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The Ancient Order of Hibernians and the Irish Parliamentary Party, 1902-14 Author(S): Fergal Mccluskey Source: History Ireland, Vol

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The Ancient Order of Hibernians and the Irish Parliamentary Party, 1902-14 Author(S): Fergal Mccluskey Source: History Ireland, Vol 'MAKE WAY FOR THE MOLLY MAGUIRES!' The Ancient Order of Hibernians and the Irish Parliamentary Party, 1902-14 Author(s): Fergal McCluskey Source: History Ireland, Vol. 20, No. 1 (January/February 2012), pp. 32-36 Published by: Wordwell Ltd. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41331443 Accessed: 31-12-2019 18:30 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Wordwell Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to History Ireland This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms appeared to herald a new era, with the In appeared Irish Irish Parliamentary April Parliamentary Party (IPP) 1912 poised to heraldto the third Party a new Home (IPP) era, poised with Rule the bill to reap the harvest of a generation of constitutional agitation. Chief among their number was Belfast's Joe Devlin and, at his back, what Devlin himself described as 'a Catholic organisation with a membership of nearly one hundred thousand' - the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) Board of Erin. Both nationalist and unionist opponents For those loyal to the national cause, Home Rule constituted the Promised Land; for those outside the party fold, the prospects appeared far less enticing, however. Undoubtedly, the Hib bogeyman lurked prominently in the nether regions of the unionist psyche. At Edward Carson's mass rally in Omagh in December 1911, Andrew Horner, MP for South Tyrone, warned that although the main IPP adjunct, the United Irish League, might disappear under a Dublin parliament, ' a far more dangerous force would dominate the future of Irish politics - the Ancient Order of Hibernians - a bitterly sectarian and secret society with a long dark and cruel history. Its avowed objects were complete separation, and, as a means to that end, the expulsion of all Unionists - the British garrison - from the country.' Nonetheless, opprobrium for all things Hibernian was never a wholly unionist preserve. William O'Brien MP, arch- conciliator and leader of the Cork-based All-for-Ireland League, depicted the IPP as the victim of a Hibernian 'Frankenstein of their own raising which in Ireland passes by the name of "Molly Maguire"'. In 1909, delivering an address at confirmation in Carrickmore, Co. Tyrone, Cardinal Michael Logue described the order as 'a pest, a cruel tyranny, and an organised system of blackguardism'. Not only was 'drinking and dancing till the small hours of the morning' taking place in Hibernian halls, but local Hibernians 'endeavoured to compel others to join the order by means of boycotting, threatening . waylaying and beating persons who did not join'. Left: joe Devlin (inset) and as commemorated on an AOH collarette. The coming man of constitutional nationalism, he described the AOH as 'a Catholic organisation with a membership of nearly one hundred thousand', (seanfderry-studenna) History IRELAND January/February 2012 This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Joe Devlin and Belfast Hibernianism Right: William O'Brien MP, arch- The real point of departure emerged conciliator and leader of the with the movement's adoption by the Cork-based All-for-lreland League, coming man of constitutional depicted the IPP as the victim of a nationalism, Joe Devlin. Belfast Hibernian 'Frankenstein of their own Hibernianism demonstrated the raising which in Ireland passes by the evolution of a rural lower-class network name of "Molly Maguire'". within a religiously polarised urban environment. The Catholic migrants who flooded into the city's expanding labour market from the middle of the nineteenth century carried with them The decade before the Home Rule their cultural and political baggage, crisisif also witnessed a struggle for very little else. In these circumstances, control of northern Hibernianism Devlin harnessed the Hibernians' between Devlin and the Irish potential for mobilisation to thwartRepublican Brotherhood (IRB), which and then defeat Bishop Henry's beganclerical in earnest when the American dominance of nationalist politics and in Irish the orders united in 1902. The city. In essence, Devlin built his previous early March, Devlin had visited career on routing Henry's Catholic America to secure funding for the Association, taking control of the United Irish League. He would visit Healyite Irish News in the process. America again in 1903, and the order's Devlin's platform oratory not only massive power and electoral influence immediate local concern. Here, he earned him the nickname 'Pocket along the eastern seaboard, especially replicated the American model by