Violence Against Women in the different, the main tensions between the two Rwandan stemmed from political and socioeconomic differences (Hoex & Smeulers 2010:438). The were the elites of society, and the Cecilia D’Arville rebelled against them in the mid-1950s by Sophomore, Global Studies/Journalism taking over the government (Sharlach 1999:391). The Hutus controlled the Throughout history, have government for the next few decades and proven to be amongst the most violent implemented discriminatory policies against atrocities committed by the human race. The Tutsis, deepening the tensions between the was no different. In 1994, groups (Hoex & Smeulers 2010:439). In 1990, between April and July, approximately 800,000 a rebel group invaded in an 1 attempt to regain control of the government Rwandans were killed. ​ Occurring only a ​ couple decades ago, the Rwandan genocide (Sharlach 1999:391). Their attempt failed and stands out as one of the most notable examples led leaders to begin planning what would of genocide in recent history. Despite the eyes become the Rwandan genocide. of the world watching and involvement by the Regardless of ethnicity, women in United Nations and other groups, hundreds of Rwanda held less power in society than men. thousands of people were killed and sexually The Family Code of 1992 designated husbands assaulted. During the Rwandan genocide, as the official heads of households, limiting the women were sexually assaulted on a scale rights of women within their families (U.S. previously unrecorded in any past genocide Department of State 1997). Moreover, no laws 2 exist to guarantee a woman the right to inherit (United Nations 2014). ​ Women in the ​ Rwandan genocide are unique in their roles land and property if her husband dies (U.S. both as victims and perpetrators. This paper Department of State 1997). Before the will explore violence against Tutsi women genocide, women held very little political during the Rwandan genocide from April influence. In 1984, there were no women through July, 1994. Specifically, I will analyze involved in the sexual assault from Hutu the methods of such violence, the perpetrators, extremists and government supporters prior to and the long-term effects on the female the start of the genocide. For example, in the population. early 1980s, a campaign began against single Prior to discussing the violence against urban women and women in relationships with women, it is important to understand the European men (Taylor 1999:44). The majority pre-existing tensions in Rwanda which led to of the women incarcerated during this the genocide and the status of Tutsi women in campaign were Tutsi, many of whom were Rwandan society. The two major groups abused by their captors or raped (Taylor involved in the genocide were the Hutus and 1999:44). In the 1990s, being both Tutsi and the Tutsis; the Hutus accounted for 84 percent female in Rwanda put these women at a higher of the population and the Tutsi accounted for risk for sexual violence compared to other 3 female and ethnic populations. 15 percent. ​ Although the groups are ethnically ​ Violence in genocides most clearly against those involved in the Rwandan manifests itself in the methodologies used to genocide, Christopher Mullins identified three destroy the intended group. According to the specific types of : opportunistic rape, United Nations definition, genocidal acts sexual enslavement, and (2009). include “causing serious bodily or mental harm Opportunistic rape is defined as “sexual to members of the group [and] imposing assaults that arise out of the general chaos and measures intended to prevent births within the confusion of military engagement” (Mullins group” (1948:3). Some common tactics of 2009:726). This type of rape presents itself not genocide are public executions, mass killings, just in instances of genocide, but also in many and starvation. Within the Rwandan genocide, wartime conflicts. In the context of the the Hutu militia, also called the , Rwandan genocide, opportunistic rape occurred used such methods to kill Tutsi men, women, the least frequently. Opportunistic rape relates and children. However, there was one method closely to the “pressure cooker” theory of rape of genocide which existed within Rwanda that during wartime. According to this theory, stood out: rape. Rape as a tool of genocide was men’s instinctual sexual aggression mixed with present prior to the Rwandan genocide, such as the chaos of war and combat creates a in