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Rice, Bronze, and Chieftains —An Archaeology of Yayoi Ritual—

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Rice, Bronze, and Chieftains —An Archaeology of Yayoi Ritual— Japanese Journal of Religions Studies 1992 19/2-3 Rice, Bronze, and Chieftains —An Archaeology of Yayoi Ritual— Mark J. H udson The Yayoi 弥生 was the period in which agriculture came to form the basis of society in a laree part of the Japanese archipelago. It is often dated from 300 bc to ad 300，thoueh in parts of western Japan wet rice farming began a century or more earlier. The end of the Yayoi was marked by the appearance in the third century of kofun, standardized keyhole-shaped tomb mounds. Although there is disagreement over both the exact chronology of this transition and the difference between standardized and pre-standardized mounds, the majority of Japanese archaeologists now believe the Yayoi ended by about ad 250 in the west­ ern archipelago. Limitations of space make it impossible to present a general discussion of Yayoi culture here. A recent review can be found in H udson (1990), but the reader should be aware that many areas of debate still remain. One such problem is the degree of continental immigration into Yayoi Japan —something that has obvious consequences for our understand­ ing of ritual continuities with the Jomon. The Yayoi is partially proto- historic, since the Eastern Han and Wei dynastic histories (Hou H an shu 後漢書 and Wei zhi 魏志〉contain short descriptions of the Wa 倭 people. Although there have been suggestions that “Wa” was used to refer to a distinct ethnic group, it is probably best understood as a general term for the inhabitants of at least western Japan in the third century ad. As the earliest historical account of Japan, the Wei zhi is a veritable mine of information on the customs and lifestyles of the Late Yayoi/Early Kofun periods. It tells us, for example, that “in their worship, men or import- AC：KNOW'LEDGEMENTS ：1 wovild like to thank the foUowinsr people who were kind enousrh to provide advice and assistance of various sorts for this article: Akazawa Takeru, Gina Barnes, Choi Sung-rak, Walter Edwards, Nakayama Kiyotaka, Nakayama Seiji, Okita Masaaki, and Yamagata Manko. 140 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 19/2-3 ance simply clap their hands instead of kneeling or bowing，” behavior that is immediately recognizable to anyone who knows modern Japan.1 Two main systems of subdividing the Yayoi are in general use. One, based on a series of five or six pottery styles, is used primarily for western Japan; the other, a threefold division into Early, Middle, and Late phases, has a more general applicability and will be used in this paper. The Early phase began about 300 bc and lasted for around two hundred years. The Middle Yayoi occupied approximately the same amount of time and thus came to a close ca. ad 100，although recently several Kyushu archaeologists have suggested an end in the first half of that century. The Late Yayoi will be understood here as ceramic style V which was replaced by the transitional Shonai 庄内 type during the third century. Shonai was followed by Furu 布留 pottery, which marks the un ­ disputed start of the Kofun period at the end of the century. This article is a review of Yayoi-period ritual practices. Rather than at­ tempting an encyclopedic coverage, I have focused the discussion around six topics. It is hoped that these topics (many of which overlap) will eive the reader some impression of the actual workings of ritual in Yayoi society. A word of warning is in order, however: I do not see these topics as defining a uniform “Yayoi religion.” The Yayoi was a period of ereat regional and chronological variation in ritual, as in everything else. At the same time，much of the cultural change responsible for this variation was negotiated through a series of distinctively Yayoi ritual structures. R itual and the Jomon-Yayoi Transition As the Jom on period drew to a close, ritual behavior became more and more prominent, reaching a peak in the Kameeaoka 亀ヶ岡 culture of the Tohoku region. Dating to the first millennium bc, this culture is marked by clay figurines, plaques, and masks; intricately decorated ce­ ramics with a wide range of vessel shapes; and a variety of stone objects, some of which have shapes so strange that we are at at loss what to call them in both Japanese and English. Stone circles, often with phallic cen­ terpieces, were still in existence although their popularity had waned somewhat after the Late Jomon. Most archaeologists have interpreted the increasingly ritualized nature of the Final Jomon as a reaction to deteriorating climatic conditions and to the new foreign elements that later fused to make Yayoi culture. Jom on specialist Kobayashi Tatsuo (1991，1992) has argued for a line of 1 The Wei ihi was compiled in the late 3rd century but the Hou Han Shu was not written until L50 years later and incorporated most of the earlier document’s descriptions of Japan. All translations of these Chinese histories are taken from T sunoda and Goo d rich (195 L). H u d s o n ： An Archaeology of Yayoi Ritual 141 I F ig .1 : Sites mentioned in the te x t.