Utopia and Science Fiction in Raymondwilliams

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Utopia and Science Fiction in Raymondwilliams chapter 19 Utopia and Science Fiction in Raymond Williams* Raymond Williams was a significant figure in late twentieth-century intellec- tual life, a pioneer in the early history of what we now known as Cultural Studies and also a central inspiration for the early British New Left. He was variously – and inaccurately – likened to a British Lukács,1 a British Bloch2 and even, according to The Times, ‘the British Sartre’. Habermas’s initial the- orisation of the public sphere derived something from Williams’s Culture and Society;3 Stuart Hall, the Jamaican cultural theorist, cited Williams as ‘a major influence’ on his ‘intellectual and political formation’;4 Edward Said claimed to have ‘learned so much’ from Williams;5 Stephen Greenblatt, the guru of the New Historicism, recalled with enthusiasm the ‘critical subtlety and theoretical intelligence’ of Williams’s lectures at Cambridge;6 Cornel West, the most prom- inent contemporary exponent of Black Cultural Studies, described Williams as ‘the last of the great European male revolutionary socialist intellectuals’.7 There areWilliamsites in Italy,8 in Brazil,9 in Australia.10 None seem to have made any- thing of Williams’s enduring interest in science fiction, however, an oversight this essay will attempt to rectify. I have argued elsewhere that there are three main ‘phases’ in Williams’s thought, each explicable in terms of its own differentially negotiated settle- ment between the kind of literary humanism associated with the English lit- erary critic, F.R. Leavis, and some version or another of Marxism; and each characterisable in relation to a relatively distinct, consecutive moment in the history of the British New Left.11 The first and second sphases are associated * This chapter has been published previously in Science Fiction Studies, No. 90 (Vol. 30, Part 2), pp. 199–216, 2003. 1 Eagleton 1976, p. 36. 2 Pinkney 1989, pp. 28–31. 3 Habermas 1989, p. 37. 4 Hall 1993, p. 349. 5 Williams and Said 1989, pp. 181, 192. 6 Greenblatt 1990, p. 2. 7 West 1995, p. ix. 8 Ferrara 1989. 9 Cevasco 2000. 10 Lawson 2002, pp. 33–65. 11 Milner 2002. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004314153_021 362 chapter 19 with the moments of ‘1956’ and ‘1968’, that is, to borrow Peter Sedgwick’s terms, the ‘Old New Left’ and the ‘New New Left’. Where the Old New Left had been formed from out of the double political crisis of 1956, that occasioned by the suppression of the Hungarian Revolution, on the one hand, and the Anglo- French invasion of Egypt, on the other, the New New Left was inspired by the May ’68 Events in Paris, the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, the Prague Spring and the revolt on the campuses.12 Where the Old New Left had attempted to preserve the particularities of the British national experience from Stalinist internationalism, the New New Left spurned nationalism in general, and the peculiarities of the English especially, in favour of an uncompromising inter- nationalism and active political solidarity with the Vietnamese Revolution. Where the Old New Left had situated itself somewhere in the political space between the left-wing of the Labour Party and the liberalising wing of the Com- munist Party, the New New Left rejected both Labourism and Communism in favour of various ‘ultraleftisms’, Guevarism, Maoism, Trotskyism, and so on. Where the Old New Left had sought to counterpose ‘experience’ and ‘culture’ to Communist dogmatism, the New New Left discovered in various continental European ‘Western Marxisms’ a type of ‘Theory’ which could be counterposed to the empiricism of English bourgeois culture and the pragmatism of the Brit- ish Labour Party. To this typology we can now add a third phase, roughly that from the 1980s to the present, in which a ‘Postmodern New Left’ confronted the developing glob- alisation of corporate capitalism, the emergence of a postmodern radicalism centred on the new social movements and of a new theoretical relativism asso- ciated with ‘difference’ theory.Each of these three phases registers in a corollary phase in Williams’s own thought, respectively, his ‘left culturalism’, his ‘cultural materialism’ and what we might describe, a little improbably, as his ‘postmod- ernism’. Each also gave rise to a relatively distinct understanding on Williams’s part of the relationship between science fiction (henceforth SF), utopia and dystopia. It will be my task here to track Williams’s changing sense of this lat- ter complex in relation to his more general theoretical interests. More than twenty years ago, Darko Suvin’s Metamorphoses of Science Fiction established itself as the classic text of academic SF criticism. As one author- itative commentary has it: ‘More than any other study, Suvin’s Metamorph- oses is the significant forerunner of all the major examinations of the genre’.13 Suvin had argued that SF was best understood as an ‘estranged’ genre, distin- 12 Sedgwick 1976. 13 Hollinger 1999, p. 233..
