Ukraine Parliamentary Elections, 28 October 2012
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7 Political Corruption in Ukraine
NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 7 (111) CONTENTS POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: ACTORS, MANIFESTATIONS, 2009 PROBLEMS OF COUNTERING (Analytical Report) ................................................................................................... 2 Founded and published by: SECTION 1. POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A PHENOMENON: APPROACHES TO DEFINITION ..................................................................3 SECTION 2. POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: POTENTIAL ACTORS, AREAS, MANIFESTATIONS, TRENDS ...................................................................8 SECTION 3. FACTORS INFLUENCING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COUNTERING UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES POLITICAL CORRUPTION ......................................................................33 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV SECTION 4. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS ......................................................... 40 ANNEX 1 FOREIGN ASSESSMENTS OF THE POLITICAL CORRUPTION Director General Anatoliy Rachok LEVEL IN UKRAINE (INTERNATIONAL CORRUPTION RATINGS) ............43 Editor-in-Chief Yevhen Shulha ANNEX 2 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SPECIFICITY, SCALE AND WAYS Layout and design Oleksandr Shaptala OF COUNTERING IN EXPERT ASSESSMENTS ......................................44 Technical & computer support Volodymyr Kekuh ANNEX 3 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SCALE AND WAYS OF COUNTERING IN PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS AND ASSESSMENTS ...................................49 This magazine is registered with the State Committee ARTICLE of Ukraine for Information Policy, POLITICAL -
Ukraine's Presidential Election Result
BULLETIN No. 21 (97) February 8, 2010 © PISM COMMENTARY Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Marek Madej, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Ukraine’s Presidential Election Result Łukasz Adamski By securing a narrow majority of electoral support, Viktor Yanukovych triumphed over Yulia Tymoshenko in Ukraine’s presidential election. His contender may feel inclined to challenge the legitimacy of the vote, an effort in all probability doomed to failure. In the coming months Yanukovych is expected to oust Tymoshenko as Prime Minister and form a favouring government. With 48.95% of the popular vote, Yanukovych outdid rival Tymoshenko who scored slightly fewer votes, closing at 45.47%. The total of 4.4% of the ballots were cast against the two main contenders, thus giving the winner less than 50% of the votes. The insignificant difference in the number of ballots cast for each of the candidates may push Tymoshenko to seek an appeal requesting the courts to nullify the election result. In her election night address she failed to acknowledge Yanukovych’s victory. Even before the ballot her campaign team warned of Yanukovych’s fraudulent plans and advertised irregularities in the elections statute. What may underlie the potential attempt to undermine the election result will not be the desire for the ballot to be run again (a scenario having little chances of success in light of positive appraisal of the vote by monitoring teams) but rather the hope to persuade Yanukovych and his Party of Regions to seek compromise with the PM currently in office. -
Resuscitate Healthcare
#8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017: -
Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West
Anja Mihr Editor Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West Studies on Transformation and Development in the OSCE Region Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West Anja Mihr Editor Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West Studies on Transformation and Development in the OSCE Region Editor Anja Mihr OSCE Academy in Bishkek Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan ISBN 978-3-030-77488-2 ISBN 978-3-030-77489-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021. This book is an open access publication. Open Access This book is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribu- tion and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this book are included in the book’s Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the book’s Creative Commons license and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. -
Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko's Radical Party Mr. Igor Zdanov
Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine, 26 October 2014 DRAFT - PROGRAMME OF JOINT PARLIAMENTARY BRIEFINGS Fairmont Hotel, Kyiv, 24-25 October 2014 Friday, 24 October 10:00-10:15 Opening by the Heads of Parliamentary Delegations 10:15-10:45 Introduction by local offices Ambassador Vaidotas Verba, OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine Ambassador Vladimir Ristovski, Head of Office, Council of Europe Office in Ukraine Ambassador Jan Tombiński, Head Delegation, Delegation of the European Union to Ukraine Mr. Marcin Koziel, Head of Office, NATO Liaison Office in Ukraine 10:45-12:15 Briefing by the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission 12:15-13:45 Lunch break 13:45-14:30 Mr. Mykhaylo Okhendovsky, Chairperson, Central Election Commission of Ukraine 14:30-17:30 Meetings with political party representatives 14:30-14:50 Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko 14:50-15:10 Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko’s Radical Party 15:10-15:30 Mr. Igor Zdanov, President of Analytical Center “Open Politics”, Batkivshchyna Mr. Serhiy Vlasenko, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna Mr. Borys Tarasyuk, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna 15:30-15:50 Mr. Arseniy Yatsenyuk, Chairperson, People’s Front 15:50-16:10 Coffee Break 16:10-16:30 Mr. Petro Symonenko, Chairperson, Communist Party of Ukraine 16:30-16:50 Mr. Serhiy Tihipko, Chairperson, Strong Ukraine 16:50-17:10 Mr. Oleh Tyahnybok, Chairperson, Svoboda 17:10-17:30 Coffee Break 17:30-18:15 Panel with representatives of mass media Mr. Zurab Alasania, Director-General, National TV Company Mr. Mustafa Nayem, Editor-in;Chief, Hromadske TV Ms. Olga Herasymyuk, First Deputy Chairman, National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council Mr. -
A Turbulent Year for Ukraine Urbulent Was the Way to Describe 2009 for Ukraine, Which Plunged Into Financial Crisis
No. 3 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 17, 2010 5 2009: THE YEAR IN REVIEW A turbulent year for Ukraine urbulent was the way to describe 2009 for Ukraine, which plunged into financial crisis. No other European country suffered as much as TUkraine, whose currency was devalued by more than 60 percent since its peak of 4.95 hrv per $1 in August 2008. In addition, the country’s industrial production fell by 31 percent in 2009. Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko con- fronted the challenge of minimizing the crisis fallout, while at the same time campaigning for the 2010 presi- dential elections. Her critics attacked her for pursuing populist policies, such as increasing wages and hiring more government staff, when the state treasury was broke as early as the spring. Ms. Tymoshenko herself admitted that her gov- ernment would not have been able to make all its pay- ments without the help of three tranches of loans, worth approximately $10.6 billion, provided by the International Monetary Fund. Her critics believe that instead of borrowing money, Ms. Tymoshenko should have been introducing radical reforms to the Ukrainian economy, reducing government waste, eliminating out- dated Soviet-era benefits and trimming the bureaucracy. The year began with what is becoming an annual tra- Offi cial Website of Ukraine’s President dition in Ukraine – a natural gas conflict provoked by the government of Russian Federation Prime Minister President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko at the heated February 10 meeting of Vladimir Putin. Whereas the New Year’s Day crisis of the National Security and Defense Council. -
The Negative Consequences of Proportional Representation in Ukraine
THE NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION IN UKRAINE SERHIJ VASYLCHENKO POLITICAL GEOGRAPHER Abstract: Ukraine has changed its electoral law numerous times. The first two elections to the parliament in 1990 and 1994 employed a single-member district majoritarian system. The Verkhovna Rada elections in 1998 and 2002 used a mixed system with single- member districts and proportional representation. The parliamentary elections in 2006 and 2007 were purely proportional representation. Finally, the elections in 2012 went back to the mixed system. This article argues that the use of proportional representation has facilitated extensive manipulation in the Ukrainian political system through the creation of “party projects” and by severing the link between parliamentarians and their constituents. fter Ukraine gained its independence in 1991, it faced an urgent need Ato reform its electoral legislation to address new political realities – most importantly, the development of a multiparty system in place of the previous one-party system that had ruled the Soviet Union. According to the existing law adopted during the Soviet era, parties other than the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had no legal basis. That law laid out a first past the post majoritarian system in which the winner had to win an absolute majority of the votes.1 The opposition national-democrat deputies in the People’s Rada group in the first years of independence supported electoral law reform Serhij Vasylchenko is an independent political geographer in Ukraine, [email protected]. 1 Law “On elections of the people’s deputies of the Ukrainian SSR” from October 27, 1987, Vedomosti Verkhnoi Rady USSR, 1989 addendum to N 45, article 626 <http://zakon4.rada. -
