Russian-Moldovan Relations After the Collapse of the Soviet Union
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue
Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue Cosmo neologise gloomily. Christiano is predictive: she vituperate terminatively and daikers her zamia. Submergible Smith piked erelong or glows aborning when Stanfield is Austronesian. World war ii, russia and vladimir voronin himself announced increase of moldova regards these strategic security committee of distributing powers clearly, but immunized against. Abkhazia and commenced peace settlement process for which became an opening for? More transnistrian issue and kozak memorandum which included in practice, but also include outright war, political issues to tangible progress. Moldovan relations with kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of transnistrian guard. Above the business contacts and needs reasonable plan, where he wanted to reducing tensions between moldova became an issue takes under kozak memorandum, while looking ahead. Soviet state language, but in bucharest regarding its transformation and divided on anything about changes to pay for now. The customs authorities with economic blockade and west and on their support that russia? Soviet bloc which accentuates ethnic minorities, kozak memorandum is highly uneven enforcement, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of the. At issue adequately, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue takes under what country. Moscow appeared together representatives, which are trafficked for a geopolitical opportunity for? This would have been a need to change in the kozak memorandum, only potentially call on. An extreme stance on its relations at stalemate, kozak memorandum included in terms about his political promises. Legal status quo, have bridged any kind of trafficking in accordance with kozak memorandum contained elements in terms of legislative power. In any particular segments of poland, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue as expressed its significant issues were not refer to sign it. -
HOTARIRE CC Nr. 4 Din 26.12.2000
HOTĂRÎREA CURŢII CONSTITUŢIONALE Aviz privind constatarea circumstanţelor care justifică dizolvarea Parlamentului Nr.4 din 26.12.2000 Monitorul Oficial al R.Moldova nr.163-165/49 din 29.12.2000 * * * În numele Republicii Moldova, Curtea Constituţională în componenţa: Gheorghe SUSARENCO - preşedinte Nicolae CHISEEV - judecător Mihai COTOROBAI - judecător Constantin LOZOVANU - judecător Ion VASILATI - judecător-raportor cu participarea grefierului Corina Popa, reprezentantului Preşedintelui Republicii Moldova, autorul sesizării, Mihai Petrachi, reprezentanţilor Parlamentului Anatol Ciobanu şi Ion Creangă, reprezentanţilor fracţiunilor parlamentare, deputaţilor Valeriu Matei, Victor Stepaniuc şi Eugen Rusu, conducîndu-se după art. 135 alin. (1) lit. f) din Constituţie şi art. 4 alin. (1) lit. f) din Legea cu privire la Curtea Constituţională, a examinat în şedinţă plenară publică dosarul privind constatarea circumstanţelor care justifică dizolvarea Parlamentului. Temei pentru examinarea dosarului a servit sesizarea Preşedintelui Republicii Moldova Petru Lucinschi, prezentată în conformitate cu art. 24 şi 25 din Legea cu privire la Curtea Constituţională şi art. 38 alin. (2) lit. b) şi art. 39 din Codul jurisdicţiei constituţionale. Prin decizia Curţii Constituţionale din 25 decembrie 2000 sesizarea a fost acceptată spre examinare în fond şi înscrisă în ordinea de zi. Avînd în vedere materialele dosarului, normele legislaţiei speciale, audiind informaţia judecătorului-raportor şi argumentele participanţilor la şedinţă, CURTEA CONSTITUŢIONALĂ -
ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
Descoperim Eroi În Localitate La Noi
KÖrber Stiftung DESCOPERIM EROI ÎN LOCALITATE LA NOI Culegere de lucrări ale participanților în concurs, ediția 2019-2020 U T I N E R T R I N C E P E R C S E R T U Ă C T O N R O I C MOLDOVA ISTORIE LOCALĂ CHIŞINĂU, 2020 CZU 94(478)(082)=135.1=111=161.1 D 34 Această lucrare este O CULEGERE de fragmente din cercetările elevilor, precum și a unor lucrări integrale, elaborate în cadrul proiectului de studiere a istoriei locale ”Concurs Istoric 2.0” desfășurat în perioada Iunie 2019-decembrie 2020. Concursul este axat pe căutare și descoperire, nu doar în documente oficiale și arhive de stat, ci în evenimente de familie și în arhive personale, în colecții de fotografii și videoteci de familie, în surse din muzeul localității, etc. Deși la sunt în cea mai mare