DOCSLIB.ORG

The Alawites and the Labyrinthine Routes of Peace in Syria

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Alawites and the Labyrinthine Routes of Peace in Syria The Alawites and the Labyrinthine Routes of Peace in Syria Michal Prokop For the past six years, Syria has been trapped in a deep political turmoil, which has had a grave impact on peace and stability in the Middle East. Amid the rising atrocities committed on the Syrian population by the Syrian government, the rebels and the Islamic state, the Russian Federation decided in September 2015 to provide a military solution while supporting one side of the conflict. The increased use of force in Syria by foreign powers like the us, the uk, France and Turkey as well as the influx of material support from major regional actors in- cluding Saudi Arabia and Iran, however, cannot be a substitution for a political process based on diplomacy, negotiation and dialogue. Giv- en that the Alawite community represents the backbone of President Bashar al-Assad’s popular support inside Syria, this article analyses the Alawite perspective on the Syrian conflict and proposes a strategy of political engagement between the international community and the Syrian minority group. Cooperation with the Alawites could represent a crucial step for building lasting peace in Syria because the Assad’s followers might reconsider their support for the regime in Damascus in exchange for future autonomy and military protection. Keywords: Syria, civil war, Alawites, engagement, peacebuilding Evasive Peace in Syria As the civil war in Syria marks its sixth anniversary this year, peace in the Middle Eastern country is nowhere to be found. Starting in March 2011 as a peaceful popular protest of Syrian people, including Sunni, Michal Prokop, The Alawites and the Labyrinthine Routes of Peace in Syria, Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 11, no. 3: 37-58. © 2017 cejiss. Article is distributed under Open Access licence: Attribution - NonCommercial 3.0 Unported (cc by-nc 3.0). Shia and Christians, against the authoritarian system headed by the Assad family, the Syrian uprising eventually transformed into a bloody civil war characterized by sectarian bloodshed, mass atrocities, dis- placement of civilians and destruction of Syrian cultural heritage. The cejiss Syrian conflict has drawn the attention of global and regional pow- 3/2017 ers, which directly or through various proxies compete over influence in the Middle East. Despite several rounds of negotiations in Geneva, Moscow and Astana as well as the admirable efforts of renowned un diplomats such as Kofi Annan, Lakhdar Brahimi and Staffan de Mistu- ra, it appears Syria has moved, for the time being, beyond the reach of a comprehensive peaceful settlement.1 For several years, a considerable question has been frequently asked: How is Bashar al-Assad able to maintain his grip on power in Damas- cus? The political, material, and military backing of the Russian Feder- ation, Iran and Lebanon’s Hezbollah, the emergence and the territorial -and Assad’s ability vis-á (شعاد :gains of the Islamic State (Daesh, Arabic vis his domestic and international supporters to portray his regime as ‘the only alternative to chaos’2 can partially, but not exclusively, explain the government’s capacity to survive. Another mostly omitted reason behind the government’s endurance is the contribution of the prom- inent Syrian minority group, the Alawites (French: Alaouites, Arabic: who remain loyal to the regime’s leadership.3 In contrast to the ,(ةيولع contemporary deliberation on Syria, which largely focuses on the stun- ning inability of Washington and Moscow to reach a compromise solu- tion to the Syrian conflict, this paper argues that reaching a sustainable peace in Syria also essentially requires diplomats to acknowledge the key minority groups’ interests and their incorporation within the post- war structure of government that respects the principles of secularism, religious tolerance and human rights. In today’s catastrophic turmoil in Syria, political analysts often ne- glect the important role the Alawites might play in leading the coun- try through the labyrinth of conflicts and diverging interests in Syria. This paper investigates two major issues. Firstly, what the Alawites’ perspective on the civil war is and secondly, whether and under what conditions the Alawites’ influence could contribute to the peace pro- cess in Syria. The article aims to move beyond the conventional and simplistic narrative that depicts the Alawites as ‘a dominant minority, which universally supports the Assad regime’4 and to provide a deeper understanding of the Syrian Alawite community, which has been the 38 original determining political and ideological force behind the founda- tion of the Assad’s ruling dynasty. The article departs from the follow- ing premises: (1) the Syrian government as one of many participants