JOWO 2018 the Joint Ontology Workshops
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation. -
Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece Lymouris, Nikolaos November 2013 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/106463/ MPRA Paper No. 106463, posted 08 Mar 2021 07:42 UTC Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece Dr Nikolaos Lymouris London School of Economics - Introduction There is an ongoing controversy as to whether extreme right has been a longstanding political phenomenon in Greece or whether it is associated with the ongoing economic crisis. The first view suggests that the extreme right ideology has been an integral part of modern Greek political history because of its tradition of far-right dictatorships. The other view emphasizes the fact that the extreme right in Greece never actually existed simply because of the lack of a nationalist middle class. In effect, the emergence of Golden Dawn is simply an epiphenomenon of the economic crisis. At the same time, a broad new trend was adopted not only by the mass media but also -unfortunately– the academia in order to expand – by using false criteria - the political boundaries of the extreme right, to characterize as many parties as possible as extreme right. In any case, the years after the fall of the Greek junta (from 1974 until today) there are mainly two right-wing parties in the Greek political life: the “United Nationalist Movement” (ENEK in its Greek acronym), a fridge organisation acted during the mid 80’s and has ceased to exist, and the Golden Dawn, whose electoral success provoked an important political and social debate. -
Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus. -
The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967
Were the Eagle and the Phoenix Birds of a Feather? The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967 by Louis Klarevas Assistant Professor of Political Science City University of New York—College of Staten Island & Associate Fellow Hellenic Observatory—London School of Economics Discussion Paper No. 15 Hellenic Observatory-European Institute London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/hellenicObservatory February 2004 Author’s Note: The author wishes to thank the Hellenic Observatory of the London School of Economics for its generous support in the undertaking of this project. The author also wishes to thank Kevin Featherstone, Spyros Economides, and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou for comments on a previous draft. In the summer of 2004, Greece will host the Olympic Games. Americans attending the games and visiting traditional tourist stops in Athens are sure to be greeted with open arms. But for those who delve a bit further into the country-side seeking a taste of average Greek life, some are sure to hear some fascinating tales flavored with a strong hint of anti-Americanism. To many foreigners that visit Greece these days, it might seem like the cradle of democracy is also the cradle of conspiracy. Take these schemes, for example: (1) Orthodox Serbs, not Muslims, were the true victims of the slaughters in the Balkans during the 1990s—and the primary reason that NATO intervened was so that the United States could establish a military foothold there;1 (2) the U.S. Ambassador played a tacit role in the removal of the Secretary- General of Greece’s ruling political party;2 and (3) the attack on the World Trade Center was a joint Jewish-American conspiracy to justify a Western war against Muslims—with reports that no Jews died in the September 11 attacks.3 All of these perspectives have numerous subscribers in Greece. -
The Athens Polytechnic Uprising: Myth and Reality
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 8; August 2013 The Athens Polytechnic Uprising: Myth and Reality Marianthi Kotea Department of Sociology Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences Athens-Greece Abstract The following text investigates how specific urban places, such as buildings, squares or streets, become symbols of contestation of established order. It uses as study case the Athens Polytechnic uprising and focuses on how and why the main building of the National Technical University of Athens (Polytechnio) and the surrounding area at Exarchia became symbol of resistance against tyranny and foreign dependence. The investigation is concentrated on three topics: a) the meaning of the ritual which has been established by the celebration of the event over the years, b) the circumstances which allowed the historical event to become not only symbol of the struggle against dictatorship but also emblem for anarchism and for terrorism, c) the delayed recognition of the Greek people’s Resistance against dictatorship by the Parliament. The outcome of the investigation is that the polytechnic uprising was established as symbol of resistance by the entire Greek Left, though socialists, communists and anarchists don’t share the same visions. Eventually the event was established as a national holiday by the Greek Parliament after a 26-year-delay, that is in 1999 26th August. At that time the left ideology was a spent force for the majority of Youth, which didn’t threaten the economic and social status quo any more. Nowadays unfortunately the visions of the polytechnic uprising for freedom, democracy, national independence, progress and social justice seem to be the solution of current crisis… Keywords: revolutionary place-making, urban space, riots, political changeover, symbol of resistance, Exharhia, anarchism, terrorism, memory politics, commemoration festivities, national holiday 1. -
Makarios and Greek Cypriot Nationalism (1967-1974)
