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Livy's View of the Roman National Character
James Luce, December 5th, 1993 Livy's View of the Roman National Character As early as 1663, Francis Pope named his plantation, in what would later become Washington, DC, "Rome" and renamed Goose Creek "Tiber", a local hill "Capitolium", an example of the way in which the colonists would draw upon ancient Rome for names, architecture and ideas. The founding fathers often called America "the New Rome", a place where, as Charles Lee said to Patrick Henry, Roman republican ideals were being realized. The Roman historian Livy (Titus Livius, 59 BC-AD 17) lived at the juncture of the breakdown of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. His 142 book History of Rome from 753 to 9 BC (35 books now extant, the rest epitomes) was one of the most read Latin authors by early American colonists, partly because he wrote about the Roman national character and his unique view of how that character was formed. "National character" is no longer considered a valid term, nations may not really have specific national characters, but many think they do. The ancients believed states or peoples had a national character and that it arose one of 3 ways: 1) innate/racial: Aristotle believed that all non-Greeks were barbarous and suited to be slaves; Romans believed that Carthaginians were perfidious. 2) influence of geography/climate: e.g., that Northern tribes were vigorous but dumb 3) influence of institutions and national norms based on political and family life. The Greek historian Polybios believed that Roman institutions (e.g., division of government into senate, assemblies and magistrates, each with its own powers) made the Romans great, and the architects of the American constitution read this with especial care and interest. -
SEXUAL ALLEGATIONS for POLITICAL ENDS Cicero and the State
WERNER A. KRENKEL SEXUAL ALLEGATIONS FOR POLITICAL ENDS Cicero and the state - that means also: Cicero and down-to-earth politics The history of sexual allegations begins with Timarchos, but it reached its peak at the end of the Roman Republic. It is a bit hard for us to imagine the political impact of intentionally spread rumors and loudly proclaimed allegations. But it is also remarkable to see with what ease someone took recourse to such mean stratagems if he had run out of legal and legalistic arguments. Suetonius (Claudius 15, 4) relates a story that can best illustrate the proceedings: "It is a well known fact that, when a Roman knight was falsely accused of unnatural offenses against women (obscaenitatis in feminas) - the charge had been mischievously framed up by his enemies who could not bring him down by other means (ab impotentibus inimicis conjicto crimine) - and when he saw that Claudius was admitting the evidence of common prostitutes, this Roman knight hurled a stylus and a set of wax tablets in Claudius' face". The Roman knight could not prevail over the allegations: he was in a no- win situation. A second example tells more about the terrifying consequences of such intentionally circulated rumors, of such allegations. It is again Suetonius (Iulius 20, 4) who has the story: "Lucius Lucullus (117-56, cos. 74 B.C.) went a little too far in opposing Caesar's policies, whereupon Caesar so ter- rified him by threatening to spread foul allegations (tantum calumniarum metum iniecit) that Lucullus fell on his knees and begged Caesar's pardon". -
Marcus Tullius Cicero, on Old Age (De Senectute) [44 BC]
The Online Library of Liberty A Project Of Liberty Fund, Inc. Marcus Tullius Cicero, On Old Age (De Senectute) [44 BC] The Online Library Of Liberty This E-Book (PDF format) is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a private, non-profit, educational foundation established in 1960 to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. 2010 was the 50th anniversary year of the founding of Liberty Fund. It is part of the Online Library of Liberty web site http://oll.libertyfund.org, which was established in 2004 in order to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. To find out more about the author or title, to use the site's powerful search engine, to see other titles in other formats (HTML, facsimile PDF), or to make use of the hundreds of essays, educational aids, and study guides, please visit the OLL web site. This title is also part of the Portable Library of Liberty DVD which contains over 1,000 books and quotes about liberty and power, and is available free of charge upon request. The cuneiform inscription that appears in the logo and serves as a design element in all Liberty Fund books and web sites is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 B.C. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash, in present day Iraq. To find out more about Liberty Fund, Inc., or the Online Library of Liberty Project, please contact the Director at [email protected]. -
Alexander and the 'Defeat' of the Sogdianian Revolt