involved in the conflict is not a unitary actor but rather a mixed coa- lition of the regime’s supporters; (2) the Alawites’ interests have been Routes of poorly reflected in the political discourse on Syria; (3) the inclusion of Peace the Alawites in the Syrian peace process can be an important factor in in Syria achieving and maintaining stability in Syria. The case study of Alawites was chosen not only because of their political leverage over Damascus, but most importantly they also rep- resent a potential way out of the enormously complicated maze that characterizes the current political situation within Syria. Regardless of the future military outcome on the Syrian battlefield, the Alawites will always represent a vital component and formidable power, both economically and politically, within Syrian society. Additionally, inclu- sive dialogue between the wider international community and the mi- nority groups is a necessary element in reaching a political settlement within a diverse country such as Syria. The international communi- ty, particularly the us, European nations and the Russian Federation as the most potent global actors involved in the Syrian civil war, is obliged to learn from the mistakes of the past. The lesson of Iraq after 2003 clearly demonstrated the crucial necessity of incorporating reli- gious minorities in a process of political transition. The lack of interest with respect to the issue of minorities that were once the backbone of the authoritarian regimes, whether Sunni in Iraq or Shia, Alawites and others in Syria, may have fatal consequences on peace and stability in the Middle East. A similar claim was presented, for example, in the Report of the Iraq Inquiry in July 2016 that examined the uk’s involve- ment in toppling the regime of Saddam Hussein and the subsequent occupation of Iraq.5 As this article seeks to shed light on the subject of an important mi- nority group in Syria, the Alawites, in the current civil war, it is organ- ized into four parts and a conclusion. The first section puts the option of diplomatic and material assistance to the Alawite community in Syria within the context of the existing theory of civil wars with a spe- cial emphasis on the concepts of veto players in multiparty conflicts. The second part then briefly describes the Alawites’ background and analyses their role in the Syrian society and governance prior and after the Arab Revolutions of 2011. Finally, the third and fourth sections ex- 39 plore challenges the Alawite community currently faces and what can be achieved by the political engagement and Track ii diplomacy with the Alawites as a considerable element in a comprehensive solution to the present situation and future social cohesiveness of Syria. cejiss 3/2017 Multiparty Civil Wars and the Concept of Veto Players A civil war can be defined as “large scale violence among geographi- cally contiguous people concerned about possibly having to live with one another in the same political unit after the conflict”.6 Every civ- il war generally starts as an internal dyadic process in which an op- position violently challenges the authority of government.7 The rate of hostility between the two contested sides rapidly increases when the challenged government is not capable of effectively deterring or quickly suppressing the military opposition.8 Civil wars tend not to be usually restricted to the boundaries of a particular state where the con- flict originates. As in the cases of the Democratic Republic of Congo, El Salvador, Angola or Syria, transnational factors such as instability in neighbouring countries, history of interstate adversarial behaviour, ethnic cross-border relations, and migration increase the risk of wide regional destabilization that incentivizes external actors to consider choosing whether to intervene in the conflict.9 Moreover, the expansion of a number of parties being directly or in- directly engaged in the civil war changes the dynamics of a conflict. Ac- ademic research conducted by Salehyan, Gleditsch and Cunningham shows that ‘civil wars with outside involvement typically last longer, cause more fatalities, and are more difficult to resolve through nego- tiations’.10 This happens because additional participants promote their own specific agenda, influence both the costs of continued fighting and the benefits of reaching a settlement, and attach their national in- terests to the preferred end-result of the conflict.11 As occurred during the us support for the Contras in Nicaragua in the 1980s or the recent involvement of the Russian Federation, Turkey, Iran and others in Syr- ia, the multiplication of external actors, which support one side of the conflict, logically contributes to the deepening of a civil war. Besides the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Examples of Iraq and Syria