Demosthenes' but also, with its fusion in the machine politics of the employing the Ribbonmen in machine of militant popular nationalism, American Democratic Party, impressed politics, eventually routing adversaries democratic shibboleths and working- the West Belfast ward boss. at the local government elections. class welfarism, virtually guaranteed Devlin had several intentions in Secondly, Hibernianism's social IPP dominance over nationalist Belfast assuming control. The dispute with network the offered an important outlet for for a political generation. Catholic Association embodied his grassroots mobilisation as dividends from the land issue receded. The 1903 Wyndham Act undermined land's AO H roots in rural Ulster centrality to the national question and coincided neatly with Devlin's Across a broad spectrum, from affronted ecclesiastic to paranoid loyalist, a appropriation of the AOH. Perhaps considerable 'rap-sheet' mounted up against the AOH. The Ribbonmen (as more importantly, his dual they were also known) stood charged with sectarianism, violent suppression appointments as UIL national secretary of political opponents, undue influence on the IPP machine and an ultimately and Board of Erin president brought separatist outlook. Nevertheless, behind this criticism lay the near-universal significant political power, reflected in opinion that the Hibernians stood to inherit the earth in the wake of Home John Redmond's claim that Devlin was Rule. It is possible to trace much of this criticism back to the order's roots in 'the real Chief Secretary of Ireland'. rural Ulster. In a typical piece of early twentieth-century anachronism, the Although Redmond occupied the Hibernians' official history drew a line of succession from Rory Óg O'More's position of nominal League president, exploits against the Tudor conquest through to the agrarian secret societies of real influence rested with the secretary, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Hibernianism emerged most forcibly appointed by the standing committee, at the turn of the twentieth century in rural south-west Ulster, amongst a a body more or less controlled by subclass of Catholic small tenants and labourers in Armagh, Tyrone, Devlin's mentor, John Dillon. Devlin Monaghan and south Derry. The Hibs espoused a blend of strident Irish clearly employed his position as League nationalism, a stout defence of local Catholic interests and a tacit secretary to pack conventions and often acknowledgement of the emerging Irish language and sporting revival. It was refused to affiliate hostile branches. the Ribbonmen's clandestine organisation of oaths and passwords, however, Although coloured by his own allied to the often-violent enforcement of social conformity, which provoked treatment by Hibernians at the widespread denunciation when the order emerged as a national force. The infamous 'baton' convention of 9 tone of a great deal of Hibernian mobilisation emerges from the arrest of an February 1909, it is difficult to ordinary Board of Erin member in the order's Tyrone heartland: challenge William O'Brien's assessment that Devlin's Board of Erin 'Current signs and passwords were found in the possession of John Kerr, farmer, Rock . when arrested for drunkenness on 23rd 'was soon enabled to spread its December 05, as well as a revolver with two discharged cartridges network of lodges all over Ulster in the chamber. This man is a bad character and in processions in and over the greater part of which he has taken part hitherto revolver shots have been fired.' Connaught, as well as to meet the branches of the United Irish League History IRELAND January/February 2012 33 This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Left: Cardinal Michael Logue by Sir john Lavery - in 1909, delivering an address at confirmation in Carrickmore, Co. Tyrone, he described the order as 'a pest, a cruel tyranny, and an organised system of blackguardism'. (Felix Rosensteil's Widow & Son Ltd) this the hostility of the Roman Catholic clergymen to the AOH owing to its secret character'. While republican involvement in the American AOH thwarted his transatlantic designs, over the next two years Devlin steered the domestic movement on a constitutional course, jettisoning the Fenian dead wood that refused to accept the new dispensation but maintaining the strident militant rhetoric that kept the expanding grass roots in his thrall. The ideological basis of Hibernianism took shape during this two-year period, wherein a newfound political respectability coexisted with the lingering vestiges of visceral Ribbonism. Popular support rested on the Hibernian self-image as an 'uprising of democracy' against the twin evils of Orange and Tory discrimination and the professional and clerical monopoly of nationalist politics. Nonetheless, at the 1905 St Patrick's Day Hibernian demonstration at Drumullan, Co.
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