Alexander the Great and the “Defeat” of the Sogdianian Revolt* Salvatore Vacante “A victory is twice itself when the achiever brings home full numbers” (W. Shakespeare, Much Ado About Nothing, Act I, Scene I) (i) At the beginning of 329,1 the flight of the satrap Bessus towards the northeastern borders of the former Persian Empire gave Alexander the Great the timely opportunity for the invasion of Sogdiana.2 This ancient region was located between the Oxus (present Amu-Darya) and Iaxartes (Syr-Darya) Rivers, where we now find the modern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, bordering on the South with ancient Bactria (present Afghanistan). According to literary sources, the Macedonians rapidly occupied this large area with its “capital” Maracanda3 and also built, along the Iaxartes, the famous Alexandria Eschate, “the Farthermost.”4 However, during the same year, the Sogdianian nobles Spitamenes and Catanes5 were able to create a coalition of Sogdianians, Bactrians and Scythians, who created serious problems for Macedonian power in the region, forcing Alexander to return for the winter of 329/8 to the largest city of Bactria, Zariaspa-Bactra.6 The chiefs of the revolt were those who had *An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Conflict Archaeology Postgraduate Conference organized by the Centre for Battlefield Archaeology of the University of Glasgow on October 7th – 9th 2011. 1 Except where differently indicated, all the dates are BCE. 2 Arr. 3.28.10-29.6. 3 Arr. 3.30.6; Curt. 7.6.10: modern Samarkand. According to Curtius, the city was surrounded by long walls (70 stades, i.e. -
The Military Reforms of Gaius Marius in Their Social, Economic, and Political Context by Michael C. Gambino August, 2015 Directo
The Military Reforms of Gaius Marius in their Social, Economic, and Political Context By Michael C. Gambino August, 2015 Director of Thesis: Dr. Frank Romer Major Department: History Abstract The goal of this thesis is, as the title affirms, to understand the military reforms of Gaius Marius in their broader societal context. In this thesis, after a brief introduction (Chap. I), Chap. II analyzes the Roman manipular army, its formation, policies, and armament. Chapter III examines Roman society, politics, and economics during the second century B.C.E., with emphasis on the concentration of power and wealth, the legislative programs of Ti. And C. Gracchus, and the Italian allies’ growing demand for citizenship. Chap. IV discusses Roman military expansion from the Second Punic War down to 100 B.C.E., focusing on Roman military and foreign policy blunders, missteps, and mistakes in Celtiberian Spain, along with Rome’s servile wars and the problem of the Cimbri and Teutones. Chap. V then contextualizes the life of Gaius Marius and his sense of military strategy, while Chap VI assesses Marius’s military reforms in his lifetime and their immediate aftermath in the time of Sulla. There are four appendices on the ancient literary sources (App. I), Marian consequences in the Late Republic (App. II), the significance of the legionary eagle standard as shown during the early principate (App. III), and a listing of the consular Caecilii Metelli in the second and early first centuries B.C.E. (App. IV). The Marian military reforms changed the army from a semi-professional citizen militia into a more professionalized army made up of extensively trained recruits who served for longer consecutive terms and were personally bound to their commanders. -
Lives, Volume Ii : Themistocles and Camillus
LIVES, VOLUME II : THEMISTOCLES AND CAMILLUS. ARISTIDES AND CATO MAJOR. CIMON AND LUCULLUS PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Plutarch | 640 pages | 01 Jul 1989 | HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS | 9780674990531 | English | Cambridge, Mass, United States Lives, Volume II : Themistocles and Camillus. Aristides and Cato Major. Cimon and Lucullus PDF Book Plutarch's many other varied extant works, about 60 in number, are known as Moralia or Moral Essays. Vol 2 by Plutarch , Bernadotte Perrin translator 4. Annotation Plutarch Plutarchus , ca. Contact us. Heath , Hardcover 4. Andreas Hofer. Subscribe to E-News. Most popular have always been the 46 "Parallel Lives," biographies planned to be ethical examples in pairs in each pair, one Greek figure and one similar Roman , though the last four lives are single. Explore Departments. Aristides and Cato Major. Enabling JavaScript in your browser will allow you to experience all the features of our site. Online book clubs can be a rewarding way to connect with readers, Lindsay Chervinsky discovered, when she was invited to join one to discuss her book, The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution. He appears as a man of kindly character and independent thought, studious and learned. Plutarch's Lives by Plutarch , Bernadotte Perrin 4. AD , was born at Chaeronea in Boeotia in central Greece, studied philosophy at Athens, and, after coming to Rome as a teacher in philosophy, was given consular rank by the emperor Trajan and a procuratorship in Greece by Hadrian. They are of high literary value, besides being of great use to people interested in philosophy, ethics and religion. -
