'MAKE WAY FOR THE MOLLY MAGUIRES!' The Ancient Order of Hibernians and the Irish Parliamentary Party, 1902-14 Author(s): Fergal McCluskey Source: History , Vol. 20, No. 1 (January/February 2012), pp. 32-36 Published by: Wordwell Ltd. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41331443 Accessed: 31-12-2019 18:30 UTC

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This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms appeared to herald a new era, with the In appeared Irish Irish Parliamentary April Parliamentary Party (IPP) 1912 poised to heraldto the third Party a new Home (IPP) era, poised with Rule the bill to reap the harvest of a generation of constitutional agitation. Chief among their number was 's Joe Devlin and, at his back, what Devlin himself described as 'a Catholic organisation with a membership of nearly one hundred thousand' - the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) Board of Erin.

Both nationalist and unionist opponents For those loyal to the national cause, Home Rule constituted the Promised Land; for those outside the party fold, the prospects appeared far less enticing, however. Undoubtedly, the Hib bogeyman lurked prominently in the nether regions of the unionist psyche. At Edward Carson's mass rally in Omagh in December 1911, Andrew Horner, MP for South Tyrone, warned that although the main IPP adjunct, the United Irish League, might disappear under a parliament,

' a far more dangerous force would dominate the future of Irish politics - the Ancient Order of Hibernians - a bitterly sectarian and secret society with a long dark and cruel history. Its avowed objects were complete separation, and, as a means to that end, the expulsion of all Unionists - the British garrison - from the country.'

Nonetheless, opprobrium for all things Hibernian was never a wholly unionist preserve. William O'Brien MP, arch- conciliator and leader of the Cork-based All-for-Ireland League, depicted the IPP as the victim of a Hibernian 'Frankenstein of their own raising which in Ireland passes by the name of "Molly Maguire"'. In 1909, delivering an address at confirmation in Carrickmore, Co. Tyrone, Cardinal Michael Logue described the order as 'a pest, a cruel tyranny, and an organised system of blackguardism'. Not only was 'drinking and dancing till the small hours of the morning' taking place in Hibernian halls, but local Hibernians 'endeavoured to compel others to join the order by means of boycotting, threatening . . . waylaying and beating persons who did not join'.

Left: joe Devlin (inset) and as commemorated on an AOH collarette. The coming man of constitutional nationalism, he described the AOH as 'a Catholic organisation with a membership of nearly one hundred thousand', (seanfderry-studenna)