Armenia in the early twentieth century, but it “pressure cooker” which causes rape was not used systematically and extensively (Gottschall 2004:133). until the Rwandan genocide (Mangassarian Sexual enslavement describes situations 2016:374). in which one woman would experience Within the Rwandan genocide, rape multiple sexual assaults over a brief period of specifically targeted women. Rwanda’s time while being confined, usually in the house patriarchal, militaristic society reinforces the of an Interahamwe soldier (Mullins 2009:727). notion that women are property and, therefore, This confinement separates sexual enslavement are part of the plunder of war. The use of rape from other forms of rape. Additionally, in Rwanda went deeper than just men sexually enslaved women were threatened with satisfying their sexual needs “in a forceful intense violence unless they gave into the will demonstration of hyper masculinity,” which and requests of the soldiers. For example, one often underlies rape in a domestic setting woman was threatened with being pierced by a (Mullins 2009:721). Instead, rape was used to spear after initially refusing sex (Mullins dehumanize and terrorize Tutsi women, by 2009:727). both common Hutu men and members of the Although cases of sexual enslavement Hutu militia (Totten and Ubaldo 2011: 31, most commonly occurred in Interahamwe 111). René Degni-Segui, the UN Special houses, there are also cases which occurred in Rapporteur on human rights in Rwanda, stated, the homes of Hutus who were friends and “rape was the rule and its absence was the neighbors of Tutsi families (Totten and Ubaldo exception,” emphasizing the fact that almost all 1999:111). During an interview, a man named Tutsi females were raped during the genocide Kwibuka recalled, “[Hutu neighbors and 4 (1996). ​ By analyzing the transcripts of trials friends] often turned on [the girls and women] ​

1 and raped them,” and “demanded that women typically results in an inability for the woman allow themselves to be raped as the price… for to get pregnant (Mullins 2009: 727-729; being hidden” (Totten and Ubaldo 1999:111). Sharlach, 1999:396). Even in situations where These instances show that raping Tutsi women Tutsi women did become pregnant, their child became a fact of life for all Hutus, not just for would be considered Hutu, as the legal militia members. Additionally, the quote ethnicity of a child in Rwanda is based on the referencing rape as the “price” for protection father’s ethnicity (Doná 2012:16). This further amongst friends and neighbors reveals the helped to prevent the birth of Tutsi children. perceived entitlement of the Hutu men to the Although rape was the most widespread bodies of Tutsi women. form of sexual violence committed against Genocidal rape differs from the other women, other forms of violence existed as two categories because it specifically attempts well. The Interahamwe had an obsession with to eliminate a population through violent and “what they did to women’s bodies” (Sperling systematic rape. Mullins defines it as an 2006:644). Hutu militiamen focused on “organized military tactic… used to generate mutilating women’s breasts and vaginas. They fear in a subdued population, humiliate a poured acid and boiling water on women’s population, derogate women, and create a vaginas, cut open pregnant women’s wombs, cohort of mixed-ethnic children” (2009:721). and cut off women’s breasts (Sperling Rape became normalized by local leaders, with 2006:645). In one instance, an Interahamwe rapists consisting of men of all classes and soldier cut a mother’s breast off and attempted professions including soldiers, peasants, to feed her baby with it (Mullins 2009:727). teachers, and priests (Sharlach 1999:394). In Sexual violence during the Rwandan one instance, after finding a group of Tutsis, genocide encompassed debased actions of the commanding military leader told his troops dehumanization that affected women more than to follow his example. He proceeded to rape men. One witness recalled four Interahamwe and then stab one of the women. The soldiers soldiers and an officer publicly raping a Tutsi followed his command and began raping and woman repeatedly. The officer forced refugee stabbing the women while shooting the men women to watch the attack and told them they (Mullins 2009:728). Not only does this reveal would later be killed (Mullins 2009:727). On military commands to rape women, but also it multiple occasions, sons were forced to rape displays