The Eastern Partnership and the Europe 2020 Strategy
NC-32-11-824-EN-C Péter Balázs Tanya Mihaylova Enrique Barón Crespo Nana Mouskouri Tim Birtwistle John O’Rourke Erhard Busek Roman Petrov Simion Costea Madlen Serban Nina Didenko Jacek Saryusz-Wolski Gaga Gabrichidze Dusan Sidjanski José-Maria Gil-Robles Jan Truszczyński Mall Hellam Peter Van Elsuwege Theodora Hiou-Maniatopoulou Androulla Vassiliou László Kecskés Amy Verdun Pierre Mairesse Kristian Vigenin Marc Maresceau Ivan Voles Jiri Zemanek The Eastern Partnership and the Europe 2020 strategy: Visions of leading policymakers and academics of leading policymakers and the Europe 2020 strategy: Visions The Eastern Partnership European Commission Directorate-General for Education and Culture The Eastern Partnership and 1049 Bruxelles/Brussel BELGIUM/BELGIË the Europe 2020 strategy: Tel. +32 22991111 Fax +32 22955719 Visions of leading [email protected] policymakers and academics Education doi:10.2766/17192 and Culture European Commission The Eastern Partnership and the Europe 2020 strategy: Visions of leading policymakers and academics Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union 2012 — 184 pp. — 14.8 × 21 cm Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. ISBN 978-92-79-20896-6 Freephone number (*): doi:10.2766/17192 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00 800 numbers or these calls may be billed. HOW TO OBTAIN EU PUBLICATIONS Free publications: bȩ TG?ȩ#3ȩ MMIQFMNȩFRRN @MMIQFMN CSPMN? CS bȩ ȩ?RȩRFCȩ#SPMNC?Lȩ3LGMLQȩPCNPCQCLR?RGMLQȩMPȩBCJCE?RGMLQ ȩ7MSȩA?LȩM@R?GLȩ their contact details on the Internet (http://ec.europa.eu) or by sending a fax to +352 2929-42758. -
The EU and Ukraine: Hapeless but Not Hopeless
>> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 141 - NOVEMBER 2012 The EU and Ukraine: hapless but not hopeless Natalia Shapovalova and Balazs Jarabik Since his democratic victory in 2010, Ukrainian President Viktor >> Yanukovych has asserted his control over Ukraine’s political system by arresting leaders of the opposition, restricting freedom of assembly and HIGHLIGHTS speech and allegedly enriching himself and his close circle in the process. This has jeopardised Ukraine’s declared goal of European integration and • The October polls exposed has pushed the country into greater isolation from the West. Ukraine's corrupted political Last October’s parliamentary elections were meant to be a litmus test for system, but also the democracy in Ukraine. Amidst allegations of fraud in some districts, the resilience of Ukrainian polls exposed the abuse of power and corruption present in Ukraine's society to an illiberal political political system. However, the results also demonstrated some level of regime. resilience against an illiberal political regime. The opposition did better • The incumbent Party of than expected and must now use its gains wisely to resist further regime consolidation by building on popular discontent with the ruling party. Regions will have to ally with The future is uncertain: the country's further democratisation is in the independent candidates to hands of Ukrainians. As for the EU, it is also facing its own litmus test in form a narrow majority in its relations with Ukraine. Its room for manoeuvre is squeezed between Parliament. the Ukrainian opposition’s calls for sanctions and the need for dialogue with the Yanukovych government. -
Neonazis & Euromaidan