(1 )Misakiyama; (2) Yatsuhagi; (3) Oki II; (4) Izuruhara; (5) Yotsuya; (6) Namani; (7) Otsuka-Saikachido; Miyanohara; (8) Miura Peninsula cave sites: Bishamon，Maguchi, and Ourayama; (9) Ikawazu; (10) Makimuku; Hashihaka; (11) Karako-Kagi; (12) Kami; (13) Tatetsuki; (14) Koura; (15) Kojindani; (16) Yoshinogari; (17) Mine; Yoshitake; Suku Okamoto; (18) Shinmachi; (19) Karakami, Iki Is. 142 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 19/2-3 Fig. 2: Top: Bronze knife from Misakiyama, Yamagata. Length 26 cm. (From Kashiwakura 1961). Bottom: Stone ‘‘sword，，from Bussawa, Hokkaido. Length 35cm. (From NOMURA 1985). Jom on “resistance” that moved slowly northwards as Yayoi culture ex­ panded; behind this line Jomon groups produced clay figurines and other traditional ritual objects in order to maintain their identity vis-d- vis the new culture. While this remains an interesting hypothesis, its details have yet to be fully developed; in many ways it is a theory that highlights the deficiencies in our understanding of Final Jomon society. At that time the archipelago was divided into two main cultural zones: the Kamegaoka in the east, and the appliqud ridge (tottaimon 突帯文) ceramic zone in the west. Although there was an area of overlap, the di­ viding line ran roughly between Nagoya and the Kansai. Many readers will be aware that this is close to the traditional divide between west and east Japan, as determined from various dialectical, dietary, and cultural traits. It also marks the split between the broadleaf evergreen and deciduous forest zones. While some of the Final Jomon east-west differences may be explained by the presence of different subsistence economies within these contrasting environments, it is impossible to bring everything under that ecological umbrella. Until we understand the significance of these very different Final Jomon cultural zones, how­ ever, we cannot begin to understand the ritual transition from Jomon to Yayoi. In western Japan a trend towards plain pottery had existed from the Late phase; apart from the few sites mentioned by Kobayashi, Kamegaoka-type ritual artifacts are rare or nonexistent. Eastern Japan, in complete contrast, saw a flourishing of ritual artifacts in the Final Jom on followed by their sudden disappearance at the beginning of the Yayoi. I believe it is wrong, though, to see this ritual activity as a purely conservative reaction. Instead, new ritual patterns were both stimulated by and used to negotiate the social changes that were affecting all parts of the Japanese archipelago at that time. A distinctive type of Final H u d s o n ： An Archaeology of Yayoi Ritual 143 Jom on “stone sword/ ’ for example, may have been derived from a Chi­ nese bronze prototype. First suggested in the 1920s，this hypothesis was given further credence in 1954 with the discovery of just such a bronze knife at Misakiyama 三崎山 in Yamagata (Kashiwakura 1961). This 26- cm-long knife is thought to date from the late 2nd millennium BC. It is a rine-handled bronze knife of a type common in north China in the Western Zhou. Although only one such bronze knife has been found in Japan, there is a very strong resemblance between the Misakiyama knife and the curved stone swords which were so important in the Final Jom on (see Nomura 1985，pp. 125-67) (fig. 2). Despite the real possibility that Final Jomon ritual was influenced by increased contact with the continent, most Jomon ritual artifacts disap­ peared abruptly at the beginning of the Yayoi. One of the best-known late Jom on ritual sites is Kinsei 金生 in Yamanashi Prefecture.2 Both Late and Final Jom on stone pavements with uprieht stones, some worked into phallic shapes, were found with sixteen cist eraves. Artifacts from the site, many associated with the stone pavements, included 233 clay figurines, 560 clay earrings, nearly 30 miniature ceramic vessels, and 133 stone swords, clubs, and phalli. Many burnt deer antlers and wild boar mandibles were also uncovered (Niitsu 8c Yamaki 1989; K id d e r 1991).The Yayoi period had already begun in western Japan by the time of the latest occupation at Kinsei. Recent discoveries at sites in Nirasaki on the northwest edge of the Kofu Basin mean that the earliest rice in Yamanashi can be traced back close to the time of Kinsei (see H ud so n 1991) —perhaps even within one generation. It would thus appear that the stone-based Final Jomon ceremonial facilities typified by Kinsei dis­ appeared quite abruptly around the time of the introduction of rice.
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