This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights and duplication or sale of all or part is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for research, private study, criticism/review or educational purposes. Electronic or print copies are for your own personal, non- commercial use and shall not be passed to any other individual. No quotation may be published without proper acknowledgement. For any other use, or to quote extensively from the work, permission must be obtained from the copyright holder/s. National identity and elite interests: Makarios and Greek Cypriot nationalism (1967-1974) Sevki Kiralp PHD Keele University June 2014 With my deepest respect to Ekrem, Hasan, Ahmet and all the other victims of the Cyprus tragedy, I dedicate this thesis to my dear parents Leyla Kiralp and Mustafa Kiralp. i Declaration Part 1. To be bound in the thesis SUBMISSION OF THESIS FOR A RESEARCH DEGREE Part I. DECLARATION by the candidate for a research degree. To be bound in the thesis Degree for which thesis being submitted PHD Title of thesis National identity and elite interests: Makarios and Greek Cypriot nationalism (1967-1974) This thesis contains confidential information and is subject to the protocol set down for the submission and examination of such a thesis. NO Date of submission Original registration date 3 June 2014 27 September 2010 Name of candidate Sevki Kiralp Research Institute Name of Lead Supervisor Law, Politics and Justice Lorna Lloyd I certify that: (a) The thesis being submitted for examination is my own account of my own research (b) My research has been conducted ethically. -
How Has the Phenomenon of Revolutionary Groups Been Resilient in Greece? a Relational Study of Two Contentious Episodes (1965 – 2002)
How Has the Phenomenon of Revolutionary Groups Been Resilient in Greece? A Relational Study of Two Contentious Episodes (1965 – 2002) Sotirios Karampampas Department of Politics University of Sheffield A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2017 Acknowledgements If life is a journey, then PhD is a remote island in a wild ocean. It is a solitary trip in yourself and the great world that stands beside you ready to be discovered. This trip would have been, though, impossible without the help and active support of a number of people that deserve to be named as the least sign of gratitude. First, I want to thank my supervisors, Prof. Maria Grasso, Dr Liza Stampnitzky and Dr Rhiannon Vickers. Maria has been a great inspiration throughout the process, as through her advice, guidance and comments contributed significantly to this work. Besides, through her general attitude and mentality made me want to become better as a researcher and academic. Lisa was there in the final stages of the PhD, providing highly-appreciated feedback and helping me to (re)gain a macro-level perspective to the whole project. Finally, Rhiannon provided great feedback and support during the first two crucial years of this project. Thank you all for the great support. I also want to thank those that helped with all their “paddling” to keep me and this project afloat. A big thanks, then, (in order of appearance…) to Martha, Hisham, Giannis, Dimitris and Andreas that managed to make my life in Sheffield easier. A huge thanks goes to my family: my mother, my father and my sister that believed in me, even in times – especially for those – that I did not. -
United Nations Bluebook August 2018 Nº 307/Rev.5
ST/PLS/SER.A/307/Rev.5 Protocol and Liaison Service Permanent Missions to the United Nations Nº 307/Rev.5 August 2018 United Nations, New York Note: This publication is prepared by the Protocol and Liaison Service for information purposes only. The listings relating to the permanent missions are based on information communicated to the Protocol and Liaison Service by the permanent missions, and their publication is intended for the use of delegations and the Secretariat. They do not include all diplomatic and administrative staff exercising official functions in connection with the United Nations. Further information concerning names of members of permanent missions entitled to diplomatic privileges and immunities and other mission members registered with the United Nations can be obtained from: Protocol and Liaison Service Room S-0209 United Nations New York, NY, 10017 Telephone: 212-963-2938 Telefax: 212-963-1921 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://protocol.un.org All changes and additions to this publication should be communicated to the above Service © 2018 United Nations Language: English United Nations Protocol and Liaison Service Address: Protocol and Liaison Service of the United Nations 405 East 42nd Street, Room S-0201 New York, NY 10017 Telephone: 212-963-7170, 212-963-7171 (General) 212-963-7181 (Accreditation) Telefax: 212-963-1921 E-mail: [email protected] Website: protocol.un.org 212-963-7175 Mr. Peter Van Laere [email protected] Chief of Protocol 917-367-4320 Ms. Nicole Bresson-Ondieki [email protected] Deputy Chief of Protocol 212-963-0720 Ms. Pilar Fuentes-Conte [email protected] Senior Protocol Officer 212-963-7177 Mr. -
Militarism in Post-2003 Cyprus 160
