A Year of Yeltsin
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Threats to Russian Democracy and US-Russian Relations
After Chechnya: Threats to Russian Democracy and U.S.-Russian Relations ARIEL COHEN Introduction : All Politics Is Local , Al¡ Foreign Policy Is Domestic Half a year alter Russian tanks rolled into Chechnya, the future of Russian democracy and free markets is under threat. The internal situation in Russia bears a direct influence on Russia's relations with the outside world and the United States. While the world's leaders gather in Moscow to celebrate the victory over Nazism, Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev is calling for the use of force to "protect" Russian co-ethnics living outside the borders of the Russian Federation. Kozyrev's declarations go beyond mere rhetoric. Russia is introducing its new 58th field army in the Northern Caucasus, in clear and conscious violation of the Conventional Forces Europe (CFE) Treaty, a centerpiece of post-Cold War European security. If Russia is not planning an agressive action either against Ukraine or its Transcaucasus neighbors, why does it need to revise upwards the CFE limitations of 164 tanks and 414 artillery systems? Why was General Alexander Lebed, a self-proclaimed restorer of the old Soviet Union and Commander of the l4th Army in Moldova, applauding Kozyrev? Chechnya became the testing ground for the new Russian policy, both foreign and domestic. The people who engineered it, the so-called Party of War in Moscow, are watching for reactions at honre and abroad to this version of the "last thrust South." The West is facing its greatest challenge since the collapse of communism: how to deal with the Russia that is emerging from under the rubble. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
ETHNIC WAR AND PEACE IN POST-SOVIET EURASIA By SCOTT GRANT FEINSTEIN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 © 2016 Scott Grant Feinstein To my Mom and Dad ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In the course of completing this monograph I benefited enormously from the generosity of others. To my committee chair, Benjamin B. Smith, I express my sincere appreciation for his encouragement and guidance. Ben not only taught me to systematically research political phenomena, but also the importance of pursuing a complete and parsimonious explanation. Throughout my doctoral studies Ben remained dedicated to me and my research, and with his incredible patience he tolerated and motivated my winding intellectual path. I thank my committee co-chair, Michael Bernhard, for his hours spent reading early manuscript drafts, support in pursuing a multi-country project, and detailed attention to clear writing. Michael’s appreciation of my dissertation vision and capacity gave this research project its legs. Ben and Michael provided me exceptionally valuable advice. I am also indebted to the help provided by my other committee members – Conor O’Dwyer, Ingrid Kleespies and Beth Rosenson – who inspired creativity and scientific rigor, always provided thoughtful and useful comments, and kept me searching for the big picture. Among institutions, I wish to gratefully acknowledge the support of the Center of European Studies at the University of Florida, IIE Fulbright Foundation, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, IREX, the American Councils, and the Department of Political Science at the University of Florida. -
The Russian Military and the 1995 Parliamentary Elections: a Primer
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. THE RUSSIAN MILITARY AND THE 1995 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS: A PRIMER by Dr. Jacob W. Kipp and Mr. Timothy L. Thomas Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. 5 October 1995 Conclusions and General Observations: Russian Minister of Defense Pavel Grachev recently announced that the Ministry of Defense (MOD) is selecting and sponsoring 123 active duty and retired military men to run for office in the 17 December Duma elections. Grachev is betting on the ability of his own candidates-in-uniform to win a significant share of the 450 seats in the most powerful chamber of Russia's Parliament. Two years ago Grachev's ministry opposed the idea of military members running for legislative office. However, faced with a deteriorating Duma-MOD relationship, Grachev's effort seems designed first to put a military check on this antagonist situation (which has resulted in budget cuts and no one championing military interests), and second to offset predictions by military sociologists indicating that parties hostile to MOD (the Communists, Congress of Russian Communities, LDPR, and Russia's Democratic Choice) are expected to make major gains in the Duma. If Grachev's intent is to create a unified military bloc in the Duma, the move seems a matter of too little and too late. Grachev's military candidates will join other new legislators, who probably will include retired or active duty military officers (Lebed, Gromov, Vorobyev?) that have vehemently opposed MOD policy on critical issues, such as the unpopular war in Chechnya; or who were part of the coup attempt against reformists (Achalov, Varrenikov). -