    BearWorks MSU Graduate Theses Fall 2017 The Unraveling of the Nation-State in the Middle East: Examples of Iraq and Syria Zachary Kielp Missouri State University, [email protected] As with any intellectual project, the content and views expressed in this thesis may be considered objectionable by some readers. However, this student-scholar’s work has been judged to have academic value by the student’s thesis committee members trained in the discipline. The content and views expressed in this thesis are those of the student-scholar and are not endorsed by Missouri State University, its Graduate College, or its employees. Follow this and additional works at: https://bearworks.missouristate.edu/theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Kielp, Zachary, "The Unraveling of the Nation-State in the Middle East: Examples of Iraq and Syria" (2017). MSU Graduate Theses. 3225. https://bearworks.missouristate.edu/theses/3225 This article or document was made available through BearWorks, the institutional repository of Missouri State University. The work contained in it may be protected by copyright and require permission of the copyright holder for reuse or redistribution. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE UNRAVELING OF THE NATION-STATE IN THE MIDDLE EAST: EXAMPLES OF IRAQ AND SYRIA A Masters Thesis Presented to The Graduate College of Missouri State University TEMPLATE In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Science, Defense and Strategic Studies By Zachary Kielp December 2017 Copyright 2017 by Zachary Kielp ii THE UNRAVELING OF THE NATION-STATE IN THE MIDDLE EAST: EXAMPLES OF IRAQ AND SYRIA Defense and Strategic Studies Missouri State University, December 2017 Master of Science Zachary Kielp ABSTRACT After the carnage of World War One and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire a new form of political organization was brought to the Middle East, the Nation-State.
    [Show full text]
  • The Potential for an Assad Statelet in Syria
    THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras policy focus 132 | december 2013 the washington institute for near east policy www.washingtoninstitute.org The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessar- ily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. MAPS Fig. 1 based on map designed by W.D. Langeraar of Michael Moran & Associates that incorporates data from National Geographic, Esri, DeLorme, NAVTEQ, UNEP- WCMC, USGS, NASA, ESA, METI, NRCAN, GEBCO, NOAA, and iPC. Figs. 2, 3, and 4: detail from The Tourist Atlas of Syria, Syria Ministry of Tourism, Directorate of Tourist Relations, Damascus. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Digitally rendered montage incorporating an interior photo of the tomb of Hafez al-Assad and a partial view of the wheel tapestry found in the Sheikh Daher Shrine—a 500-year-old Alawite place of worship situated in an ancient grove of wild oak; both are situated in al-Qurdaha, Syria. Photographs by Andrew Tabler/TWI; design and montage by 1000colors.
    [Show full text]
  • EASTERN GHOUTA, SYRIA Amnesty International Is a Global Movement of More Than 7 Million People Who Campaign for a World Where Human Rights Are Enjoyed by All
    ‘LEFT TO DIE UNDER SIEGE’ WAR CRIMES AND HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN EASTERN GHOUTA, SYRIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2015 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2015 Index: MDE 24/2079/2015 Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo: Residents search through rubble for survivors in Douma, Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus. Activists said the damage was the result of an air strike by forces loyal to President Bashar
    [Show full text]
  • Syrian Armed Opposition Powerbrokers
    March 2016 Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS Cover: A rebel fighter of the Southern Front of the Free Syrian Army gestures while standing with his fellow fighter near their weapons at the front line in the north-west countryside of Deraa March 3, 2015. Syrian government forces have taken control of villages in southern Syria, state media said on Saturday, part of a campaign they started this month against insurgents posing one of the biggest remaining threats to Damascus. Picture taken March 3, 2015. REUTERS/Stringer All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2016 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2016 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jennifer Cafarella is the Evans Hanson Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War where she focuses on the Syrian Civil War and opposition groups. Her research focuses particularly on the al Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al Nusra and their military capabilities, modes of governance, and long-term strategic vision. She is the author of Likely Courses of Action in the Syrian Civil War: June-December 2015, and Jabhat al-Nusra in Syria: An Islamic Emirate for al-Qaeda.
