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Who Are the Habiru of the Amarna Letters?

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Who Are the Habiru of the Amarna Letters? Journal of the Adventist Theological Society, 12/1 (2001): 31Ð42. Article copyright © 2001 by S. Douglas Waterhouse. Who are the HÓabiru of the Amarna Letters? S. Douglas Waterhouse Andrews University Despite numerous studies devoted to the question of who the ÒHabiruÓ were, a lively controversy still continues. The heart of the controversy pertains to that portion of the people referred to as ÒHabiruÓ who were attempting to take over the land of Canaan. In urgent dispatches sent to the Egyptian Court of Pharaohs Amenhotep III and his son, Akhenaten, the chieftains of the land of Canaan speak of the Habiru as a perilous threat to their city-states. It was the discovery in 1887 of over 350 cuneiform letters at Tell el-Amarna in Middle Egypt, the site of Pharaoh AkhenatenÕs capital, which opened up to the modern world new vistas on what had been occurring at a crucial time when Egypt was losing her grip upon her Asiatic Empire. These clay tablets, which were part of the Egyptian royal archives, the so-called ÒAmarna Letters,Ó con- tinue to raise a good deal of interest. And it is within this Amarna archival cor- respondence that the Habiru appear as powerful foes of Egyptian authority; a major force that had important effects upon events within the region of Pales- tine-Syria.1 The present interest in the Habiru is primarily caused by three factors: (1) the resemblance between the names Habiru and Hebrew, (2) the chronological relationship between the Amarna Habiru and the Israelites, and (3) the proximity of their location within the land of Canaan to that of the Hebrews in JoshuaÕs time. The present article intends to address all three of these factors. On the question of resemblance, it is now agreed upon that indeed there is a valid etymological relationship between the term ÒHabiruÓ and the biblical name ÒHebrewÓ ({ibri).2 A major obstacle, however, prevents an automatic equating of 1 Michael C. Astour, ÒHÓabiru,Ó in The InterpreterÕs Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary Volume, ed. Keith Crim (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1976), 383. 2 Nadav NaÕaman, ÒHÓabiru and Hebrews, The Transfer of a Social Term to the Literary Sphere,Ó JNES 45 (1986):278; Manfred Weippert, The Settlement of the Israelite Tribes in Pales- 31 Journal of the Adventist Theological Society the two terms as equivalent. For while the name ÒHebrewÓ in Scripture serves the purpose of a gentilic designation for ethnic Israelites, the purpose of the ap- pellation ÒHabiruÓ in ancient Near Eastern cuneiform literature (of which the Amarna Letters are a part) is primarily used in a sociological sense. As already intimated, the Habiru of the Amarna correspondence appear as enemies of the crown, bent on destroying the established authority of Canaanite feudal society. Consequently, those labeled with this appellation were looked down upon as a negative component of the population.3 But does this mean that they constitute a social class? Since the discovery of the Amarna Letters, where the appellation ÒHabiruÓ4 usually is written by the use of the Sumerian logogram SA.GAZ, the term also has turned up in a number of cuneiform texts from different parts of Mesopota- mia, Syria, Egypt, and Asia Minor in a time-span dating from the end of the third millennium B.C. to the end of the Late Bronze Age (1200 B.C.).5 Among all these existing documents the term is not considered an ethnicon, but rather an appellation representing a certain segment of society.6 This has come to in- fluence the way the term Habiru, of the Amarna tablets, is interpreted. Even though it is hard to separate the Habiru from the Hebrews, who settled in the very same land of Canaan, many have come to view the Amarna Age Habiru as a socially marginal people, indigenous to the land of Canaan.7 If the Habiru can be identified as citizens of Canaanite states or even as heads of state, then the hypothesis would be confirmed that the term represents a non-ethnic segment of the internal population of Canaan. Two examples in the correspondence from north Canaan illustrate the state of the evidence. Rib- Haddi, the leader of the city-state of Byblos, complains in his letter to Pharaoh: ÒAll my cities which are situated in the mountains or along the sea have sided tine. Studies in Biblical Theology, Second Series 21 (Naperville, IL: Alec R. Allenson, 1971), 74- 82. 3 William L. Moran, ÒJoin the {Apiru or Become One? In ÒWorking With No DataÓ: Semitic and Egyptian Studies Presented to Thomas O. Lambdin, ed. By David M. Golomb (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1987), 209-212. Niels Peter Lemche, ÒHÓabiru, HÓapiru,Ó in The Anchor Bible Dictionary (H-J), ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 8. 