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A Thucydidean Scholium on the 'Lelantine War' Author(S): S A Thucydidean Scholium on the 'Lelantine War' Author(s): S. D. Lambert Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 102 (1982), pp. 216-220 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/631143 . Accessed: 21/02/2014 09:33 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 131.251.254.13 on Fri, 21 Feb 2014 09:33:50 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 216 NOTES recto-is to end with 'IndicesGraeci et Latini Accuratis- On the other hand, this decision, whenever it was simi et Locupletissimi'!It is true that Bentley's MS notes made before 1698, does not seem to be connected with in the complete copy cover all the texts contained in another one; namely, to let Olearius take over the job Morel's edition, but from the incomplete one we now and use Bentley's collations. The young Olearius-'iste know that the actual work on the huge project never egregius juvenis'-is not mentioned in the correspon- exceeded the first two books of Vita Apollonii ... dence until June 1698, when he is about to set out for There is also, as far as I have been able to find out, London and is introducedto the great man by Graevius: nothing in Bentley's published correspondence to 'Cognosces juvenem integerrimae vitae, et nostrarum support Monk's statement that the editions of Philos- artium cupidissimum . .'.16 There is no mention of tratus and Manilius were in 1694 'in a state of readiness Philostratushere; possibly Olearius'visit to London was for the printer'. In 1690, Bentley first mentions 'an the very occasion when the idea to let him take over was Edition of Philostratus,which I shall set out this next formed. Eleven yearslater Olearius'edition appeared,in year',9 in 1692 Graevius expresses his delight that Leipzig, with Fritsch. Bentley is now fully engaged in the work on the new Anyway, the German printers are not the ones to edition,1' and in December 1694, as we have seen, blame for the fact that Bentley gave up and the learned Graeviusjust asks about its progress. world had to wait another 150 years for a decent edition For the same period there is also some-unfortu- of Philostratus. nately rather confusing-information to be had from TOMASHAGG other sources. With referenceto Bentley's Philostratus, Universityof Bergen,Norway Fabriciusstates in his BibliothecaGraeca: 'Hujus primum cit. folium Lipsiaeexcusum vidi Anno 1691'.11 He must be 16 Op. (n. 5) 175 f mistaken. The statement cannot be reconciled with the evidence of the and the referencehe in this letters, gives A Thucydidean Scholium on the 'Lelantine War' connection, to Tentzel's MonatlicheUnterredungen 1691, p. 521, is also wrong: it refers to the announcement of The purpose of this note is to bring to light a piece of Muhlius' edition (above n. 7). When, some lines further evidence on the 'Lelantine War' which has hitherto down, he really wants to refer to Muhlius, his reference been neglected, and briefly to review the Thucydidean (1693, 882 f.) is to Bentley! And at this place Tentzel and some of the other evidence in the light of it. The only says that Bentley's edition, printed in Leipzig, will neglected evidence is a scholium on Thuc. i 15: be welcome when it appears.12Thus, Fabriciuscannot be adduced as a for Monk's ydap VVELaT7KEaav rpos 7~a LEyLUaas support timetable, and o0 dTOAELS Tentzel's Monatliche OV' aV aio TO 77S L7~ KOLVaS Unterredungenunfortunately do not rr•lCKOOL, mention Philostratus arpaTELa g~S W9 Bentley's again. gErOLOvVro, Kar aAAqrAovs /tldAAov The project thus seems to have been abandoned EKaaUTOLOL dcTU-YELTOVEV f roAWEovv. SEE'9 simply becauseit had not advanced very far at all rov arrAatrrorT yEvOLEVov XaAKLSOWV/,'AWU-ra KaL when, r7TAE•LovV in the later part of the 169os, other well-known 'EpErpLWVKaL ad AAO Eg v//iaxLav activities 8SLEUTq7. "EAArqVLKv increasinglyabsorbed Bentley's time.13 It thus EKaTEp•WV sharedthe fate of other similar There many enterprises. The gloss is on the word seems to have been a definite decision at some time SE'Ua-7: between December 1694, and the of 1698. o01 beginning SLEa•carOr0,avExoprlaEV, 0o avvELadxrlaEv ydp Graevius, who constantly tries to push Bentley on, AE'YELO"N 7EPlt 0, &AAdLvoL XaAKLEE98Od0VOL0 continues in letters of FebruaryandJune 1698 to ask for 'EpETPLE•ULVEwiAdxov-ro. ABMc2f. the editions of Hesychius and Manilius, but Philostratus he mentions no more.14 Already in his letter of 6th I. Thucydidesi 15.3 February, 1697, when quoting Spanheim's laudatory reference to Bentley's projected Philostratus (in his In his introductory chapters' Thucydides gives