    [Show full text]
  • Bashar Al-Assad's Struggle for Survival
    Bashar al-Assad’s Struggle for Survival: Has the Miracle Occurred? Eyal Zisser The summer of 2014 marked the beginning of a turn in the tide of the civil war in Syria. The accomplishments of the rebels in battles against the regime tilted the scales in their favor and raised doubts regarding Bashar al-Assad’s ability to continue securing his rule, even in the heart of the Syrian state – the thin strip stretching from the capital Damascus to the city of Aleppo, to the Alawite coastal region in the north, and perhaps also to the city of Daraa and the Druze Mountain in the south. This changing tide in the Syrian war was the result of the ongoing depletion of the ranks of the Syrian regime and the exhaustion of the manpower at its disposal. Marked by fatigue and low morale, Bashar’s army was in growing need of members of his Alawite community who remained willing to fight and even die for him, as well as the Hizbollah fighters who were sent to his aid from neighboring Lebanon. The rebels, on the other hand, proved motivated, determined, and capable of perseverance. Indeed, they succeeded in unifying their ranks, and today, in contrast to the hundreds of groups that had been operating throughout the country, there are now only a few groups operating – all, incidentally, of radical Islamic character. Countries coming to the aid of the rebels also included Turkey, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, who decided to topple the Assad regime and showed determination equal to that of Bashar’s allies – Iran, Hizbollah, and Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • Into the Tunnels
    REPORT ARAB POLITICS BEYOND THE UPRISINGS Into the Tunnels The Rise and Fall of Syria’s Rebel Enclave in the Eastern Ghouta DECEMBER 21, 2016 — ARON LUND PAGE 1 In the sixth year of its civil war, Syria is a shattered nation, broken into political, religious, and ethnic fragments. Most of the population remains under the control of President Bashar al-Assad, whose Russian- and Iranian-backed Baʻath Party government controls the major cities and the lion’s share of the country’s densely populated coastal and central-western areas. Since the Russian military intervention that began in September 2015, Assad’s Syrian Arab Army and its Shia Islamist allies have seized ground from Sunni Arab rebel factions, many of which receive support from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, or the United States. The government now appears to be consolidating its hold on key areas. Media attention has focused on the siege of rebel-held Eastern Aleppo, which began in summer 2016, and its reconquest by government forces in December 2016.1 The rebel enclave began to crumble in November 2016. Losing its stronghold in Aleppo would be a major strategic and symbolic defeat for the insurgency, and some supporters of the uprising may conclude that they have been defeated, though violence is unlikely to subside. However, the Syrian government has also made major strides in another besieged enclave, closer to the capital. This area, known as the Eastern Ghouta, is larger than Eastern Aleppo both in terms of area and population—it may have around 450,000 inhabitants2—but it has gained very little media interest.
    [Show full text]
  • La Relation Bilatérale Franco-Syrienne Depuis 2000 Ruptures Et Continuités À Travers Le Prisme De La Présidentialisation De La Politique Étrangère Française
    BANQUE DES MEMOIRES Master « Sécurité et défense » Dirigé par le Professeur Olivier GOHIN 2017 La relation bilatérale franco-syrienne depuis 2000 Ruptures et continuités à travers le prisme de la présidentialisation de la politique étrangère française Quentin GABIRON Sous la direction du Professeur Nicolas HAUPAIS UNIVERSITÉ PANTHÉON-ASSAS – PARIS II Droit – Économie – Sciences sociales Année universitaire 2016-17 Master 2 Sécurité et défense LA RELATION BILATÉRALE FRANCO-SYRIENNE DEPUIS 2000 RUPTURES ET CONTINUITÉS À TRAVERS LE PRISME DE LA PRÉSIDENTIALISATION DE LA POLITIQUE ÉTRANGÈRE FRANÇAISE Mémoire préparé sous la direction de M. le Professeur Nicolas HAUPAIS présenté et soutenu publiquement pour l’obtention du Master 2 Sécurité et défense – finalité professionnelle par Quentin GABIRON JURY Président : M. le Professeur Nicolas HAUPAIS Assesseur : CGA Arnauld CHÉREIL de la RIVIÈRE LA RELATION BILATÉRALE FRANCO-SYRIENNE DEPUIS 2000 RUPTURES ET CONTINUITÉS À TRAVERS LE PRISME DE LA PRÉSIDENTIALISATION DE LA POLITIQUE ÉTRANGÈRE FRANÇAISE L’Université n’entend donner aucune approbation ni improbation aux opinions émises dans le mémoire; ces opinions doivent être considérées comme propres à leurs auteurs. TABLE DES ABRÉVIATIONS IDE : Investissement direct à l’étranger IFRI : Institut français des relations AEIA : Agence internationale de l’énergie internationales atomique INA : Institut national d’administration AFP : Agence France presse MAE : Ministre des Affaires étrangères APE : Analyse de la politique étrangère MAEDI : Ministre des
