Violence Against Women in the different, the main tensions between the two Rwandan Genocide stemmed from political and socioeconomic differences (Hoex & Smeulers 2010:438). The Tutsis were the elites of society, and the Hutus Cecilia D’Arville rebelled against them in the mid-1950s by Sophomore, Global Studies/Journalism taking over the government (Sharlach 1999:391). The Hutus controlled the Throughout history, genocides have government for the next few decades and proven to be amongst the most violent implemented discriminatory policies against atrocities committed by the human race. The Tutsis, deepening the tensions between the Rwandan genocide was no different. In 1994, groups (Hoex & Smeulers 2010:439). In 1990, between April and July, approximately 800,000 a Tutsi rebel group invaded Rwanda in an 1 attempt to regain control of the government Rwandans were killed. ​ Occurring only a ​ couple decades ago, the Rwandan genocide (Sharlach 1999:391). Their attempt failed and stands out as one of the most notable examples led Hutu leaders to begin planning what would of genocide in recent history. Despite the eyes become the Rwandan genocide. of the world watching and involvement by the Regardless of ethnicity, women in United Nations and other groups, hundreds of Rwanda held less power in society than men. thousands of people were killed and sexually The Family Code of 1992 designated husbands assaulted. During the Rwandan genocide, as the official heads of households, limiting the women were sexually assaulted on a scale rights of women within their families (U.S. previously unrecorded in any past genocide Department of State 1997). Moreover, no laws 2 exist to guarantee a woman the right to inherit (United Nations 2014). ​ Women in the ​ Rwandan genocide are unique in their roles land and property if her husband dies (U.S. both as victims and perpetrators. This paper Department of State 1997). Before the will explore violence against Tutsi women genocide, women held very little political during the Rwandan genocide from April influence. In 1984, there were no women through July, 1994. Specifically, I will analyze involved in the sexual assault from Hutu the methods of such violence, the perpetrators, extremists and government supporters prior to and the long-term effects on the female the start of the genocide. For example, in the population. early 1980s, a campaign began against single Prior to discussing the violence against urban women and women in relationships with women, it is important to understand the European men (Taylor 1999:44). The majority pre-existing tensions in Rwanda which led to of the women incarcerated during this the genocide and the status of Tutsi women in campaign were Tutsi, many of whom were Rwandan society. The two major groups abused by their captors or raped (Taylor involved in the genocide were the Hutus and 1999:44). In the 1990s, being both Tutsi and the Tutsis; the Hutus accounted for 84 percent female in Rwanda put these women at a higher of the population and the Tutsi accounted for risk for sexual violence compared to other 3 female and ethnic populations. 15 percent. ​ Although the groups are ethnically ​ Violence in genocides most clearly against those involved in the Rwandan manifests itself in the methodologies used to genocide, Christopher Mullins identified three destroy the intended group. According to the specific types of rape: opportunistic rape, United Nations definition, genocidal acts sexual enslavement, and genocidal rape (2009). include “causing serious bodily or mental harm Opportunistic rape is defined as “sexual to members of the group [and] imposing assaults that arise out of the general chaos and measures intended to prevent births within the confusion of military engagement” (Mullins group” (1948:3). Some common tactics of 2009:726). This type of rape presents itself not genocide are public executions, mass killings, just in instances of genocide, but also in many and starvation. Within the Rwandan genocide, wartime conflicts. In the context of the the Hutu militia, also called the Interahamwe, Rwandan genocide, opportunistic rape occurred used such methods to kill Tutsi men, women, the least frequently. Opportunistic rape relates and children. However, there was one method closely to the “pressure cooker” theory of rape of genocide which existed within Rwanda that during wartime. According to this theory, stood out: rape. Rape as a tool of genocide was men’s instinctual sexual aggression mixed with present prior to the Rwandan genocide, such as the chaos of war and combat creates a in Armenia in the early twentieth century, but it “pressure cooker” which causes rape was not used systematically and extensively (Gottschall 2004:133). until the Rwandan genocide (Mangassarian Sexual enslavement describes situations 2016:374). in which one woman would experience Within the Rwandan genocide, rape multiple sexual assaults over a brief period of specifically targeted women. Rwanda’s time while being confined, usually in the house