial , is in Egypt he can tell the king whether Sh uardata has any troops in his city

Sh uardata or not . Thirty towns are in league against ,

and n are m and his e emies ighty , he himself is only one

3 The Kilti the king must help him . ( ) city of has fallen ; let the king send troops and then he will be able to besiege th e victors and to drive them out from 100 1 01 the city (B . , ,

4 2 ETTERS ROM MILKILI T o THE ING 1 . L F K . ( ) Milkili t reports the safety of his ci y, and the despatch

S n n l of laves , men and wome ; The enemy are exceedi g y n hostile , and he begs the ki g to rescue the country from the Habiri the king can verify his statements by

Yankh amu Milkili appealing to . went to Egypt to see m the king , and probably as a result of the re arks which he made to him concerning Yankh amu this O Icial went ’ Milkili s off to city , and carried a large amount of d f money from his brother, and deman ed that his wi e and children should be produced that he might Slay

Milkili s l them . pray that the king wil send chariots to take him and the oppressor to the presence of the In Milkil king without delay . another letter i begs AB I - H IBA G O VE RNO R O F E RU SAL E M 2 1 D K , J 3

sh n that troops may be sent , and wi es the ki g to send i t Mus him some object as a gif (Brit . . Nos . 1 07 B , 4 3 . LET T ER FROM A O AL A T o T HE I G R Y L DY K N , n reporting that strife has broken out in the la d , and ’ that the ki ng s territory has passed into the hands of the Habiri who have plundered Ayaluna (Ajalon) and h Milkili Sar a ; the two sons of are mentioned . The lady in her second letter reports that the city of Sapuna

t the has been aken by Habiri (B .

TTE M AR I— IRA 4 4 . E RS FRO H GOVER OR O F L D K , N

ER SALEM T o T HE I G . r J U , K N The ﬁrst of these lette s w r s h opens ith a question in which the w iter say , W at [offence] have I committed against my lord the king ?”

n s He co tinue , Someone has lied concerning me in “ A - s d saying, bdi khiba has rebelled again t his lor the ’ king . Behold , it was not my father and it was not

t s s my mo her who stabli hed me in this po ition , but it Was the mighty arm of the king himself wh o made

s th e s m me ma ter of land and possessions of y father . Wh I n y then should make rebellion agai st my lord ? AS th e n are the king ki g liveth , they all lying concerning me to the king because I said unto my

’ ‘ Yankh amu lord the king s general ) , Why, dost ’ thou Show favour to the Habiri the king s

s s enemie ) , and treat with roughnes the heads of ’ tribes of the country ? And because I say also that [if this policy be followed] the territories of my lord the s s s king will be laid wa te , they peak again t me to 2 2 AB I - H IBA G O VE R O R O F E R SALE M 3 D K , N J U

i w the n the k ng . Let my lord the king kno that ki g

s my lord had establi hed an outpost [in this city], but ” ankh amu e Y has remov d it . The king must

d w s take heed to his lan if he ishe to keep it . The cities of the king of Egypt which were under the rule

Ilu- d h of milki have rebelle , and if t is sort of thing continues the whole of the king’s possessions in the

A - r country will be lost . bdi khiba is ve y anxious to go n n to Egypt that he may look upo the face of the ki g, but he cannot leave Jerusalem becau se his enemies are too mighty for him if the king will send a company of men to guard the city then he will go to Egypt and

s look upon the face of the king . He wears by the life of the king that he never ceases to warn every 0 I cial that the territory of the king is Slipping out of his

and hands, if the king will not take heed to the warn ing which he is now sending to him he will soon have

s s no vas al princes left in the land . The king hould

h S S take eed to his vassal princes, and he hould end

troops ; indeed , already the Habiri have laid waste ’ If all the king s lands , and he has nothing left . the king will only send soldiers in the course of the present

ma year his hold on the land y be maintained, but if he

s will not do so , then all his possessions will be lo t . The last two lines contain this exhortation to the scribe who Shall read this letter to the king of Egypt

Speak clearly , and make the king my lord to under d ‘ All stand the following wor s, the lands of my lord ’ t d l the king are being des roye utter y .