    [Show full text]
  • Constructivism; Instrumentalism; Syria
    Sectarianism or Geopolitics? Framing the 2011 Syrian Conflict by Tasmia Nower B.A & B.Sc., Quest University Canada, 2015 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the School for International Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Tasmia Nower SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2017 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval Name: Tasmia Nower Degree: Master of Arts Title: Sectarianism or Geopolitics? Framing the 2011 Syrian Conflict Examining Committee: Chair: Gerardo Otero Professor Tamir Moustafa Senior Supervisor Professor Nicole Jackson Supervisor Associate Professor Shayna Plaut External Examiner Adjunct Professor School for International Studies Simon Fraser University Date Defended/Approved: August 1, 2017 ii Abstract The Syrian conflict began as an uprising against the Assad regime for political and economic reform. However, as violence escalated between the regime and opposition, the conflict drew in Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, which backed both the regime and opposition with resources. The current conflict is described as sectarian because of the increasingly antagonistic relations between the Shiite/Alawite regime and the Sunni- dominated opposition. This thesis examines how sectarian identity is politicized by investigating the role of key states during the 2011 Syrian conflict. I argue that the Syrian conflict is not essentially sectarian in nature, but rather a multi-layered conflict driven by national and regional actors through the selective deployment of violence and rhetoric. Using frame analysis, I examine Iranian, Turkish, and Saudi Arabian state media coverage of the Syrian conflict to reveal the respective states’ political position and interest in Syria.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Briefed on Syria Transition Roadmap
    Contact: Hart Uhl FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Tel. (202) 828-1228 Email: [email protected] SYRIAN EXPERT HOUSE DELEGATION MEETS WITH DEPUTY MINISTER BOGDANOV Russian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Briefed on Syria Transition Roadmap Washington, DC – On April 16, 2014, Syrian Center for Political and Strategic Studies (SCPSS) Executive Director Dr. Radwan Ziadeh and a delegation from the Syrian Expert House met with Russian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Mikhail Bogdanov and other representatives of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Syrian Expert House Delegation included: Dr. Radwan Ziadeh - Executive Director of the Syrian Center for Political and Strategic Studies, President of the Syrian Commission for Transitional Justice Dr. Osama Kadi – President, Syrian Center for Political and Strategic Studies; Head, Assistance Coordination Unit Dr. Monzer Makhous – Representative in Paris, National Coalition of Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces Dr. Mahmoud al-Hamza – Chairman of the National Council of the Damascus Declaration Abroad In the meeting, the delegation gave a presentation on Syria Transition Roadmap, a document recently published by SCPSS and the Syrian Expert House detailing the Syrian opposition’s vision of the democratic political transition in Syria. The Roadmap covers constitutional reform and rule of law, political and administrative reform, electoral reform and political parties law, security sector reform, economic reform, and transitional justice and national reconciliation. The delegation highlighted the Syrian Expert House’s recommendations on electoral reform, explaining that future elections should be conducted in small districts and be based on a system of proportional representation. In addition, Dr Ziadeh stressed the necessity of reforming the security forces and dividing them into two branches: the national security forces and military intelligence.