patriarchal, militaristic society reinforces the of an Interahamwe soldier (Mullins 2009:727). notion that women are property and, therefore, This confinement separates sexual enslavement are part of the plunder of war. The use of rape from other forms of rape. Additionally, in Rwanda went deeper than just men sexually enslaved women were threatened with satisfying their sexual needs “in a forceful intense violence unless they gave into the will demonstration of hyper masculinity,” which and requests of the soldiers. For example, one often underlies rape in a domestic setting woman was threatened with being pierced by a (Mullins 2009:721). Instead, rape was used to spear after initially refusing sex (Mullins dehumanize and terrorize Tutsi women, by 2009:727). both common Hutu men and members of the Although cases of sexual enslavement Hutu militia (Totten and Ubaldo 2011: 31, most commonly occurred in Interahamwe 111). René Degni-Segui, the UN Special houses, there are also cases which occurred in Rapporteur on human rights in Rwanda, stated, the homes of Hutus who were friends and “rape was the rule and its absence was the neighbors of Tutsi families (Totten and Ubaldo exception,” emphasizing the fact that almost all 1999:111). During an interview, a man named Tutsi females were raped during the genocide Kwibuka recalled, “[Hutu neighbors and 4 (1996). ​ By analyzing the transcripts of trials friends] often turned on [the girls and women] ​ 1 and raped them,” and “demanded that women typically results in an inability for the woman allow themselves to be raped as the price… for to get pregnant (Mullins 2009: 727-729; being hidden” (Totten and Ubaldo 1999:111). Sharlach, 1999:396). Even in situations where These instances show that raping Tutsi women Tutsi women did become pregnant, their child became a fact of life for all Hutus, not just for would be considered Hutu, as the legal militia members. Additionally, the quote ethnicity of a child in Rwanda is based on the referencing rape as the “price” for protection father’s ethnicity (Doná 2012:16). This further amongst friends and neighbors reveals the helped to prevent the birth of Tutsi children. perceived entitlement of the Hutu men to the Although rape was the most widespread bodies of Tutsi women. form of sexual violence committed against Genocidal rape differs from the other women, other forms of violence existed as two categories because it specifically attempts well. The Interahamwe had an obsession with to eliminate a population through violent and “what they did to women’s bodies” (Sperling systematic rape. Mullins defines it as an 2006:644). Hutu militiamen focused on “organized military tactic… used to generate mutilating women’s breasts and vaginas. They fear in a subdued population, humiliate a poured acid and boiling water on women’s population, derogate women, and create a vaginas, cut open pregnant women’s wombs, cohort of mixed-ethnic children” (2009:721). and cut off women’s breasts (Sperling Rape became normalized by local leaders, with 2006:645). In one instance, an Interahamwe rapists consisting of men of all classes and soldier cut a mother’s breast off and attempted professions including soldiers, peasants, to feed her baby with it (Mullins 2009:727). teachers, and priests (Sharlach 1999:394). In Sexual violence during the Rwandan one instance, after finding a group of Tutsis, genocide encompassed debased actions of the commanding military leader told his troops dehumanization that affected women more than to follow his example. He proceeded to rape men. One witness recalled four Interahamwe and then stab one of the women. The soldiers soldiers and an officer publicly raping a Tutsi followed his command and began raping and woman repeatedly. The officer forced refugee stabbing the women while shooting the men women to watch the attack and told them they (Mullins 2009:728). Not only does this reveal would later be killed (Mullins 2009:727). On military commands to rape women, but also it multiple occasions, sons were forced to rape displays the increased amount of sexual their mothers while their whole family would violence women faced compared to men. watch (Sperling 2006:644). The act of forcing a Rape was also used to accomplish the child to rape their mother shows barbarity on genocidal goal of preventing the birth of Tutsi behalf of the soldiers and exposes the lack of babies. Initially, rape may not appear to prevent acknowledgment of the Tutsi mother as human. births, but, the violent nature of the rapes In a survivor interview, Rose Marie achieved this. Women were sometimes raped Mukamwiza recounted being raped twice in with spears and other sharp objects, resulting in front of her daughter Claire (Totten and Ubaldo their death or genital mutilation, which 1999:31). Forcing other women, children, and 2 families to watch rapes was common and added entitled the “Hutu Ten Commandments” to the dehumanization of the women being fostered Hutu women’s animosity of Tutsi raped; it shamed them, changing the way their women.