A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details i Nationalism, Militarism and Masculinity in post-2003 Cyprus Stratis Andreas Efthymiou Doctor of Philosophy University of Sussex April – 2014 ii For Andreas and Angelos Toumazou i Acknowledgments There are many people I would like to thank, and decided to not select some of them, as I have been fortunate to have many lovely companions in this academic, but above all personal, journey. I would like to wholeheartedly thank Katie Clerides who has several times read my work and who has warmly encouraged me throughout this academic journey, always showing much belief in my abilities and potentials, from undergraduate to present day. My special appreciation and thanks to Prof. Maria Hadjipavlou who has opened up the space of research on gender in Cyprus and has, from the beginning of my undergraduate to the completion of my PhD, patiently guided and supported me through this journey. I would like to thank Prof. Gillian Bendelow who strongly encouraged me, especially in doing a PhD. -
'The Junta Came to Power by the Force of Arms, and Will
07 Voglis CASH 8.4:02Jackson 27/7/11 11:29 Page 549 ‘THE JUNTA CAME TO POWER BY THE FORCE OF ARMS, AND WILL ONLY GO BY FORCE OF ARMS’ POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE VOICE OF THE OPPOSITION TO THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP IN GREECE, 1967–74 Polymeris Voglis Department of History, Archaeology and Social Anthropology, University of Thessaly ABSTRACT This article addresses the question of political violence and focuses on armed ’ opposition groups during the military dictatorship in Greece (1967– 74). It examines the diverse s m r ideas about the use of violence among the opposition circles in Greece and abroad in order to A f place the political violence in its specific historical context and highlight their differences from o e c their Western European counterparts. Also , using interviews of activists from several opposition r o F groups , the article discusses how they frame their experience from the 1960s and lend y legitimacy to their past actions. b o G y l Keywords: 1968, demonstrations, army, political violence, oral history n O l l i W d In the early hours of 21 April 1967 unfamiliar noises woke up the people in the cities. n a , It was the sound of military trucks and tanks in the streets and then the sound of s m r military marches on the radio. A voice on the radio announced that the army had taken A f o over power to save the Greek nation from demagogues and subversives. The coup of e c r Colonel Georgios Papadopoulos on 21 April 1967 came as a shock, just a few weeks o F e before the elections that, according to all predictions , the Centre Union (Enosis h t y Kentrou) would have won. -
Leonidas Kallivretakis
GREEK–AMERICAN RELATIONS IN THE YOM KIPPUR WAR CONCURRENCE* Leonidas Kallivretakis Abstract: This article suggests that there is no hard evidence supporting the conspiracy theory that Georgios Papadopoulos’ dictatorial regime was overthrown by the United States in 1973, because the Greek junta leader refused to assist their supply effort in support of Israel during the Yom Kippur War. The purpose of this article is to explore a widely held “urban legend”: namely, that the Americans overthrew the Georgios Papadopoulos Greek military regime in November 1973, because the junta leader refused to assist the US supply effort in support of Israel during the October 1973 Yom Kippur War. This scenario takes as a given that the Dimitrios Ioannidis coup of November 25, 1973 issued from, or in any case was supported by the Americans (and perhaps the “Jews”)1 and, moreover of course, that the Polytechnic uprising a few days earlier was a provocation planned by the same forces, creating the political conditions and necessary climate for the overthrow of Papadopoulos by Ioannidis. This theory holds a prominent position in the wider realm of popular conspiracy theories, which are fond of using simplistic explanations to interpret complicated, dramatic events. One can cite a number of sources that advance or adopt this theory.2 * A Greek version of this article was published in Μνήμων 33 (2013-2014), pp. 207-231. 1 G. A. Michalopoulos, Η προδοσία της 24 Νοεμβρίου 1973 [The treason of 24 November 1973], Athens n.d., p. 47; cf. Sefi Anastasakos, Θύελλα στην Αθήνα [Storm in Athens], Athens 1974, p. -
Golden Dawn (Chrysi Avgi)
Name: Golden Dawn (Chrysi Avgi) Type of organization: ● political organization ● political party1 Type of ideology: ● neo-fascist ● neo-Nazi ● ultra-nationalist Place of Origin: Greece Year of Origin: 1985 Founder: Nikolaos Michaloliakos Place(s) of Operation: Greece. Apart from Athens, where Golden Dawn started, the group operates offices in several other large Greek cities, including Thessaloniki, Piraeus, Kalamata, Trikala, Volos, and Korinthos, and has “core groups” in several other towns. Executive summary 1 Golden Dawn started its expansion into Germany, the United States, Australia, and Canada in the spring of 2013. Following the Greek example, an Italian Dawn (Alba Dorata) was founded in November 2012. See Helen Smith, “Greece’s neo-Nazi Golden Dawn goes global with political ambitions,” Guardian, April 1, 2013, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/apr/01/greece-golden-dawn-global-ambitions; Alfio Bernabei, “Golden Dawn links with Italian fascists,” Searchlight, January 28, 2014, http://www.searchlightmagazine.com/archive/golden-dawn-links-with-italian-fascists. 1 Golden Dawn is a neo-Nazi party that has risen from a marginal role in Greek politics to become the third-largest political force in Greece in the wake of the 2008-09 global financial crisis and the subsequent implementation of severe austerity measures in Greece. Golden Dawn does not limit its extremism to rhetoric, however—party members have been involved in hundreds of acts of violence against immigrants and leftists across Greece. Currently, the Greek government is cracking down on Golden Dawn by using criminal investigations and prosecutions of key party leaders to curtail the party’s activities and funding.