Stanislav Byshok Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN From democracy to dictatorship [Second edition] 2014 Stanislav Byshok, Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN. From democracy to dictator- ship. [Second edi on]. “Whoever is not jumping is a Moskal” is a chant that women and men of diff erent ages who took to Kiev Independence Square in win- ter 2013-2014 repeated trying to get warm. They kept jumping and laughing, for nobody in the ‘brave new world’ of the Ukrainian revo- lu on under Stepan Bandera’s banner fancied gaining the character of a staunch enemy of Ukrainian statehood. Mass demonstra ons of “angry ci zens” in Ukraine had objec ve reasons. This was a protest against ineff ec ve and corrupt govern- ment, against police and bureaucra c abuse of power, against unclear and dead-end policies of the President and the Government. All na onal libera on movements use the popular ideas and po- li cal sen ments that dominate the society as their posi ve mani- festo. Thus, exclusively le -wing ideologies were mainstream in the Russian Empire in 1917, radical Islamism was most popular in Arab countries during the Arab spring of 2012, whereas na onalism, also radical, turned mainstream in the Ukraine of 2013-2014. The book describes the development of Ukraine’s na onal- ist groups since 1991 un l present day. It focuses on the history of the parliamentary right-wing radical Svoboda party and the non- parliamentary Right Sector movement. The authors study the ideol- ogy, psychology and methods of poli cal struggle of these structures. -
Election Monitoring
election monitoring parliamentary elections 2012 OPEN DIALOG UKRAINE july’2012 IN THIS ISSUE: Monitoring of the pre-election situation in Ukraine (15.06.2012—15.07.2012) 1 The political echo of the "language" 5 Monitoring of the pre-election situation in Ukraine (15.06.2012—15.07.2012) Domestic policy 20.06.2012 _ ___________________________________________________________ The "Civil Position" party joined the united opposition. This was announced by O. Turchinov, A. Yatseniuk and A. Gritsenko at a press briefing. According to Gritsenko, the decision on the number of seats in the gen- eral lists will be made at the party's convention. However, soon afterwards, the leader of the united opposi- tion, A. Yatseniuk, stated that the process of unification of the opposition was over. Sources: http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2012/06/20/6967112/ http://news.dt.ua/POLITICS/yatsenyuk_zayaviv_pro_zavershennya_obednannya_opozitsiyi_pid_praporom_batkivschini-104830.html 21.06.2012___________________________________ _____________________________ Leaders of the opposition signed the Declaration "on ensuring fair and transparent elections", which defines the principles of creating party lists, as well as lists of candidates from majority districts. Provi- sions of the Declaration state that the lists will not include people involved in violation of human rights and freedoms, corrupt acts, and those who changed their political stance against the will of the voters. Candi- dates submitting lists should not change their political stance during the validity of the mandates. They should also undertake to regularly participate in meetings of the parliament and vote only in person. Source: http://news.dt.ua/POLITICS/obyednana_opozytsiya_v_svoyi_spysky_na_vyborah_tyshok_brary_ne_byde -104231.html 02.07.2012_ ____________________ ____________________________________ Prime Minister Mykola Azarov stated that 34 000 web cameras will be installed in the polling stations to monitor the voting process. -
UKRAINE AFTER the TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS POLICY MEMO UKRAINE AFTER THE TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson Summary The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko in October 2011 generated many bad headlines. It also placed in doubt the two key agreements with the European Union that Ukraine has been negotiating since 2008: the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This memo argues that the EU-Ukraine summit on 19 December should initiate a twin-track approach. The agreements cannot be formally signed, but should be kept alive until Ukraine is ready to implement the conditionality laid out in resolutions by the European Parliament and other bodies. But lecturing Ukraine on human rights at the summit will have little effect. The EU should also move towards sanctions that show its red lines have not been dropped; targeting the individuals most responsible for democratic backsliding and signalling more general vigilance against the Ukrainian elite’s free-flowing travel and financial privileges in the EU. The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko presents a double challenge for the European Union. Its credibility is on the line after the Ukrainian authorities first ignored clear warnings from Brussels and key member states and then failed to deliver on promises of compromise. But the impasse is also testing the EU’s soft power and transformative capacity. Even Ukraine’s friends, who have long recognised its difficulties in transforming itself, would claim that this is at least in part due to the absence of any reform incentive comparable to the membership perspective enjoyed by the accession states of the 1990s.