the increased amount of sexual their mothers while their whole family would violence women faced compared to men. watch (Sperling 2006:644). The act of forcing a Rape was also used to accomplish the child to rape their mother shows barbarity on genocidal goal of preventing the birth of Tutsi behalf of the soldiers and exposes the lack of babies. Initially, rape may not appear to prevent acknowledgment of the Tutsi mother as human. births, but, the violent nature of the In a survivor interview, Rose Marie achieved this. Women were sometimes raped Mukamwiza recounted being raped twice in with spears and other sharp objects, resulting in front of her daughter Claire (Totten and Ubaldo their death or genital mutilation, which 1999:31). Forcing other women, children, and

2 families to watch rapes was common and added entitled the “Hutu Ten Commandments” to the dehumanization of the women being fostered Hutu women’s animosity of Tutsi raped; it shamed them, changing the way their women. The first three commandments read: children and community members viewed them. 1. Every Hutu male should know that Tutsi As mentioned earlier, acts of genocide women, wherever they may be, are and sexual violence were committed by men of working in the pay of their Tutsi ethnic varied classes and professions. Rape became a group. Consequently, shall be deemed a hegemonic aspect of society; Hutu men used traitor: Any Hutu male who marries a rape as a routine tool to dominate and destroy Tutsi woman; Any Hutu male who keeps Tutsi women. The overwhelming majority of a Tutsi concubine; Any Hutu male who men who participated in the Rwandan genocide makes a Tutsi woman his secretary or were ordinary men who did not have a history protégée. of violence or military involvement (Straus 2. Every Hutu male must know that our 2006:96). Many Hutu men joined militia Hutu daughters are more dignified and groups out of fear of the punishment they could conscientious in their role of woman, wife face for not getting involved (Straus 2006:96). or mother. Are they not pretty, good However, this was not the only reason Hutu secretaries and more honest! men became involved in attacks. Others chose 3. Hutu women, be vigilant and bring to join the attacks to counter the advancement your husbands, brothers and sons of Tutsi rebels, to steal goods from houses back to their senses. (“The ‘Hutu Ten being ransacked, or due to deep loyalism to the Commandments’ 1990) Hutu ethnicity (Straus 2006:96). Although ordinary Hutu men made up the largest group The first two commandments imply that of perpetrators of violence against women Tutsi women were dangerous to the morality during the Rwandan genocide, Hutu women and sensibility of Hutu men and that Hutu also played a key role as agents of violence women are morally above Tutsi women. The against Tutsi women. third commandment directly calls upon Hutu Even before the genocide, Hutu women women to take action to save their Hutu men. were hostile towards Tutsi women. Prior to This document was initially published in 1959 1994, marriages between Tutsi and Hutus were and then republished in 1990 and spread legal, however, a marriage between a Hutu man throughout Rwanda (Brown 2014:455). This and a Tutsi woman was more common than a appeal for Hutu women to act against Tutsi marriage between a Tutsi man and Hutu women was revolutionary for Rwanda’s woman (Fielding 2014:18). This resulted in patriarchal society (Brown 2014:455). some Hutu women harboring feelings of While this appeal for action was jealousy towards Tutsi women who were liberating for many Hutu women, it only marrying and starting families with Hutu men. further contributed to the violence against Tutsi Additionally, a piece of Hutu propaganda women at the time. According to Sara Brown,

3 the genocidal crimes committed by Hutu one instance, she allegedly ordered the militia women during the Rwandan genocide can be to burn 70 women who were being kept by the split into two groups: direct acts of violence government (Sperling 2006:650). Prior to and indirect acts of violence (2014:457). Direct burning them, she directed the men to rape the violence is defined as acts which require women and to keep the younger Tutsi women physical force, such as killing, rape, and sexual alive for sex (Sperling 2006:650). assault (Brown 2014:455). For example, a Nyiramasuhuko was the only female accused in mother was put in jail for murdering her son the International Criminal Tribunal for her who had a Tutsi father (Brown 2014:458).5 involvement in the Rwandan Genocide ​ Indirect violence, on the other hand, involved (Drumbl 2013:562). Furthermore, she is the looting, inciting violence, theft, and ordering only woman to be convicted of genocide and direct violence. The majority of Hutu women rape as a crime against humanity by an committed indirect acts of violence, but some international criminal tribunal (Drumbl were involved in direct acts of violence (Brown 2013:562). Nyiramasuhuko serves as the most 2014:455). extreme case of a Hutu woman inciting sexual Much like with the male perpetrators, violence against Tutsi women, however, there Hutu women across all classes and professions were many ordinary women involved. were involved in committing violence against The effects of this sexual violence are Tutsi women. School girls killed their still seen in Rwandan society today. classmates, nuns turned in Tutsi refugees to the Approximately 80 percent of female survivors militia, and prostitutes killed Tutsi children were raped or sexually assaulted during the (Sharlach 1999:392). Although there were few genocide (de Beer and Snyman 2015:117).6 ​ women involved in the government at the time, The topic of rape is considered “taboo” in two women held immense power among the Rwanda and is not commonly discussed (de political elite during the genocide: Agathe Beer and Snyman 2015:117). Many women Habyarimana, the wife of President have been stigmatized by their community Habyarimana, and Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, the because of their status a rape survivor, making Minister of the Family and Women’s Affairs it difficult for them to find stability and security (Sharlach 1999:387). As part of the “little (Holmes 2014:31). Additionally, a portion of house,” the group involved in planning the female rape survivors faced the problem of Rwandan genocide, the two women encouraged unwanted and unplanned pregnancy. These Hutu females to take part in the massacre of pregnancies sometimes put the lives of the Tutsi women (Sharlach 1999:387). mothers at risk and resulted in a large number Nyiramasuhuko played a particularly of orphaned children (Totten and Ubaldo prominent role in inciting violence against 1999:59). Female survivors must also deal with Tutsi women. Throughout the genocide, she long-term medical conditions which resulted routinely drove around and spoke into a from the genocide, such as HIV/AIDS and megaphone to encourage Hutus to rape and psychological problems (Sharlach, 1999:393). murder Tutsi women (Fielding 2014:28). In

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HIV/AIDS continues to impact the lives In addition to women facing medical of thousands of women in Rwanda today. problems due to HIV/AIDS infections, many Infecting women with HIV/AIDS was often the Tutsi women are plagued with psychological goal of the rapist; men who knew they were and mental problems due to their traumatizing HIV positive would deliberately not kill the experiences during the genocide (Sharlach women they raped (Sharlach 2000:99). Current 1999:393). One woman recalled that after her Rwandan president Paul Kagame revealed that rapist forced her to watch her son get killed, he during the genocide, the previous government spared her and said, “You alone may live, only ordered hospitals to release AIDS patients to be so that you will die of sadness” (Blewitt used as agents of genocide (Sperling 2010:198). This exemplifies the mental torture 2006:645). Mary Blewitt, a survivor of the many women were subjected to during the genocide, recounted learning of many women genocide. There are many accounts of men who were raped and “spared so that they could forcing Tutsi women to watch their husbands die a slow death from HIV/AIDS” (Blewitt and children die. Although men in the genocide 2010:203). Over 67 percent of women raped were also exposed to traumatic episodes, a during the genocide were infected with HIV study conducted by BMJ Open found Rwandan and AIDS (Survivors Fund 2011). The women to be more severely impacted by Rwandan Widows’ Association estimates mental health issues (Krantz et al. 2015:1). around 70 percent of its 25,000 members are This study found that men were exposed to HIV positive as a direct result of being raped slightly more traumatic experiences, such as during the genocide (Hilsum 2004:913). witnessing mass killings, rape, and fleeing Survivors claim that little is being done in one’s home, during the Rwandan genocide Rwanda