History IRELAND January/February 2012

This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Joe Devlin and Belfast Hibernianism Right: William O'Brien MP, arch- The real point of departure emerged conciliator and leader of the with the movement's adoption by the Cork-based All-for-lreland League, coming man of constitutional depicted the IPP as the victim of a nationalism, Joe Devlin. Belfast Hibernian 'Frankenstein of their own Hibernianism demonstrated the raising which in Ireland passes by the evolution of a rural lower-class network name of "Molly Maguire'". within a religiously polarised urban environment. The Catholic migrants who flooded into the city's expanding labour market from the middle of the nineteenth century carried with them The decade before the Home Rule their cultural and political baggage, crisisif also witnessed a struggle for very little else. In these circumstances, control of northern Hibernianism Devlin harnessed the Hibernians' between Devlin and the Irish potential for mobilisation to thwartRepublican Brotherhood (IRB), which and then defeat Bishop Henry's beganclerical in earnest when the American dominance of nationalist politics and in Irish the orders united in 1902. The city. In essence, Devlin built his previous early March, Devlin had visited career on routing Henry's Catholic America to secure funding for the Association, taking control of the United Irish League. He would visit Healyite Irish News in the process. America again in 1903, and the order's Devlin's platform oratory not only massive power and electoral influence immediate local concern. Here, he earned him the nickname 'Pocket along the eastern seaboard, especially replicated the American model by Demosthenes' but also, with its fusion in the machine politics of the employing the Ribbonmen in machine of militant popular nationalism, American Democratic Party, impressed politics, eventually routing adversaries democratic shibboleths and working- the West Belfast ward boss. at the local government elections. class welfarism, virtually guaranteed Devlin had several intentions in Secondly, Hibernianism's social IPP dominance over nationalist Belfast assuming control. The dispute with network the offered an important outlet for for a political generation. Catholic Association embodied his grassroots mobilisation as dividends from the land issue receded. The 1903 Wyndham Act undermined land's AO H roots in rural centrality to the national question and coincided neatly with Devlin's Across a broad spectrum, from affronted ecclesiastic to paranoid loyalist, a appropriation of the AOH. Perhaps considerable 'rap-sheet' mounted up against the AOH. The Ribbonmen (as more importantly, his dual they were also known) stood charged with sectarianism, violent suppression appointments as UIL national secretary of political opponents, undue influence on the IPP machine and an ultimately and Board of Erin president brought separatist outlook. Nevertheless, behind this criticism lay the near-universal significant political power, reflected in opinion that the Hibernians stood to inherit the earth in the wake of Home 's claim that Devlin was Rule. It is possible to trace much of this criticism back to the order's roots in 'the real Chief Secretary of Ireland'. rural Ulster. In a typical piece of early twentieth-century anachronism, the Although Redmond occupied the Hibernians' official history drew a line of succession from Rory Óg O'More's position of nominal League president, exploits against the Tudor conquest through to the agrarian secret societies of real influence rested with the secretary, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Hibernianism emerged most forcibly appointed by the standing committee, at the turn of the twentieth century in rural south-west Ulster, amongst a a body more or less controlled by subclass of Catholic small tenants and labourers in Armagh, Tyrone, Devlin's mentor, . Devlin Monaghan and south Derry. The Hibs espoused a blend of strident Irish clearly employed his position as League nationalism, a stout defence of local Catholic interests and a tacit secretary to pack conventions and often acknowledgement of the emerging Irish language and sporting revival. It was refused to affiliate hostile branches. the Ribbonmen's clandestine organisation of oaths and passwords, however, Although coloured by his own allied to the often-violent enforcement of social conformity, which provoked treatment by Hibernians at the widespread denunciation when the order emerged as a national force. The infamous 'baton' convention of 9 tone of a great deal of Hibernian mobilisation emerges from the arrest of an February 1909, it is difficult to ordinary Board of Erin member in the order's Tyrone heartland: challenge William O'Brien's assessment that Devlin's Board of Erin 'Current signs and passwords were found in the possession of John Kerr, farmer, Rock . . . when arrested for drunkenness on 23rd 'was soon enabled to spread its December 05, as well as a revolver with two discharged cartridges network of lodges all over Ulster in the chamber. This man is a bad character and in processions in and over the greater part of which he has taken part hitherto revolver shots have been fired.' Connaught, as well as to meet the branches of the United Irish League

History IRELAND January/February 2012 33

This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Left: Cardinal Michael Logue by Sir john Lavery - in 1909, delivering an address at confirmation in Carrickmore, Co. Tyrone, he described the order as 'a pest, a cruel tyranny, and an organised system of blackguardism'. (Felix Rosensteil's Widow & Son Ltd)

this the hostility of the Roman Catholic clergymen to the AOH owing to its secret character'. While republican involvement in the American AOH thwarted his transatlantic designs, over the next two years Devlin steered the domestic movement on a constitutional course, jettisoning the Fenian dead wood that refused to accept the new dispensation but maintaining the strident militant rhetoric that kept the expanding grass roots in his thrall. The ideological basis of Hibernianism took shape during this two-year period, wherein a newfound political respectability coexisted with the lingering vestiges of visceral Ribbonism. Popular support rested on the Hibernian self-image as an 'uprising of democracy' against the twin evils of Orange and Tory discrimination and the professional and clerical monopoly of nationalist politics. Nonetheless, at the 1905 St Patrick's Day Hibernian demonstration at Drumullan, Co. Tyrone, the RIC commented that