4 In spite of both Egyptian and Ugaritic evidence favoring a rendering of HÓab/piru by {Apiru, cuneiform literature favors the rendering as HÓabiru; the name is spelled in cuneiform HÓabiraœyu represented by a bi sign which is never pi; Lemche, op. cit., 7. 5 Moshe Greenberg, The Hab/piru, American Oriental Series, Vol. 39 (New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society, 1955), 3-12. 6 Nadav NaÕaman, ÒAmarna Letters,Ó in The Anchor Bible Dictionary 1 (A-C), ed. by D. N. Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 178. 7 A much discussed theory is that the Habiru were Canaanite peasants who were in revolt against their overlord; that they were a poor underclass in the process of breaking away from the existing city-state structures. Hershel Shanks, ÒIsraelÕs Emergence in Canaan: BR Interviews Norman Gottwald,Ó BR 5/5 (October 1989):26-34. 32 Waterhouse: Who Are the HÓabiru of the Amarna Letters? with (neœpus∑u ana) the Habiru-peopleÓ (EA 74:19-21).8 In other words, the out- lying citizenry of Rib-HaddiÕs kingdom have identified themselves (in the eyes of Rib-Haddi) with the unworthy and disloyal ÒHabiru,Ó and thus are to be con- sidered as enemies of the crown. The second example actually defines the then current understanding of the term: ÒNow he [Aziru, the leader of the kingdom of Amurru] is like the SA.GAZ-people, a stray dog (kalbu hÓalqu), and has seized Sumur, the city of the Sun, my lordÓ (EA 67:16-18). In this missive the charge is made that a head of state has become like the Habiru because his actions are comparable to a Òstray dogÓ who obeys no master, who illegally seizes what he can, and otherwise pays no attention to existing authority.9 It needs to be noticed that in these two examples, neither the citizens of Letter 74 nor the head of state in Letter 67 actually are identified as ÒHabiru.Ó Nor do they join the Habiru, so as to be part of an existing external group. Rather, the charge is made that the defectors act like Habiru-people. Being dis- loyal or subversive, in the idiom of that time, is Òto actÓ (epeœs∑u) Habiru, that is, to Òside withÓ the dangerous Habiru-enemy. If it could be shown that the biblical Hebrews were an active presence in the land of Canaan during the time of the Amarna Age (14th century B.C.), then the case would become much more attractive in identifying at least some references to the Habiru as referring to the Israelites. In this connection, it may be observed that late-Egyptian texts and inscriptions from the time of Seti I (1294-1279 B.C.) and Ramses II (1279-1213 B.C.),10 speak of the Western portion of Gali- lee as }Isr, a seeming reference to territory settled by the Hebrew tribe of Asher.11 In Papyrus Anastasi I (the so-called ÒSatirical LetterÓ), composed dur- ing the reign of Ramses II, the Asherites evidently were long enough in Canaan 8 The translations given here are a result of consulting several sources, including: William L. Moran (ed. and trans.), The Amarna Letters (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins UP, 1992); William F. Albright, ÒThe Amarna LettersÓ in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Tes- tament (hereafter ANET); Second Edition, ed. James B. Pritchard (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1955), 483-490; Anson F. Rainey, El Amarna Tablets 359-379. Second Ed. (=AOAT 8, Neu- kirchen-Vluyn, 1978); Richard S. Hess, Amarna Personal Names. ASOR Dissertation Series 9 (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1993); and Samuel A. B. Mercer (ed.), The Tell El-Amarna Tab- lets (Toronto: Macmillan, 1939). 9 Following the remarks of George E. Mendenhall, The Tenth Generation (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins UP, 1974), 130. 10 Sh. Yeivin, The Israelite Conquest of Canaan (Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch- Archaeologisch Instituut In Nabije Oosten, 1971), 23, 31. 11 The identification of I-s-r in the list of Seti I with the tribe of Asher is considered doubtful by W. F. Albright, ÒNorthwest-Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C.,Ó JAOS 74 (1954):229-231. Yeivin, on the other hand, feels the equation is certain. Yeivin, op. cit., 23: ÒThe occurrence of Asher in the list of Seti I provides the clearest indication for the nameÕs connection with W. Galilee.Ó Diana V. Edelman, ÒAsher,Ó in The Anchor Bible Dictionary, op. cit., 482. 33 Journal of the Adventist Theological Society to have given rise to a folk-tale about a Òchief of AserÓ who escaped from an angry bear by climbing a tree somewhere near the region of Megiddo.12 That the Israelites had been in Canaan from as early as the beginning of the 13th century B.C.
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