to prevent women from dying of (Krantz et al. 2015:4). However, as of 2015, HIV/AIDS. It is estimated that untreated Rwandan women experience anxiety, PTSD, HIV/AIDS can lead to death within 7 to 15 depression, and suicidal thoughts at rates years (Sharlach 2000:100). Esther Mujawayo, double that of men (Krantz et al. 2015:10). a survivor, said “if you have not protected Rose Marie Mukamwiza, the survivor somebody in 1994, at least stop her dying who was raped in front of her daughter, has now…women are still dying and again the suffered nightmares and panic attacks directly world is watching” (Hilsum 2004:913). tied to her experiences in the genocide (Totten Treatment programs in Rwanda for HIV and and Ubaldo 1999:34). Her daughter goes into a AIDS do exist, but most of them do not state of intense depression and emotional prioritize the treatment of victims of genocidal instability every April (Totten and Ubaldo rape (Hilsum 2004:913). This serves as an 1999:33). During this time, she spends weeks example of structural violence that currently alone in her room and has sporadic outbursts of exists within Rwanda. The government of uncontrollable crying and screaming (Totten Rwanda continues to allow for Tutsi women to and Ubaldo 1999:34). Umulisa, another face injustice in policies and programs. survivor, claims that the mental health of survivors is neglected (Totten and Ubaldo

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1999:63). According to her, most of those who 2013:414). This phrase is used to both calm assist survivors struggling with mental health people down in times of arguments and to issues are only trained for a few weeks. console mourning family members, showing Additionally, she claims there are under ten that the concept of kwihangana can be found in ​ ​ professional psychiatrists available for all aspects of one’s life (Zraly, Rubin, & survivors in all of Rwanda (Totten and Ubaldo Mukamana 2013:414). Because kwihangana is ​ ​ 1999:64). This limited access to mental health a form of resilience which is performed within care contributes to the lasting impacts of the oneself, it gives women the ability to regain a Rwandan genocide on women. sense of confidence and emotional In addition to these troubles, many rape independence. This is vital to a woman’s ability survivors lived in poverty and experienced to heal because it allows her to take back chronic hunger and insecure housing control of her body and mind. immediately following the genocide (Zraly, In addition to finding resilience in Rubin, & Mukamana 2013:414). However, traditional concepts of Rwandan culture, Tutsi Tutsi women did not allow the genocide to genocide and rape survivors also found completely ruin their lives and keep them from resilience in motherhood (Zraly, Rubin, & working towards moving forward in their lives. Mukamana 2013:21). Alicia, a woman who Despite the immense burdens they faced was raped and lost her husband during the post-genocide, Tutsi women remained resilient. genocide, said, “now I say that God deserves Grassroots networks of female survivors began thanks because… I still have my children, and forming in the years after the genocide ended this is enough to me” (Zraly, Rubin, & (Zraly, Rubin, & Mukamana 2013:413). Mukamana 2013:421). Her words reveal a Through 12 years of research, ethnographers mentality that many other women share. They found three concepts within Rwandan culture find strength through their children and their which contributed to the resilience of these determination to provide them with as stable women: kwihangana, kwongera kubabo, and and healthy a life as possible. Their ability to ​ ​ ​ ​ gukomeza ubuzima. Kwihangana involves find a place for love and kindness in their lives ​ finding strength within oneself to endure and hearts after facing such unfathomable suffering, kwongera kubabo revolves around violence is reveals their persistent resilience. ​ ​ affirming the necessary existential conditions The Rwandan genocide marked an for being, and gukomeza ubuzima focuses on incredibly dark time in history. Rwanda’s ​ ​ accepting struggles, surviving, and moving patriarchal society was manifest in the form of forward in life (Zraly, Rubin, & Mukamana intense sexual violence throughout the 2013:414). genocide. This was seen in the prevalence of Of the three, kwihangana is the most genocidal rape and the gruesome mutilation ​ ​ common, as it is present in everyday Rwandan and dehumanization of Tutsi women. These life. The Rwandan word “ihangane” stems attacks were orchestrated by both Hutu men ​ ​ from kwihangana and means “be patient, be and Hutu women. However, even Hutu women ​ ​ strong, withstand” (Zraly, Rubin, & Mukamana were given only limited freedom in to carry out