on at least equal terms at the 'When equipped with comparative 'more respectable people appear to conventions for the selection of freedom, home rule, then would be have attended than in former years. parliamentary candidates, and time for those who think we should The placard posted up announcing eventually acquired an actual destroy the last link that binds us to the meeting said it would be a majority of the standing committee England to operate by whatever combined meeting of the AOH and who controlled the organisation and means they think best to achieve that UIL and it was addressed by two funds of the United Irish League'. great and desirable end. I am quite officials of the latter.' sure I speak for the United Irish Thirdly, and more speculatively, Devlin League on this matter.' In the same report, the county sought to exploit the union of American inspector noted the recent and Irish orders to boost ailing party Irish AOH becomes more establishment of nine GAA clubs in funds and strengthen constitutionalism constitutional Tyrone. The report covered the main in America. Owing to the significant This ambiguity gradually cleared in aspects of the developing Board of Erin Fenian Clan na Gael element in the 1905-6, as it became apparent that agenda: a in middle-class and American AOH, early Hibernian Devlin was using the AOH for solely 'respectable' membership, coinciding ambivalence towards violence assisted constitutional purposes. In September with nominal take-over of the United Devlin's efforts. During his 1901 1904,fund- the RIC inspector general noted Irish League; the Board's support for raising mission, Devlin asked his theNew 'more cordial' relationship between the Irish-Ireland movement; and the York audience 'to give our movement the UIL a and the AOH 'in the North of calendar of nationalist and religious fair chance', despite the presence Ireland. of Several members of parliament demonstrations. What this idyllic 'many men in America who think have the recently joined the ranks.' Devlin picture of a patriotic, united and means which we are operating to-day organised . . . a convention in Belfast to cultural have fraternity ignored, however, are not sufficiently sharp and decisive'. the Ribbonmen registered as a 'benefit was Drumullan's location in 'loyalist Devlin continued: society, the object being to obviate territory'. by

34 History IRELAND January/February 2012

This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Expansion Over the next two years, with the shackles of clerical condemnation removed and the AOH securely under Devlinite control, the Board of Erin swelled to 80 divisions in Tyrone alone. Interestingly, Devlin took little notice of the previous Hibernian demand for democratic parliamentary selection from within the local order. , future lecturer in economics at the National University and First World War casualty, secured selection as the nationalist candidate for the East Tyrone parliamentary constituency in 1906, with the local IRB claiming that he was 'pitchforked' into the Hibernians to guarantee his election. The Hibernians represented formidable electoral foot- soldiers nonetheless; Kettle's election 'caused a very bitter feeling between the Orange and Nationalist parties' and a serious disturbance took place on 26 July 1906, when 'police on duty were also The 'baton' convention, February 1909 badly stoned and were compelled to charge dispersing the mobs'. Sustained Devlin's use of the AOH to enforce party discipline reached its zenith at the rioting took place at the Moy, with a 'baton' convention of 9 February 1 909, called to consider, or to enforce the police bayonet charge. A local nationalist acceptance of, Birrell's land bill. The main victim was William O'Brien, was shot and killed in Stewartstown ironically the founder of the UIL, opponent of the land bill and supporter of a during early electioneering, and л Coagh more conciliatory outlook towards unionists. O'Brien described how the UIL riot that August included numerous 'Molly Maguire' Convention refused him a hearing by means of revolver shots, with 'steel knuckles' in open usage. This tension permeated every 'one hundred and fifty "stewards" from Belfast . . . [who] arrived by aspect of communal life: Protestant special train and were marched in military order to the Mansion House workers threatened to strike because a . . . Two sack-fulls of policemen's batons had been already distributed Catholic employee carried Kettle's portrait to knots of "special constables" recruited for service within the hall at into a Cookstown factory. an honorarium of ten shillings apiece . . . The whole guillotine process Nevertheless, for the party leadership, was over within a minute, and Molly Maguire yelled her joy over the and Devlin in particular, the AOH's death ... of Free Speech with her thousand throats and the rattle of greatest utility was as an instrument of her thousand "hazels".' discipline. The AOH's growing role within nationalist politics coincided with Paul Bew argues that Hibernian opposition to William O'Brien emerged from the Liberals' landslide election victory in the Ulstermen's repugnance to O'Brien's toleration of unionism. O'Brien's 1906, a development that opened crime was not his conciliatory position, although this was the justification opportunity for advance after a given to the Hibernians. Rather, his offence was to challenge the authority of generation of Tory government. When the two johns and Joe. , the new Liberal chief Above: The 'baton' convention of the UIL, 9 February 1909, as depicted in the secretary, introduced the Irish Council O'Brienite/Healyite Irish Independent- 'An organised attempt was made by a bill on 9 May 1907, however, the limited band of rowdies and Ribbonmen, imported from Belfast and armed with devolution on offer fell far short of bludgeons, to prevent Mr O'Brien, Mr Tomas O'Donnell, and Father Clancey popular expectations. After initial from being heard at the Convention on Tuesday'. acceptance of the measure John Dillon rejected it, in large part owing to Devlin's influence, a decision ratified at the United Irish League national convention Populist instinct George's 1911 National Insurance Act. on 21 May. Interestingly, Devlin enlisted In the first decade of the twentieth The Hibernians became an approved 'four or five hundred' Hibernians 'to fill century, then, the AOH evolved societyfrom undera the act and the immense the hall' at a subsequent rally in Dublin's marginal, plebeian political network sums atin the order's disposal appeared to Mansion House. A dependency culture south-west Ulster to the major forceensure both its perpetual existence and therefore developed within the party within the ranks of the IPP, with its growing influence, with Devlin leadership, whereby, fulfilling his role membership as soaring from 5,000 in 1900himself estimating Hibernian political fixer, Devlin employed the to 64,000 in 1909. This figure membership at 100,000. This marked Ribbonmen to crush all 'factionist' mushroomed again when Devlin seized Devlin out from many within the party tendencies. opportunities presented by Lloyd leadership who viewed the Liberals'