Transnistrian Conϐlict Resolution in the Context of the Ukrainian Crises
Conϔlict Studies Quarterly Transnistrian Conϐlict Resolution in the Context of the Ukrainian Crises Emanuela DUMEA Adrian-Grigore POP Abstract. The article presents a broad analysis of the Transnistrian situation in the context of the newly developed Ukrainian crises, focusing on the conϔlict roots and the sources for a potential conϔlict resolution.Then, as an exploratory study, it reveals the results of a questionnaire applied on Moldovan citizens, regarding their perception on the Transnistrian frozen conϔlict. Keywords: Transnistria, Ukrainian crises, Moldavia, conϔlict analysis, conϔlict perception. Introduction Nowadays, on international level, Transnistria region has the potential to be a new source of geopolitical tension between Russia and Europe. According to a recent Emanuela DUMEA study (Toal & O’Loughlin, 2014), the op- MA Student tion of joining Russia is favoured by ethnic College of Political, Administrative Moldovans, Ukrainians and Russians from and Communication Sciences, Transnistria, while the Tiraspol government Babeş-Bolyai University sent recently a letter to Moscow for asking E-mail: [email protected] to join the Russian Federation. In the same Adrian-Grigore POP time, Republic of Moldova has one of the PhD Student most complicated political situation from Faculty of Sociology and Social Work, Europe being between Russian threatened Babeş-Bolyai University sanctions and the current impossibility to E-mail: [email protected] EU accession despite the free trade agree- ment signed in 2013, at the Vilnius Summit Conlict Studies Quarterly (Solomon, 2014). Issue 12, July 2015, pp. 18-36 The Ukrainian crises had revived the topic of Transnistria issue not only among politi- 18 Issue 12 , July 2015 cian elites, but also among ordinary citizens of Moldova Republic who expressed more concerns than before for a close settlement of the conlict. -
Policy Focus
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE POLICY FOCUS RUSSIAN ARMS SALES POLICY TOWARD THE MIDDLE EAST ANDREI VOLPIN RESEARCH MEMORANDUM NUMBER TWENTY-THREE OCTOBER 1993 Cover and titk page illustrations from windows of the al-Hakim Bi-Amrihfi Mosque, 990-1013 THE AUTHOR Andrei Volpin is a postgraduate scholar at the Institute for Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences; a columnist for Moskovski Komsomolets newspaper; and a consultant to the Russian-Jordanian joint venture, Al-Biruni. Previously Dr. Volpin worked at the USSR's State Planning Committee. In 1993 he was The Washington Institute's Bronfman Fellow. Support for Dr. Volpin's fellowship and for this publication were provided through a generous grant from Mr. Edgar M. Bronfman. The views expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and should not necessarily be construed as representing those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its board of trustees, or its board of advisors. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 dealt Middle East rejectionists a crippling blow. For four decades, Moscow supplied "rogue" regimes throughout the region with massive quantities of arms with which to pursue their goals: fighting Israel, sponsoring terrorism, and attacking Western interests. Usually, these weapons were provided on easy credit terms, or even as outright gifts. Political suitability, not economic rationality, was the driving force in Soviet arms sales policy. The emergence of a democratizing Russia on the ashes of Soviet communism has altered this picture. While Russia intends to remain a player on the international arms market, it now insists that profit, not ideology, will guide its decisions. -
The Electoral System of the Russian Federation
The original of this publication was published as the research commissioned by the Policy Department for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament within a framework contract with IRIS. The original version was published separately by the EP (Policy Department for External Policies) in 2011 (number PE 433.688). Copyrights belong to the European Parliament April 2011 THE EU-RUSSIA CENTRE REVIEW The electoral system of the Russian Federation Issue Seventeen CONTENTS Executive summary 4 Introduction 6 Background 6 The evolution of electoral law 7 Roles of legislative and executive branches 9 The Federal Assembly 9 Presidential powers 9 Elections under each President 10 The Yeltsin years 10 New constitution – President versus Parliament 10 Development of political parties under Yeltsin 11 The first three legislative elections 11 Presidential elections 1991 – 1996 13 International Reactions 13 Assessment of the Yeltsin period 15 The Putin years 16 Rise of United Russia 16 Presidential Elections 2000 - 2004 17 Changes during Putin‘s presidency 17 Control of the Media 18 International reactions 18 Assessment of Putin‘s presidency 21 Medvedev‘s Presidency 21 Modernisation Strategy 22 Electoral changes under Medvedev 22 Recent developments 23 Assessment of Medvedev‘s presidency 23 Political parties and electoral support 23 2 Russia‘s party system 23 Law on political parties 23 Funding of parties 24 Role of parties 25 Voter turnout 27 Voter attitudes 28 On political opposition 28 On electoral rules 28 On a personal cult of Putin 28 International reactions 28 Conclusion 29 Annex I: Presidential Election Results 1991-2008 33 Annex II: State Duma Election Results 1993-2007 35 Annex III: The Levada Centre surveys – Public Opinion 37 Bibliography 41 3 A study for the European Parliament by Professor Bill Bowring, Birkbeck College, London, member of the Advisory Board of the EU-Russia Centre1. -