6 the genocidal plans of the government. Iraq. However, they must act soon if they want Thousands of Tutsi women died as a result of to stop history from repeating itself. violent rapes and attacks, and those that NOTES: survived are afflicted with both physical and 1 mental health problems today. Still, many of B​ ackground information including statistics on the number of people killed in and the time frame of the these women have been able to move forward Rwandan genocide can be found in Hoex & in their lives. The entire country of Rwanda has Smeulers 2010; Straus 2006; and United Nations been taking steps to rebuild their nation in the 2014. wake of the genocide. Each month, villages 2 require able-bodied Rwandan citizens to I​ t should be noted that the Rwandan genocide was participate in at least three hours of community not the first recorded instance of women facing service (Specia 2017). This program, instituted sexual assault directly related to genocidal actions. by president Kagame, is one of many exercises Notably, the UN estimates around 60,000 women created to help foster reconciliation within the were raped during the Bosnian genocide (United nation. Nations 2014). However, the number of women raped during the Rwandan genocide is estimated to Although Rwanda has been working be at least four times this number (United Nations toward rebuilding their nation and citizens 2014). since 1994, other parts of the world are still 3 plagued with overwhelming amounts of sexual T​ he remaining one percent of the Rwandan violence directed at women. Twenty years after population was Batwa or Twa, an indigenous group the Rwandan genocide, formed UN in Rwanda (Hoex & Smeulers 2010:438). Although Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon reaffirmed the they were impacted by the genocide, they were international community’s dedication to “never generally not overtly involved in the conflict, and again” allow genocide and genocidal rape to therefore will not be included in the analysis. occur (Tompson 2017). Unfortunately, such 4 A​ lthough Tutsi women were the main targets of acts have occurred since Ki-moon’s speech, most rapes, it’s necessary to note that some Hutu notably in Syria and Iraq with the rise of ISIS women were also raped during the genocide. Most (Tompson 2017). Girls and women are commonly, these rapes occurred if Hutu women reportedly being sold to ISIS members, were associated with Tutsis, remained complacent sexually assaulted, raped, and forced into during attacks, or were simply in the wrong place at marriage in Iraq and Syria currently (Tompson the wrong time (Sharlach 1999:388). 2017). International organizations, notably the 5 United Nations, need to speak out against the W​ hen studying direct acts of violence committed sexual abuse women continue to face and take by women in the Rwandan genocide, it is vital to action against these attacks. Much of the world note that there are recorded, isolated instances of Hutu women taping Tutsi men and boys (Brown idly watched as thousands of Rwandan Tutsi 2014:459). However, these should not be females were raped, mutilated, and violated. considered genocidal rape because it was not The world has a chance to stop such actions organized as a widespread tactic to kill and from occurring to women and girls in Syria and dehumanize Tutsi men.

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Doná, Giorgia. "Being Young and of Mixed 6 W​ omen who were not raped still faced problems in Ethnicity in Rwanda." Forced ​ Rwandan society post genocide. For example, in Migration Review, no. 40 (August ​ 1992 21% of women in Rwanda were widowed; by 2012): 16-17. 1994, 36% of women were widowed (Holmes 2014:31). Not all of these women were rape Drumbl, Mark. "'She Makes Me Ashamed to survivors, yet they still faced issues of stability due Be a Woman': The Genocide to the death of their husbands. However, most Conviction of Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, 2011." Michigan Journal of available research focuses on the effects of the ​ International Law 34, no. 3 (Spring survivors of sexual violence, so I will focus this ​ 2013): 559-603. section on these women.

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