Titus Quinctius Flamininus, the Man and His Portrayal by Plutarch
for my father Promotor Prof. dr. Kristoffel Demoen Vakgroep Letterkunde Copromotor dr. Koen De Temmerman Vakgroep Letterkunde Decaan Prof. dr. Freddy Mortier Rector Prof. dr. Paul Van Cauwenberge Illustration on cover: gold stater bearing the image of Flamininus, now on display in the British Museum. On the reverse side: image of Nike and identification of the Roman statesman (“T. Quincti”) © Trustees of the British Museum. Alle rechten voorbehouden. Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden verveelvoudigd, opgeslagen in een geautomatiseerd gegevensbestand, of openbaar gemaakt, in enige vorm of op enige wijze, hetzij elektronisch, mechanisch, door fotokopieën, opnamen, of enige andere manier, zonder voorafgaande toestemming van de uitgever. Faculteit Letteren & Wijsbegeerte Peter Newey Titus Quinctius Flamininus, the Man and his Portrayal by Plutarch Proefschrift voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Doctor in de Taal- en Letterkunde 2012 Foreword It was nearly fifty years ago as an undergraduate that, following a course of lectures on Livy XXXIII, I first met Titus Quinctius Flamininus. Fascinated by the inextricable blend of historicity and personality that emerges from Livy‖s text, I immediately directed my attention toward Polybius 18. Plutarch‖s Life of Flamininus was the next logical step. Although I was not destined to pursue an academic career, the deep impression left on me by these authors endured over the following years. Hence, finally, with the leisure and a most gratefully accepted opportunity, my thesis. My thanks are due initially to Dr T.A. Dorey, who inspired and nurtured my interest in ancient historiography during my undergraduate years in the University of Birmingham. -
The Greco—Syrian Poet,Archias,Whom Cicero Now
IN DEFENCE OF THE POET AULUS LICINIUS ARCHIAS Heraclea in Lucania. The CHAPTER THREE prosecution then asserted that there good evidence either was no of his Heraclean or of his Roman citizenship; but Cicero argues to IN DEFENCE OF the contrary. The court almost certainly decided in his favour. THE POET AULUS LICINIUS ARCHIAS But his speech, said Lord Brougham, ‘of which not more than one—sixth is to the purpose, could not have been delivered in a British court ofjustice’. Its most remarkable The Greco—Syrian poet, Archias, whom Cicero now defended in 62 andfamous feature is a long, irrelevant and moving B.C., was a friend and protege’ of the cultured Lucius Licinius digression on the glories of Greek culture and literature, and of the Lucullus, and was therefore an automatic targetfor prosecution civilized 4fe which they alone made possible. from This is perhaps the the friends ofPompeius, whose relations with Lucullus finest eulogy of the literary 4fe in the had become ancient literature. whole of extremely strained when the former superseded It presents a contrast with Cicero’s the latter in the most contemporary distaste for circumstances described in the speech Greeks — which is signficant to our About the Command of the Romans’ estimate of Cnaeus Pornpeius. Lucullus called Pompeius schizophrenic attitude towards their Hellenic a carrion bird who and subjects. heritage had come to feast on another’s kill; Pompeius named Lucullus a It must also be remembered, tragedy general whose successes were merely stage effects. Lucullus since Archias was a poet, that al though Cicero’s verse was had conic home in 64, and now Pompeius was on his way back. -
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO, Cato Maior De Senectute
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO, Cato Maior de senectute [On Old Age]; Paradoxa stoicorum [Stoic Paradoxes]; Somnium Scipionis [The Dream of Scipio] In Latin, decorated manuscript on parchment Northern Italy, c. 1440-1470 ii (parchment) + 32 + ii folios on parchment, a palimpsest, parchment reused from fourteenth-century documents (under-text is perpendicular to the present text), and at least one other source, probably fifteenth-century, where the under-text and present text have the same orientation (under-text scrubbed away but partially visible in margins, see especially ff. 2v, 8v-9, 11, 12v-13, 15, 17, and 18v; on f.18v, a previous cataloguer read “Johannes de V” in Cremona, dated 1[3]53; there is a notary mark on f. 19), modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, wanting an unknown number of quires at the end (only the first page of the Somnium Scipionis present), else complete (collation: i12, ii- iii10), horizontal catchwords center lower margin, no leaf or quire signatures, ruled very lightly in lead or brown crayon with single vertical bounding lines, some prickings remain top and bottom margins (justification, 138 x 82-80 mm.), written in an accomplished humanist bookhand in twenty-nine long lines, red rubrics on f. 32v only, blank lines for rubrics, three large six- to four-line red initials with delicate contrasting penwork in brown, some folds from vellum’s original use, discoloration to first and last leaves, and some worm holes in the closing leaves, but overall in good condition. Bound in modern blue morocco over pasteboard by Bernard Middleton (b. -