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science
    The London School of Economics and Political Science The State as a Standard of Civilisation: Assembling the Modern State in Lebanon and Syria, 1800-1944 Andrew Delatolla A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2017 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledge is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe on the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 101,793 words. 2 Acknowledgements This PhD has been much more than an academic learning experience, it has been a life experience and period of self-discovery. None of it would have been possible without the help and support from an amazing network of family, colleagues, and friends. First and foremost, a big thank you to the most caring, attentive, and conscientious supervisor one could hope for, Dr. Katerina Dalacoura. Her help, guidance, and critiques from the first draft chapter to the final drafts of the thesis have always been a source of clarity when there was too much clouding my thoughts.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin De Liaison Et D'information
    INSTITUT KUDE RPARD IS E Bulletin de liaison et d’information n°332 novembre 2012 La publication de ce Bulletin bénéficie de subventions du Ministère français des Affaires étrangères (DGCID) et du Fonds d’action et de soutien pour l’intégration et la lutte contre les discriminations (FASILD) ————— Ce bulletin paraît en français et anglais Prix au numéro : France: 6 € — Etranger : 7,5 € Abonnement annuel (12 numéros) France : 60 € — Etranger : 75 € Périodique mensuel Directeur de la publication : Mohamad HASSAN Numéro de la Commission Paritaire : 659 13 A.S. ISBN 0761 1285 INSTITUT KURDE, 106, rue La Fayette - 75010 PARIS Tél. : 01- 48 24 64 64 - Fax : 01- 48 24 64 66 www.fikp.org E-mail: [email protected] Bulletin de liaison et d’information de l’Institut kurde de Paris N° 332 novembre 2012 • KURDISTAN D’IRAK : FORCES « DIJLA » CONTRE « HAMRIN », KURDES ET IRAKIENS AU BORD DE LA GUERRE • SYRIE : VERS UNE FORCE MILITAIRE UNIFIÉE DES KURDES ? • TURQUIE : DÉCISION DE JUSTICE STUPÉFIANTE DANS L’AFFAIRE PINAR SELEK • CULTURE : MORT DE SHOKROLLAH BABAN • CINEMA : TROIS FILMS KURDES À L’AFFICHE CULTURE KURDISTAN D’IRAK : FORCES « DIJLA » CONTRE « HEMRIN », KURDES ET IRAKIENS AU BORD DE LA GUERRE peine le conflit sur les région est sous la responsabilité pas reconnaître les forces Dijla ni hydrocarbures tempo - des Conseils provinciaux et les croire à leur succès opérationnel. rairement apaisé, c’est mouvements des forces Dijla À au sujet des régions déstabiliseront la sécurité de Loin de baisser le ton, Maliki a kurdes séparées du cette région et en bouleverseront envenimé la polémique en lan - Gouvernement Régional du la réalité politique.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 01 Jan 29.Indd
    www.thepeninsulaqatar.com BUSINESS | 14 SPORT | 23 Fed keeps rates It’s make or breakreak unchanged and to for Qatar in AFCFC mmonitor global cues U23 play-off FRIDAY 29 JANUARY 2016 • 19 Rabia II 1437 • Volume 20 • Number 6690 thepeninsulaqatar @peninsulaqatar @peninsula_qatar Independent Emir meets Italian President in Rome schools to see major changes ruled out the possibility of a down- sizing of employees following the The term restructuring. ‘Independent school’ The Specification and Stand- ardisation Authority — which was and the position of under the Ministry of Environment school operators and not mentioned in the new struc- ture of the Ministry of Municipality may be revoked and Environment — is expected to become an independent entity, said the daily. All new ministries will have The Peninsula an undersecretary and assistant undersecretaries. Nominations for the undersecretaries are expected to be forwarded to the Cabinet over DOHA: With the abolition of the the next two weeks. Supreme Education Council (SEC) The new Ministry of Public and the establishment of the Ministry Health, which has taken over the of Education and Higher Education, responsibilities of the Supreme the state-run Independent schools Council of Health (SCH), will also are expected to see major structural regulate the Primary Healthcare changes. Corporation (PHCC) that runs the The term ‘Independent school’ primary health centres across the may be cancelled and facilities may country and Hamad Medical Cor- remain as boys and girls schools, poration (HMC) that manages the according to Al Sharq. public hospitals. If this happens, the position This ministry will have an of school operators may also be undersecretary and three assistant revoked and the schools will be undersecretaries for public health.
    [Show full text]