2 AB I-KH IBA GO VE R O R O F E R SALE M 34 D , N J U

The last two paragraphs are addressed to the royal ; scribe in Egypt ; in the ﬁrst Abdi - khiba begs him to “ speak clearly and make the king my lord to under

‘ s I stand these word , am a man in authority under ’ the king , and in the second he appears to beg for ’ in f In the scribe s support the af air of the Kashi . his

’ A - : third letter bdi khiba says Behold , the king hath

‘ stablished hiS name from the rising up of the sun even

u the nto the going down of same . They have told lie ; I 10 I s . l upon lie about me ndeed (or ) , am no per onage

na I of rank , y, am but a humble servant of my lord the I I king ; am a man in authority under the king, and n him It m bri g tribute unto . was neither y father nor my mother who stablished me over the lands of my

r arm fathe , but it was the mighty of the king my lord

s O him elf. When Shuta and the other Egyptian cer came to me I gave each of them slaves and other

s all things as gifts for the king . The king of the land

Sh IrI and - b etween Ginti kirmil have rebelled , and they treat me as a foe . Whilst the king had ships upon the sea the mighty hand of the king was in possession of

Nah rim a and Kash , but now the Habiri hold these

places , and the king has not one loyal prince left .

Turb as a S Z fi was lain at the gate of il , and yet the king does nothing The servants of Z imrida are doing

s th e n their utmo t to capture and kill him , and still ki g does nothing l Yapti- Addu has also been slain at the

Z fi gate of il , and still the king does nothing . The

n s ki g must take heed to his land , and send troop , but B I- IB R E RU S LE M A H A G O VE O R O E _ A 2 D K , N , J 35 if he will not do this he must send one of his ofﬁcials

A d - to rescue b i khiba and his brethren , so that they

di e i h . may w t the king Finally , the scribe of the king of Egypt is begged to speak clearly these words to the

In A - king . his fourth letter bdi khiba reports that Milkili has revolted , and has j oined himself to the sons

La a a Arz awa a of p y and the sons of y , and asks why the n ki g of Egypt has not punished him for so doing . Milkili and his father -in- law Tagi have taken the city ’ Rubutu of , and none of the king s troops are left there .

Th e ﬁ u n of cial Pur is in Gaza, and the ki g should give him a company Of soldiers ; Abdi -khiba asks that ’ Yankhamu be sent to look after the king s possessions . In his ﬁfth letter Abdi -khiba reports that Milkili and Shuardata have gathered together the soldiers of

Gaz ri Gimti Kilti , and , and , and have seized the

s B h di trict of ubutu , w ich has thereby fallen into the hands of the Habiri , and is thus lost to the king of

- i t . v Bi t Egyp Moreo er , a city called N nib , which is n actually in the country belo ging to Jerusalem , has t Kilti i been aken by the . Let the k ng hearken to his servant Abdi - khiba and send him troop s that he

th e n may regain possession of la ds of the king , for unless he does so the whole country will fall into th e s A d hand of the Habiri . The other letters of b i u khiba contain freq ent and earnest requests for help ,

s Milkili and report the rebellious act of , Tabi , the La a a etc O 1 2 - 1 14 1 4 . S 0 06 9 . N . 7 sons of p y , (B , , , 1 99) 2 6 A -M IHIR T AG I BIRID IYA 3 DDU , ,

E M A -MIHIR n 4 5 . ETT RS FRO L DDU , assuri g the king ﬁ 16 . 7 of his loyalty and delity (B ,

4 6 ET TERS ROM AGI -ih - . L F T , the father law of Milkili . He reports that he is unable to send his

t unfor let ers and gifts to the king because he is now , tunatel S y, ick ; this fact the king can verify by con u in s lt g the Egyptian inspector of the district . He “ B d says , ehol , our eyes are upon thee, for whether we i go up into the heights of heaven , or descend nto the ” depths of earth our head is still in thy hand . He is very anxious to send the gifts which are due to the king, and he will do his best to do so by the hands of a ’ d In frien , who is also in the king s service . his second “ I I letter Tagi says, look hither and look thither, “ t is i I and here no l ght whatsoever, but when look f upon the face o my lord the king there is light . He In sends with his protestations of ﬁdelity a gift . his third letter he reports that someone has plundered hi s

off S land and carried men , silver , and heep , and that now he no longer has any authority over the cities which the king entrusted to him . Tagi sends this letter through Pahura, and begs that a company of 1 5 6 169 soldiers with horses may be sent (B . Nos . , ;

Brit . Mus . No .

1 Re 4 ET TE RS ROM BIRIDIYA O F E GI O . 7 . L F M DD ( ) porting that the two sons of Lapaya are giving help to n the Habiri , and aski g the king to take heed to his

ss 2 po essions . ( ) Reporting that he is guarding the city of Makida both by day and by night on behalf of

2 8 AB I-T IRSHI YAPAKHI 3 D ,

n and hostility of the gover ors round about him, begging the king to send a body of troops to protect him and his city (Brit . Mus . Nos .

NO . B .