Saturs/Content
XXVXXII 201720192016 RFR-XXII jauns M.indd 1 13.10.2017 20:58:36 UDK 2+17 (066) (08) Re 515 Izdevums ir sagatavots Latvijas Universitātes Akadēmiskās attīstības projektā. Izdevums rekomendēts publicēšanai ar LU Filozofijas un socioloģijas institūta Zinātniskās padomes 2019. gada 10. janvāra sēdes lēmumu. Galvenā redaktore: Solveiga Krūmiņa-Koņkova Redaktore: Laine Kristberga Literārā redaktore: Arta Jāne Maketētāja: Margarita Stoka Vāka dizaina autori: Kārlis Koņkovs, Matīss Kūlis Izdevumā izmantoti fotoattēli no Roberta Parkina personiskā arhīva. Vākam izmantots foto no Nadeždas Pazuhinas personiskā arhīva. Zinātniskās redakcijas kolēģija Latvijas Universitāte: Dr. phil. Ella Buceniece; Dr. phil. Solveiga Krūmiņa-Koņkova; Dr. habil. phil. akadēmiķe, profesore Maija Kūle; Dr. hist. eccl. docents Andris Priede; Dr. habil. phil. Māra Rubene; Dr. hist. Inese Runce; Dr. phil. akadēmiķis, profesors Igors Šuvajevs Ārzemju locekļi: Ekaterina Anastasova, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies with the Ethnographic Museum at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgaria; Eileen Barker, Ph. D., OBE, FBA, Professor of Sociology with Special Reference to Study of Religion, The London School of Economics and Political Science, U.K.; Gloria Durka, Ph.D., Professor, Director, PhD. Program in Religious Education, Graduate School of Religion and Religious Education, Fordham University, U.S.A; Massimo Introvigne, Ph. D., Director of The Center for Studies on New Religions (CESNUR), Torino, Italia; Tõnu Lehtsaar, Ph.D., Professor of Psychology of Religion, Faculty of Theology, University of Tartu, Estonia; Massimo Leone, Ph.D., Dr. hist. art, Research Professor of Semiotics and Cultural Semiotics at the Department of Philosophy, University of Torino, Italy; Sebastian Rimestad, Ph.D., University of Erfurt, Germany; Dalia Maria Stančienė, Ph.D., Professor, Department of Philosophy and Culture Studies, Klaipeda University, Lithuania Reliģiski-filozofiski raksti ir anonīmi recenzēts periodisks izdevums ar starptautisku zinātniskās redakcijas kolēģiju. -
Transnistria: the “Hot” Nature of A“Frozen” Conflict
TRANSNISTRIA: THE “HOT” NATURE OF A“FROZEN” CONFLICT A Monograph by Lieutenant Colonel Mihai-Cristian Statie Romanian Army School of Advanced Military Studies United States Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 2013-01 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. Form Approved REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing this collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden to Department of Defense, Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports (0704-0188), 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to any penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. PLEASE DO NOT RETURN YOUR FORM TO THE ABOVE ADDRESS. 1. REPORT DATE (DD-MM-YYYY) 2. REPORT TYPE 3. DATES COVERED (From - To) 23 MAY 2013 Master’s Thesis JUN 2012 – MAY 2013 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Transnistria: The “Hot” Nature of a “Frozen” Conflict 5b. GRANT NUMBER 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER Lieutenant Colonel Mihai-Cristian Statie, Romanian Army 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. -
The Triad of Nationality Revisited: the Orthodox Church and the State in Post-Soviet Russia
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College Spring 5-2016 The Triad of Nationality Revisited: The Orthodox Church and the State in Post-Soviet Russia Robert D. Potts University of Maine Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Potts, Robert D., "The Triad of Nationality Revisited: The Orthodox Church and the State in Post-Soviet Russia" (2016). Honors College. 408. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/408 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE TRIAD OF NATIONALITY REVISITED: THE ORTHODOX CHURCH AND THE STATE IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA by Robert D. Potts A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Degree with Honors (History and Political Science) The Honors College University of Maine May 2016 Advisory Committee James W. Warhola, Professor of Political Science, Advisor Paul Holman, Adjunct Associate Professor of International Relations Mimi Killinger, Rezendes Preceptor for the Arts Richard Blanke, Professor Emeritus of History Kyriacos Markides, Professor of Sociology Abstract The Orthodox Church has been intimately wrapped up in the Russian state since Russia’s conversion to Christianity in 988. The relationship between the two is most succinctly wrapped up in Tsar Nicholas I’s so-called triad: “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality.” This paper seeks to explain the manner in which the Orthodox Church reasserted itself as a force in Russian politics after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 up through the first administration of President Vladimir Putin. -