Cicero's Philosophical Position in Academica and De Finibus
Cicero’s Philosophical Position in Academica and De Finibus Submitted by Hoyoung Yang to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics in November 2013 I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 Hoyoung Yang University of Exeter Cicero’s Philosophical Position in Academica and De Finibus This thesis aims to examine the extent of consistency between Cicero’s epistemological position in Academica and his method of approaching ethics in De Finibus. I consider whether in both works he expresses a radically sceptical view or a more moderate one. I suggest that Cicero’s scepticism is best understood when we understand his dialectical inquiry as being, in both works, a positive procedure designed to find the most persuasive view by arguing for and against every opinion. In Chapter 1, I examine Cicero’s mode of writing in his later philosophical dialogues, distinguishing two levels of ‘Cicero’ (that is, Cicero the author and the persona in the dialogues). In Chapter 2, I examine how Cicero himself understands the key principles of scepticism (akatalēpsia and epochē) and whether his epistemological position in Academica is a consistent one. Chapters 3 and 4 form a bridge between the epistemological debate in Academica and the ethical debate in De Finibus by examining in detail two applications by Cicero of Carneades’ ethical division. In Chapter 3, I discuss the original philosophical context of Carneades’ division, and consider how Cicero applies it to the epistemological debate at Ac. -
Barbarian Comparisons by Philip A
Barbarian Comparisons by Philip A. Stadter University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill [email protected] Abstract When comparing two heroes, who both fought barbarians, Plutarch does not draw parallels between Greek and Roman campaigns. Instead, in the four pairs of Parallel Lives studied here (Pyrrh.-Mar., Them.-Cam., Cim.-Luc., Alex.-Caes.), Plutarch broadens the significance of barbarian contact, allowing the barbarian enemy, the external Other, to draw attention to Hellenic traits of freedom, culture, and prudence in his heroes and in their cities, both Greek and Roman. Equally important, this Other serves to uncover traces of the barbarian in those same heroes and cities. Key-Words: Barbarians, Hellenism, Themistocles, Camillus, Cimon, Lucullus, Alexander, Caesar, Pyrrhus, Marius, Plutarch, Parallel Lives. t has long been re cognized gory2. A significant, and rather iro that the Pa rallel Lives do nic, example occurs in Pyrrhus, when not set up a contrast or com Pyrrhus makes his initial contact with pe tition between ci vilized Romans. Pyrrhus observes a Roman Greek heroes and barbarian Ro mans1. In fact, Plutarch never pre army drawn up for battle, and marvels, I “This battle formation of the barbarians sents Romans as barbarians, but draws them into the Hellenic cultural sphere is not barbarian” (τάξις μέν . αὕτη τῶν as partners in a civilizing mission. The βαρβάρων οὐ βάρβαρος, Pyrrh. 16.7). Parallel Lives set Greek next to Roman, Thus Plutarch leads Pyrrhus to realize with the barbarians as a separate cate that the Romans were not barbarians3. 1 Cf. e.g. C. JONES, 1971, pp. -
1. Cicero's Eclectic Probabilism
Revista Archai ISSN: 1984-249X Universidade de Brasília Skvirsky, Alexandre Doubt and dogmatism in Cicero’s Academica Revista Archai, no. 27, e02705, 2019 Universidade de Brasília DOI: https://doi.org/10.14195/1984-249X_27_5 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=586161659005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative AS ORIGENS DO PENSAMENTO OCIDENTAL THE ORIGINS OF WESTERN THOUGHT ARTIGO I ARTICLE Doubt and dogmatism in Cicero’s Academica Alexandre Skvirsky i https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9508-1023 [email protected] i Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro – Rio de Janeiro – RJ – Brasil SKVIRSKY, A. (2019). Doubt and dogmatism in Cicero’s Academica. Archai 27, e02705. Abstract: The objective is to show the peculiar way in which Cicero’s philosophical thinking is original and distances itself from the main representatives of the New Academy: the Roman thinker does not practice epoche, nor does he assign any special role to it in his thought. Instead, Cicero introduces the concept of doubt to characterize his own way of thinking. Keywords: Cicero, epoche, doubt, skepticism, probabilism. https://doi.org/10.14195/1984-249X_27_5 [1] 2 Rev. Archai, n. 27, Brasília, 2019, e02705. Cicero’s philosophical contributions have often been downplayed, even by himself. His importance as a translator and divulger of philosophy among the Romans frequently overshadows his originality as a philosopher.