parte la prime încercări, autorii, elevi de gimnaziu și liceu, au manifestat tenacitate și entuziasm pentru a identifica și aduce în prim plan EROII – în accepția concursului nu atât personalități marcante, arhicunoscute și onorate în public, cât oameni de rând, adesea membri ai familiei sau comunității, care au pus umărul la crearea ”istoriei mari”. Organizatorii proiectului, asociațiile obștești DVV International Moldova și ANTIM, exprimă sincere mulțumiri finanțato- rilor, profesorilor-îndrumători, elevilor și tuturor celor care au contribuit la buna desfășurare a activității. Opiniile exprimate în articolele acestei publicații de către fiecare dintre autori nu reflectă în mod necesar poziția editorului sau a responsabililor de ediție. Publicația sau părți ale acesteia pot fi reproduse numai cu condiția mențio- nării corespunzătoare a sursei. -
European Influences in Moldova Page 2
Master Thesis Human Geography Name : Marieke van Seeters Specialization : Europe; Borders, Governance and Identities University : Radboud University, Nijmegen Supervisor : Dr. M.M.E.M. Rutten Date : March 2010, Nijmegen Marieke van Seeters European influences in Moldova Page 2 Summary The past decades the European continent faced several major changes. Geographical changes but also political, economical and social-cultural shifts. One of the most debated topics is the European Union and its impact on and outside the continent. This thesis is about the external influence of the EU, on one of the countries which borders the EU directly; Moldova. Before its independency from the Soviet Union in 1991, it never existed as a sovereign state. Moldova was one of the countries which were carved out of history by the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1940 as it became a Soviet State. The Soviet ideology was based on the creation of a separate Moldovan republic formed by an artificial Moldovan nation. Although the territory of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic was a former part of the Romanian province Bessarabia, the Soviets emphasized the unique and distinct culture of the Moldovans. To underline this uniqueness they changed the Moldovan writing from Latin to Cyrillic to make Moldovans more distinct from Romanians. When Moldova became independent in 1991, the country struggled with questions about its national identity, including its continued existence as a separate nation. In the 1990s some Moldovan politicians focussed on the option of reintegration in a Greater Romania. However this did not work out as expected, or at least hoped for, because the many years under Soviet rule and delinkage from Romania had changed Moldovan society deeply. -
Studia Politica 1 2016
www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties. -
30 January 2014 OSCE Special Representative for Transdniestrian
Press release – OSCE Special Representative – 30 January 2014 OSCE Special Representative for Transdniestrian settlement process visits region ahead of official 5+2 talks The Special Representative of the Swiss OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the Transdniestrian settlement process, Ambassador Radojko Bogojević, at a the press conference in Chisinau, 30 January 2014. (OSCE/Igor Schimbator) CHISINAU, 30 January 2014 – The Special Representative of the Swiss OSCE Chairperson- in-Office for the Transdniestrian settlement process, Ambassador Radojko Bogojević, today concluded a four-day visit to the region, which included meetings with the political leadership in Chisinau and Tiraspol. This was the first visit by Bogojević to the region in his role as Special Representative. He took up the position this January and will hold it throughout the consecutive Swiss and Serbian Chairmanships in 2014-2015. In Chisinau, Bogojević met Moldovan President Nicolae Timofti, Prime Minister Iurie Leanca, Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration and Chief Negotiator Eugen Carpov, Deputy Foreign Minister Valeriu Chiveri and Speaker of the Parliament Igor Corman. In Tiraspol, Bogojević met Transdniestrian leader Yevgeniy Shevchuk, Chief Negotiator Nina Shtanski and the Speaker of the Supreme Soviet Mikhail Burla. “Preparations for the next round of the 5+2 talks on the Transdniestrian settlement process to take place on 27 and 28 February in Vienna were the key topic of our discussions, and I was encouraged by the constructive attitude of the sides and their focus -
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova's Eastern Orientation Inhibit Its European Aspirations?