Russia's Use of Force and Its Interplay with Ethnic
Russia’s Use of Force and its Interplay with Ethnic Identity in Post-Soviet States By: Joseph Meyer B.S. in International Relations, May 2014, Middle Tennessee State University B.A. in Global Studies, May 2014, Middle Tennessee State University A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of The Elliott School of International Affairs of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Affairs May 15, 2016 Thesis directed by Marlene Laruelle Professor of International Affairs © Copyright 2016 by Joseph Meyer All rights reserved ii Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank, Dr. Marlene Laruelle, Dr. Henry Hale, and Dr. Cory Welt for their advice, guidance, and support in completing this thesis. iii Abstract of Thesis Russia’s Use of Force and its Interplay with Ethnic Identity in Post-Soviet States This project examines Russia’s use of force in separatist conflicts in the former Soviet Union revealing that, contrary to what some have suggested, Russia has not pursued master plan to rebuild the Russian Empire or Soviet Union, and has not pursued a foreign policy driven by ethnic nationalism or imperialism. While Russia has maintained military and foreign policy contingencies for engagement in these types of conflicts in the event of crisis, there is little evidence of extensive Russian pre-planning focused on generating “frozen conflicts,” as a central focus of Russian geostrategy. Instead I find that Russia has used unplanned crises, often resulting from security dilemmas, to “freeze” these conflicts in order advance a number of geopolitical goals focused on ensuring the security of Russian state when the opportunity has arisen. -
Boris Yeltsin: President During Tragedy for Russia
the danger that Boris Yeltsin, the President of the Russian Federation, might follow, to some degree or other, the path- way toward bankruptcy which the Polish government pursued Boris Yeltsin: for a while, up until most recently, at the instruction of Har- vard’s lunatic professor, Jeffrey Sachs. If Yeltsin, for exam- President During ple, and his government, were to go with a reform of the type which Sachs and Sachs’s co-thinkers demand—chiefly from the Anglo-American side—then the result in Russia would Tragedy for Russia be chaos. In such a case, the overthrow of Yeltsin, or some- by Rachel Douglas body, by a dictatorship and the restoration of a form of what is called totalitarianism would probably occur. In that case, then we have a strategic threat. So therefore, the trick is, not The first post-Soviet President of the Russian Federation, Bo- to pressure Moscow to go with the Sachs model; to warn ris Yeltsin, died April 23, of heart failure. There quickly fol- Moscow against the insanity of the Sachs model, and to assist lowed a wave of appreciations, from politicians and in the those in the former Soviet Union . in discovering mecha- media, contrasting the “good, democratic” reforms under nisms which might avoid the chaos and potential dictatorship Yeltsin (1991-99), to the “bad, authoritarian” regime of cur- lodged within the Sachs lunacy, so-called free market rent President Vladimir Putin (1999-present). But, the Yeltsin lunacy.” period should be viewed more profoundly, as a tragic time LaRouche’s warning was not heeded, and the devastating for Russia. -
Moldova – a Test Case in EU-Russian Relations? Anneli Ute Gabanyi
Moldova – A Test Case in EU-Russian Relations? Anneli Ute Gabanyi Alongside the proliferation of policy counselling after the end of the Cold War, problems connected with the expertise and the independence of the experts, the transparency and the added-value of the advisory process are increasingly coming under scrutiny.1 Political advisors are supposed to be unrestrained by private or corporate interests, dispose of a wide range of scholarly knowledge, think in an innovative way, question conventional wisdom, and formulate alternative concepts and agendas. Most importantly, experts should neither tend to become part of the inner decision-making process, nor should they take into account potential political concerns and reactions to their findings before presenting them. With these criteria in mind, guidelines have been made showing how evidence should be worked out and applied to enhance the ability of government decision-makers to take better informed decisions. This paper attempts to point to some of the discrepancies between topical schol- arly assessments2 of the political processes going on in and around Moldova since the early 1990s, on the one hand, and actual Western policy vis-à-vis Moldova on the other. 1 Notre Europe: Europe and its Think Tanks: A Promise to be Fulfilled. Paris: 2004; J. Braml: Think Tanks versus “Denkfabriken”? US and German Policy Research Institutes’ Coping with and Influ- encing their Environments. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2004; Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften: Standards and “Best Practices” of Scientific Policy Advice. Berlin: 2006; and, J. Thies: Die Krise der Politikberatung. In: Merkur, 61 (2007) 3, 266–270. 2 A.