History IRELAND January/February 2012 35

This content downloaded from 82.31.34.218 on Tue, 31 Dec 2019 18:30:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Right: Tom Kettle- future lecturer In economics at the National University and First World War casualty- secured selection as the nationalist candidate for the East Tyrone parliamentary constituency in 1906, with the local IRB claiming that he was 'pitchforked' into the Hibernians to guarantee his election. ( Ways of War , 1 91 7)

welfare programmes as a threat to the powerful vintners' lobby and new Catholic landed interest. Devlin relied heavily on the backing of the drinks trade. Nonetheless, he supported the 1909 'people's budget' and Insurance Act, as a means both of securing his lower- class northern base and of expanding the influence of the Board of Erin. Indeed, Devlin held relatively progressive stances on various labour issues. In essence, however, Hibernianism, or its Devlinite manifestation, relied primarily on a populist instinct common to many nationalist movements. There were two identifiable features * of this populist programme: an appeal to Catholic interests and staunch nationalism epitomised by the catch-cry of 'faith and fatherland', and the movement's consistent self-portrayal as a democratic upsurge capable of addressing the desires of all classes and creeds, with the important qualification that demands would not infringe on élite interests. Popular Hibernianism therefore contained an elementary class- consciousness, but class warfare represented anathema, as demonstrated by Hibernian opposition to Jim Larkin In essence, the AOH represented a particularly of the post-Insurance Act during the 1913 Lockout. Larkin himself vehicle for that fed on variety, found a home in the rising Sinn claimed that 'the men who were the sectarian nature of early twentieth- Féin movement, hi responsible for that strike and the century Irish politics. Its southward prolongation of it were J. D . Nugent [AOH expansion rested more on its efficacy F aser gal McCluskey teaches history at Coláiste national secretary] and the "scabs". He a patronage, brokerage and recreational Feirste and is a former IRCSSH fellow at would teach them, as the United association than on any prevailing NUI , Galway. Irishmen did in past times, that sectarianthey temper, however. These would have no sectarianism in this shallow roots of Hibernianism were ill Further reading: country'. Hibernian resistance to prepared for the convulsions that shook P. Bew, Conflict and conciliation in Ireland, organised labour raises important constitutionalism with the onset of the 1890-1910: Parnellites and radical ideological questions. Traces of Ulster crisis, the First World War and the agrarians (Oxford, 1987). Hibernianism were apparent in Eoin re-emergence of republicanism in theA.C. Hepburn, Catholic Belfast and O'Duffy's Blueshirts, and subsequent far- aftermath of the Easter Rising. In some nationalist Ireland in the era of Joe right populism represented a typically respects, the militant nationalism that Devlin , 1871-1934 (Oxford, 2008). Irish fusion of the international and underpinned Hibernian rhetoric failed F. McCluskey, Fenians and Ribbonmen: the native - with its antecedents in the to keep pace with the assimilative and development of republican politics in indigenous cross-class Catholic increasingly pro-imperial trajectory of east Tyrone , 1898-1918 (Manchester, nationalism of Hibernianism and its the IPP leadership, particularly after the 2011). contemporary relevance in Continental outbreak of the First World War, with W. O'Brien, An olive branch in Ireland fascism. the result that many former Hibernians, (London, 1910).

36 History IRELAND January/February 2012

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