“Foreign affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova’s Eastern orientation inhibit its European aspirations?” Liliana Viţu 1 CONTENTS: List of abbreviations Introduction Chapter I. Historic References…………………………………………………………p.1 Chapter II. The Eastern Vector of Moldova’s Foreign Affairs…………………..p.10 Russian Federation – The Big Brother…………………………………………………p.10 Commonwealth of Independent States: Russia as the hub, the rest as the spokes……………………………………………………….…………………………….p.13 Transnistria- the “black hole” of Europe………………………………………………..p.20 Ukraine – a “wait and see position”…………………………………………………….p.25 Chapter III. Moldova and the European Union: looking westwards?………….p.28 Romania and Moldova – the two Romanian states…………………………………..p.28 The Council of Europe - Monitoring Moldova………………………………………….p.31 European Union and Moldova: a missed opportunity?………………………………p.33 Chapter IV. Simultaneous integration in the CIS and the EU – a contradiction in terms ……………………………………………………………………………………...p.41 Conclusions Bibliography 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ASSMR – Autonomous Soviet Socialist Moldova Republic CEEC – Central-Eastern European countries CIS – Commonwealth of Independent States CoE – Council of Europe EBRD – European Bank for Reconstruction and Development ECHR – European Court of Human Rights EU – European Union ICG – International Crisis Group IPP – Institute for Public Policy NATO – North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NIS – Newly Independent States OSCE – Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe PCA – Partnership and Cooperation Agreement PHARE – Poland Hungary Assistant for Economic Reconstruction SECI – South East European Cooperation Initiative SPSEE – Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe TACIS – Technical Assistance for Commonwealth of Independent States UNDP – United Nations Development Program WTO – World Trade Organization 3 INTRODUCTION The Republic of Moldova is a young state, created along with the other Newly Independent States (NIS) in 1991 after the implosion of the Soviet Union. -
Joint Statement with President Mircea Snegur of Moldova January 30, 1995
Administration of William J. Clinton, 1995 / Jan. 30 Mexican Loan Guarantees omy stay strong down there is more important Q. Mr. President, will you have a Mexico than anything else for our working people and bailout bill ready today? The peso and the bolsa our businesses on Main Street that are doing are dropping sharply. such business in Mexico. If they want to con- The President. We certainly hope so. I worked tinue to grow and to have that as a market, yesterday for several hours on this and secured we can't let the financial markets, in effect, col- again the reaffirmation of the commitment of lapse the Mexican political and economic struc- the leadership of both parties in both Houses ture. Secondly, there are a lot of pension plans to go forward. And we have put out more strong and ordinary Americans that have their invest- statements today about it. ments tied up there. Thirdly, we have immigra- I think we justÐthis is something we have tion and narcotics cooperation and control issues to do. The time is not a friendly factor, and here involved. This is something for ordinary I realize that the Congress had other important Americans. It's very much in our interest, and measures to debate last week, the unfunded we don't want to let it spread to other countries mandates legislation in the Senate, the balanced and, indeed, to developing countries throughout budget amendment in the House. But this can the world. We're trying to promote countries be resolved fairly quickly, and it needs to be. -
Threats to Russian Democracy and US-Russian Relations
After Chechnya: Threats to Russian Democracy and U.S.-Russian Relations ARIEL COHEN Introduction : All Politics Is Local , Al¡ Foreign Policy Is Domestic Half a year alter Russian tanks rolled into Chechnya, the future of Russian democracy and free markets is under threat. The internal situation in Russia bears a direct influence on Russia's relations with the outside world and the United States. While the world's leaders gather in Moscow to celebrate the victory over Nazism, Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev is calling for the use of force to "protect" Russian co-ethnics living outside the borders of the Russian Federation. Kozyrev's declarations go beyond mere rhetoric. Russia is introducing its new 58th field army in the Northern Caucasus, in clear and conscious violation of the Conventional Forces Europe (CFE) Treaty, a centerpiece of post-Cold War European security. If Russia is not planning an agressive action either against Ukraine or its Transcaucasus neighbors, why does it need to revise upwards the CFE limitations of 164 tanks and 414 artillery systems? Why was General Alexander Lebed, a self-proclaimed restorer of the old Soviet Union and Commander of the l4th Army in Moldova, applauding Kozyrev? Chechnya became the testing ground for the new Russian policy, both foreign and domestic. The people who engineered it, the so-called Party of War in Moscow, are watching for reactions at honre and abroad to this version of the "last thrust South." The West is facing its greatest challenge since the collapse of communism: how to deal with the Russia that is emerging from under the rubble. -
Moldova's National Minorities: Why Are They Euroskeptical?
Moldova’s National Minorities: Why are they Euroskeptical? Marcin Kosienkowski William Schreiber November 2014 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2014 ISBN: 978-2-36567-330-3 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection of articles dedicated to the study of Russia and other former Soviet states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
I INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the Smallest Republic in the Soviet Union, Has Been a Territorial Football Between Romania and Russia
INTRODUCTION Moldavia, the smallest republic in the Soviet Union, has been a territorial football between Romania and Russia for well over 100 years. Like the Baltic republics, it fell within the Soviet sphere of influence under the l939 Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, and there is reason to believe that some Moldavians may now wish to follow the lead of the Baltic republics in pressing for secession from the USSR. The 64 percent of the republic's population that is ethnic Moldavian has its cultural heart in Romania and, at the very least, seeks freer contacts with Romanians across their common frontier. In the past 18 months Moldavian political and social life has been transformed. Fledgling independent groups have developed into major new political movements, such as the Moldavian Popular Front with a membership of between 700,000 and one million. Other independent groups include the Alexe Mateevici Club which led the successful drive to establish Moldavian as the official language of the republic, the Moldavian Democratic Movement aimed at establishing a state that adheres to the rule of law, the Moldavian Green Movement which works to increase public awareness of ecological issues, and others. Groups of citizens in late l988 began braving the wrath of the local authorities by organizing small public protests. By March l989 the rallies had grown to include as many as 80,000 demonstrators who were calling, among other things, for the i removal of Moldavia's Party leaders. Both the protestors and the Moldavian government often turned to violence. The most egregious such instances of reciprocal violence occurred in l989 on February 12 and 26, March 12 and November 7.