a Julian of 1696), Graevius abstainsfrom any remark of brief survey of earlier Greek history, the purpose of his own on this (delicate?)topic-he just wants to elicit which is to show that rd 7rpo aduoi-v (i.e. Greek history from Bentley his comments on a certain locus in before the Peloponnesian war) were lEydAa ... o03 Imagines,which he also receives in Bentley's reply of o07 Kara iTOV 7ToA 07Ev 4 7dacAAa,2 to explain 26th March.15 why this was the case4tOUS•g and thus to support his view that the Peloponnesian war was dc'LoAoyirarov rcwv 9 cit. 11.The earlieredition of letters,Richardi Op. (n. 5) Bentley's 7TpOYEYEV7/L/EVWV. Bentleiiet doctorumvirorum mutuae epistolaepartim (Leipzig1825) 127, In our passage he is saying that land-wars in reads'which I shallsend out thisnext year',which may havemisled general Monk. were not on a large scale as there were no combinations 10 of resourceseither on the basisof or Op. cit. (n. 5) 46. inequality d'To7%T but rather 11 Vol. iv. 2 (Hamburg1711) 53. The whole passageis reprinted, I'rus; wars tended to be purely local affairs withoutcorrections, in the 3rdedn, vol. v (Hamburg1796) 555 f. between neighbouring 7TrrAEL9.Does the next sentence, 12 November 1693, 882: 'Dannenheroist kein Zweiffel, der tdALa-ra8% ... S~L~i7q, illustrate or modify this? The Philostratus,so ietzo in Leipzigmit seinerneuen Lateinischen Version orthodox and, I think, clearly correct view is that it und Annotationibusin Druck werde der kommet, bey gelehrtenWelt modifies: 'The best exception is that long-ago war angenehmund willkommenseyn.' between Chalcis and Eretria in which the rest of the 13 cit. Cf. op. (n. 5) 18 (Feb.1691?), 164 (15 Feb.1698), 194 (20 Aug. Greek world was divided in alliance with either side.' 1702: 'sciasme toto hoc bienniovix unumet alterumdiem vacavisse in means humanioribusliteris'). (a) &ibardvaL Thucydides always 'divide', 14 Op. cit. (n. 5) 158, 175. 1i 1-23. 1s Op.cit. (n. 5) 138-43. 2i 1.3. Journalof HellenicStudies cii (1982) 216-220 This content downloaded from 131.251.254.13 on Fri, 21 Feb 2014 09:33:50 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NOTES 217 'take sides', 'be at variance', 'in contrariaspartes abire', confirmed, I think, by the way he supposedly refers to (B6tant)3 and so must mean here 'dividedin alliance'. the war elsewhere.10 (b) It would be peculiarand obscure for Thucydides to be giving a particularlygood example of where the 2. The Scholium rest of Greece did not become involved. Ladta-ra The would, in fact, be redundant because no example of Thucydidean scholia are generally ignored by all those interested non-involvement could be any better than any other. except in the text of Thucydides per se." In its tradition this comment There are, however, difficulties with this interpre- is indistinguishable tation. from the bulk of the scholia: it is found in three of the seven of and in (i) Despite(b) above,tLawAtara at the beginningof the prime manuscripts Thucydides later sentence does initially lead one to expect that an hands in two others; not in any way unusual. especiallygood illustrationof whatThucydides has just First we must try to establish exactly what the been saying is going to be given.4 This expectation scholiast is saying: let us consider the clausesin reverse appearsto be being confirmedby the mention of order. Chalcisand Eretria, which, it mightbe supposed,are as aAdAtLvoL XaAKL&(s9K-A: the meaningof this is good examplesas any to illustratewhat Thucydides has self-evidentand clearlyshows that the scholiastthinks sentenceis an illustrationrather than a just saidabout darvyELrovEg.5 It is only whenwe reach Thucydides' the end of the sentence,which, as we have seen,must modification of his hypothesis. This must be an mean 'divided in alliancewith either side', that it interpretationof Thucydides,not a deliberatecontra- diction.12 becomesclear that 8Edoes point a strongantithesis in this case and that tLaA-ra 8E must mean 'the best ov yap AEy'tLOrtL 4tLEpi0Uq: the scholiastis clearly not exception'rather than 'the best illustration'.6 takingSt`a'-7- in its usualclassical sense but ratherto mean a fromthe conflict' (ii) vLqLaxlacould be takenloosely as 'alliance',not 'tookup positionapart (much necessarilyinvolving actual 'fighting together'. as if it were 5w7arT).This may have been a more (iii)Thucydides does not use the verb or naturalmeaning in laterGreek: Herodotus can use it in 6v/LLaXEa0aL the sense after andthis is even v but the rather inactive phrase, 'part fighting'13 developedat 6vLLaXELa Isoc.v 38, whereit means'reconciled'; whence it is buta t&i-ravat •s vtLqLaXlav.
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