5 ET TERS ROM A R I - IRSE I O F KHAs R 0. L F D T 1 (Hazor) . ( ) Reporting that he will guard the city ’ Haz oi' of until the arrival of the king s soldiers , and assuring the king that when his despatch reached him it was j ust as if the sun had risen upon him ; the news Wt that the king is about to come has ﬁlled him i h joy . (2) Reporting that he is still guarding the city on

l Of s v as beha f the king , who e faithful ser ant he is , well as all the towns which are round about he trusts that the king will keep in remembrance what hath befallen the faithful and loyal city, and also himself, and what ha s . he endured in keeping it (Brit Mus . Nos .

5 1 ETTERS FROM YAPAKHI OVERNOR OF EZ ER . L , G G . ’ (1) Acknowledging the receipt of th e king s instruo tions , which he well understands , and reporting his loyalty and ﬁdelity to the interests Of the king . His brother has made a league with the Habiri, and has

d st rebelle again him , and he and they are taking

Off 2 A ensive measures against him . ( ) cknowledging the receipt of a further despatch, and saying that his condition has become extremely serious because of the attacks of ‘ the Suti people but if only he could hear a bit of good news from the king his heart would be ﬁ M us Nos . satis ed (Brit . . WI I A YABIT IRI 2 D Y , 39

AS E L 2 E TERS ROM WIDYA OVER O R OF O . 5 . T F L , G N K N (1) He reports to the king that he is defending the

city on his behalf, and that he has provided cattle ,

S h e heep, honey , oil, and drink for the troops ;

expresses his readiness to pay the accustomed tribute . (2) He again reports that he i s defendi ng the city according to the instructions which he has received from the sun in the heavens . The king ordered him

as of to pay tribute a number precious stones , and he m “ sends part of the , for he cannot send all as his lord “ the king, the sun in the heavens , the son of the sun , ” 1 v 3- 6 whom the sun lo eth, commanded . ( ) Further reports , saying that he has furnished supplies to the ’ s king s troop , and that he is guarding his city on the ’ 7 king s behalf. ( ) Report expressing his loyalty, but saying that he cannot protect the city any lOng er without help , and begging the king to send the

O Riana a Egyptian fﬁcer p to him (Brit . Mus . No . 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 B NO S . 8 9 . , , ,

ETTER ROM YABITIRI O ERNO R 5 3. V O F AZ A L F , G G AND O PA n J P , expressing his loyalty, and sayi g that w there is no light any here for him but with the king, and that though the tile in the pavement may become loose and move away from its place he will never move

hi s If from position under the feet of the king . the

1 Widy a h ere cleverly a li e s to th e i ng th e titles to h i ch h e pp 6k w - tom e i n E t i . e . Sa Ré i s a c cus g y , , , s on of th e Sun and d p $3 , Ré -m eri O W; lover of th e Sun or lov e of th e Sun , , d . 2 0 AGA -T A ALA Z IMRIDA YAB NI-ILU 4 D N K , , king has any doubt about this fact let him ask

Yankhamu wh o , took him to Egypt as a young man , and who knows how faithfully he discharged his duties as

and to governor of Gaza Joppa . He is ready march with the royal troops wherever they may go , and he “ m says, The yoke of the king my lord is upon y neck,

I Mus . . and will bear it (Brit . No

- 54 . ETTERS FROM AGA A ALA T o T HE I G L D N T K K N , hi s his reporting loyalty , and saying that even as father and grandfather were loyal to the king of Egypt so will he be he begs that he maybe rescued from the

Habiri and the Suti , who have gained great power in the land (Brit . Mus . No . B . No .

5 E TTE ROM Z IM IDA OF A HI H 5 . R R C S L F L , reporting n his loyalty , and sayi g that he will perform the comniands of the king which have been duly brought

O to him by the Egyptian messenger (B . N .

ETTE YAR - L 5 6 . R FROM I I U O F ACHISH L N L , reporting n m the his loyalty , and sayi g that he will perfor commands of the king which have bee n duly brought

M O to him by the envoy aia (B . N .

5 u - 7 . al Letter said to have been fo nd at Tell Hesi , the l supposed site of L achish , reporting an al iance 1 between Shipti -Addu and Z imrida of Lachish it i s thought to h ave been captured by the servants of

Z imrida of Lachish (Constantinople) .

1 S ee S ch ei l R u il Tr ii ec e d an t m . m o x i . 1 4 e d u 891 . 73 7 , , , , pp , ; Revu e d es Reli i ons March 1 891 J ournal Asi ati ue m e ri g , , ; q , 8 sé e , tom x ii — . . 34 4 . v . pp 7 3 9