Leonidas Kallivretakis
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Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation. -
Machine : the Political Origins of the Greek Debt During Metapolitefsi
This is a repository copy of Fuelling the (party) machine : the political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/171742/ Version: Published Version Monograph: Kammas, P., Poulima, M. and Sarantides, V. orcid.org/0000-0001-9096-4505 (2021) Fuelling the (party) machine : the political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi. Working Paper. Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series, 2021002 (2021002). Department of Economics, University of Sheffield ISSN 1749-8368 © 2021 The Author(s). For reuse permissions, please contact the Author(s). Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Department Of Economics Fuelling the (party) machine: The political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi Pantelis Kammas, Maria Poulima and Vassilis Sarantides Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series SERPS no. 2021002 ISSN 1749-8368 February 2021 Fuelling the (party) machine: The political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi Pantelis Kammasa, Maria Poulimab and Vassilis Sarantidesc a Athens University of Economics and Business, Patission 76, Athens 10434, Greece. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
Metapolitefsi: from the Transition to Democracy to the Economic Crisis
BULLETIN The conference on “Metapolitefsi: From the Transition to Democracy to the Economic Cri- Metapolitefsi: sis”, organised by Historein in collaboration with the Free University of Berlin and held in From the Transition Athens on 14–16 December 2012, sought to offer a first systematic account of the histor- to Democracy to the ical period from the fall of the Greek military dictatorship (1974) to the recent economic cri- Economic Crisis, sis. This postauthoritarian period in Greek pol- itics and society is frequently referred to as the Athens, 14–16 metapolitefsi. December 2012 The term metapolitefsi has often been used to describe the moment of the collapse of the mili- tary junta and the transition to a new democrat- ic era. It has also lent its name to an overarch- ing social and political constellation. To that end, the historisation of the metapolitefsi seeks to lay bare the foundations of this new period while keeping a distance from the dismissive or ide- alising uses of the term in current political dis- course. Such an endeavour purports to uncov- er the ideological premises of current accounts that blame “the culture of the metapolitefsi” for all the ills of the Greek body politic. Georgios Giannakopoulos Historein’s open call for papers was welcomed Queen Mary, University of London by a great number of young Greek scholars working on different areas of the humanities and social sciences. The bulk of the papers re- volved around questions of political, cultur- al and intellectual history, the history of insti- tutions and the study of collective action and contentious politics. -
Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece Lymouris, Nikolaos November 2013 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/106463/ MPRA Paper No. 106463, posted 08 Mar 2021 07:42 UTC Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece Dr Nikolaos Lymouris London School of Economics - Introduction There is an ongoing controversy as to whether extreme right has been a longstanding political phenomenon in Greece or whether it is associated with the ongoing economic crisis. The first view suggests that the extreme right ideology has been an integral part of modern Greek political history because of its tradition of far-right dictatorships. The other view emphasizes the fact that the extreme right in Greece never actually existed simply because of the lack of a nationalist middle class. In effect, the emergence of Golden Dawn is simply an epiphenomenon of the economic crisis. At the same time, a broad new trend was adopted not only by the mass media but also -unfortunately– the academia in order to expand – by using false criteria - the political boundaries of the extreme right, to characterize as many parties as possible as extreme right. In any case, the years after the fall of the Greek junta (from 1974 until today) there are mainly two right-wing parties in the Greek political life: the “United Nationalist Movement” (ENEK in its Greek acronym), a fridge organisation acted during the mid 80’s and has ceased to exist, and the Golden Dawn, whose electoral success provoked an important political and social debate. -
Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus. -
Canada's Greek Moment: Transnational Politics, Activists, and Spies During
CANADA’S GREEK MOMENT: TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS, ACTIVISTS, AND SPIES DURING THE LONG SIXTIES CHRISTOPHER GRAFOS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO DECEMBER 2016 © CHRISTOPHER GRAFOS, 2016 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines Greek immigrant homeland politics during the period of Greece’s military dictatorship, 1967 to 1974, in Toronto and Montreal. It carefully considers the internal dynamics of anti-junta activism in Canada’s Greek populations, but it also contemplates the meanings of external perceptions, particularly from the Canadian state and Canadian public discourse. The study acknowledges the dominant paradigm of Greek immigrants as unskilled workers, however, it demonstrates that this archetype is not monolithic. In many ways, it is challenged by a small number of Greeks who possessed skills to write letters to politicians, create petitions, organize public rallies, and politically mobilize others. At the same time, this dissertation carefully considers Canada’s social and political environment and shows how uniquely Canadian politics ran parallel to and informed Greek homeland politics. Transnationalism is used as an analytical tool, which challenges the meaning of local/national borders and the perception that they are sealed containers. The main argument expressed here is that environments shape movements and migrant political culture does not develop in a vacuum. Each chapter deals with specific nuances of anti-junta activism in Toronto and Montreal. Chapter One examines the organized voices of the Greek community’s anti-dictatorship movement. The chapter’s latter section looks at how the Panhellenic Liberation Movement (PAK), led by Andreas Papandreou, consolidated itself as the main mouthpiece against Greece’s authoritarian regime. -
We Are an Image from the Future': Reading Back the Athens 2008 Riots
Acta Scientiarum http://www.uem.br/acta ISSN printed: 2178-5198 ISSN on-line: 2178-5201 Doi: 10.4025/actascieduc.v39i2.34851 We are an image from the future’: Reading back the Athens 2008 riots Rosa Vasilaki The Hellenic Observatory, London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT. On the 6th of December 2008, a police officer shot dead a teenager in Exarcheia, a central area in Athens. Within hours, the reactions turned into riots spreading across Athens. The Athens 2008 riots marked the beginning of the end of the years of affluence in Greece, which culminated symbolically with the 2004 Olympic Games. This paper proposes to read the December 2008 events back and ask to what extent these riots – symbolised by a graffiti on a wall in Athens saying ‘we are an image from the future’ - were a harbinger of the Greek crisis and of the generalised civil unrest which ensued and peaked between 2010-2012. With police data claiming that over 26,000 demonstrations have taken place across Greece since the December 2008 riots, civil unrest seems to have become endemic in the country, symptomatic of a crisis that is not only economic and social, but also political in the sense of the crisis of legitimacy of the State, its representatives and its institutions. Keywords: state, Greece, Athens 2008, riots. ‘Somos uma imagem do futuro’: uma interpretação dos atentados de Atenas em 2008 RESUMO. No dia 6 de dezembro de 2008, um policial matou um adolescente em Exarcheia, uma área central em Atenas. -
Redalyc.We Are an Image from the Future': Reading Back the Athens 2008 Riots
Acta Scientiarum. Education ISSN: 2178-5198 [email protected] Universidade Estadual de Maringá Brasil Vasilaki, Rosa We are an image from the future’: Reading back the Athens 2008 riots Acta Scientiarum. Education, vol. 39, núm. 2, abril-junio, 2017, pp. 153-161 Universidade Estadual de Maringá Maringá, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=303350428005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Acta Scientiarum http://www.uem.br/acta ISSN printed: 2178-5198 ISSN on-line: 2178-5201 Doi: 10.4025/actascieduc.v39i2.34851 We are an image from the future’: Reading back the Athens 2008 riots Rosa Vasilaki The Hellenic Observatory, London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT. On the 6th of December 2008, a police officer shot dead a teenager in Exarcheia, a central area in Athens. Within hours, the reactions turned into riots spreading across Athens. The Athens 2008 riots marked the beginning of the end of the years of affluence in Greece, which culminated symbolically with the 2004 Olympic Games. This paper proposes to read the December 2008 events back and ask to what extent these riots – symbolised by a graffiti on a wall in Athens saying ‘we are an image from the future’ - were a harbinger of the Greek crisis and of the generalised civil unrest which ensued and peaked between 2010-2012. -
The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967
Were the Eagle and the Phoenix Birds of a Feather? The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967 by Louis Klarevas Assistant Professor of Political Science City University of New York—College of Staten Island & Associate Fellow Hellenic Observatory—London School of Economics Discussion Paper No. 15 Hellenic Observatory-European Institute London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/hellenicObservatory February 2004 Author’s Note: The author wishes to thank the Hellenic Observatory of the London School of Economics for its generous support in the undertaking of this project. The author also wishes to thank Kevin Featherstone, Spyros Economides, and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou for comments on a previous draft. In the summer of 2004, Greece will host the Olympic Games. Americans attending the games and visiting traditional tourist stops in Athens are sure to be greeted with open arms. But for those who delve a bit further into the country-side seeking a taste of average Greek life, some are sure to hear some fascinating tales flavored with a strong hint of anti-Americanism. To many foreigners that visit Greece these days, it might seem like the cradle of democracy is also the cradle of conspiracy. Take these schemes, for example: (1) Orthodox Serbs, not Muslims, were the true victims of the slaughters in the Balkans during the 1990s—and the primary reason that NATO intervened was so that the United States could establish a military foothold there;1 (2) the U.S. Ambassador played a tacit role in the removal of the Secretary- General of Greece’s ruling political party;2 and (3) the attack on the World Trade Center was a joint Jewish-American conspiracy to justify a Western war against Muslims—with reports that no Jews died in the September 11 attacks.3 All of these perspectives have numerous subscribers in Greece. -
The Athens Polytechnic Uprising: Myth and Reality
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 8; August 2013 The Athens Polytechnic Uprising: Myth and Reality Marianthi Kotea Department of Sociology Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences Athens-Greece Abstract The following text investigates how specific urban places, such as buildings, squares or streets, become symbols of contestation of established order. It uses as study case the Athens Polytechnic uprising and focuses on how and why the main building of the National Technical University of Athens (Polytechnio) and the surrounding area at Exarchia became symbol of resistance against tyranny and foreign dependence. The investigation is concentrated on three topics: a) the meaning of the ritual which has been established by the celebration of the event over the years, b) the circumstances which allowed the historical event to become not only symbol of the struggle against dictatorship but also emblem for anarchism and for terrorism, c) the delayed recognition of the Greek people’s Resistance against dictatorship by the Parliament. The outcome of the investigation is that the polytechnic uprising was established as symbol of resistance by the entire Greek Left, though socialists, communists and anarchists don’t share the same visions. Eventually the event was established as a national holiday by the Greek Parliament after a 26-year-delay, that is in 1999 26th August. At that time the left ideology was a spent force for the majority of Youth, which didn’t threaten the economic and social status quo any more. Nowadays unfortunately the visions of the polytechnic uprising for freedom, democracy, national independence, progress and social justice seem to be the solution of current crisis… Keywords: revolutionary place-making, urban space, riots, political changeover, symbol of resistance, Exharhia, anarchism, terrorism, memory politics, commemoration festivities, national holiday 1. -
Technocratic Governments: Power, Expertise and Crisis Politics in European Democracies
The London School of Economics and Political Science Technocratic Governments: Power, Expertise and Crisis Politics in European Democracies Giulia Pastorella A thesis submitted to the European Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, February 2016 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 86852 words, excluding bibliography, appendix and annexes. Statement of joint work Chapter 3 is based on a paper co-authored with Christopher Wratil. I contributed 50% of this work. 2 Acknowledgements This doctoral thesis would have not been possible without the expert guidance of my two supervisors, Professor Sara Hobolt and Doctor Jonathan White. Each in their own way, they have been essential to the making of the thesis and my growth as an academic and as an individual. I would also like to thank the Economic and Social Research Council for their generous financial support of my doctoral studies through their scholarship.