Recommended publications
  • Answer: Maoism Is a Form of Communism Developed by Mao Tse Tung
    Ques 1: What is Maoism? Answer: Maoism is a form of communism developed by Mao Tse Tung. It is a doctrine to capture State power through a combination of armed insurgency, mass mobilization and strategic alliances. The Maoists also use propaganda and disinformation against State institutions as other components of their insurgency doctrine. Mao called this process, the ‘Protracted Peoples War’, where the emphasis is on ‘military line’ to capture power. Ques 2: What is the central theme of Maoist ideology? Answer: The central theme of Maoist ideology is the use of violence and armed insurrection as a means to capture State power. ‘Bearing of arms is non-negotiable’ as per the Maoist insurgency doctrine. The maoist ideology glorifies violence and the ‘Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army’ (PLGA) cadres are trained specifically in the worst forms of violence to evoke terror among the population under their domination. However, they also use the subterfuge of mobilizing people over issues of purported inadequacies of the existing system, so that they can be indoctrinated to take recourse to violence as the only means of redressal. Ques 3: Who are the Indian Maoists? Answer: The largest and the most violent Maoist formation in India is the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The CPI (Maoist) is an amalgamation of many splinter groups, which culminated in the merger of two largest Maoist groups in 2004; the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), People War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. The CPI (Maoist) and all its front organizations formations have been included in the list of banned terrorist organizations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967.
    [Show full text]
  • FROM MAOISM to TROTSKYISM -Reprinted from WORKERS VANGUARD, No.1, October 1971
    iii PREFACE The Communist Horking Collective originated tvhen a small group of Ivlaoists came together in Los Angeles to undertake an intensive investigation of the history of the communist movement in order to develop a strategy for the U.S. ,socialist revolution. Its study of the essentials of Stalinist and Maoist theory led the CWC to the inescapable conclusion that the theory of IISocialism in One Country" is in irreconcilable opposition to revolutionary internationalism. The consolidation of the CWC around Trotskyism and its systematic study of the various ostensible Trotskyist international tendencies was culminated in the fusion between the CWC and the Spartacist League in September 1971. The brief history of the Ct'lC which appeared originally in the first issue of Workers Vanguard (see page viii) alludes to the splits of the CWC's founding cadre from the Revolutionary Union (RU) and the California Communist League (CCL). To convey the genesis of this process, we have included a number of forerunner documents going back to the original split from the CPUSA on the 50th anniver­ sary of the October Revolution. The original resignation of comrade~ Treiger and Miller began the "floundering about for three years ••• seeking in Mao Tse Tung Thought a revolutionary al ternati ve to the revisionists." Treiger went on to help found the CWC; fUller con­ tinued to uphold the dogmatic tradition and declined to even answer the "Letter to a IvIao~_st" (see page 30). Why the Critique of "Tvw Stages"? The lynchpin on which all variants of the fJIaoist "t"t'lO stage" theory of revolution rest--whether applied to the advanced countries or to the colonial world--is collaboration with the ruling class or a section of it during the initial "stage." Early in its develop­ ment the CWC had rejected the conception as it was applied to the Un1 ted States, but believed it remained applicable to the col'onial revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Frantz Fanon and the Peasantry As the Centre of Revolution
    Chapter 8 Frantz Fanon and the Peasantry as the Centre of Revolution Timothy Kerswell Frantz Fanon is probably better known for his work on decolonization and race, but it would be remiss to ignore his contribution to the debate about social classes and their roles as revolutionary subjects. In this respect, Fanon argued for a position that was part of an influential thought current which saw the peasant at the center of world revolutionary struggles. In The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon argued that “It is clear that in the co- lonial countries the peasants alone are revolutionary, for they have nothing to lose and everything to gain. The starving peasant, outside the class system, is the first among the exploited to discover that only violence pays.”1 This statement suggests not only that the peasant would play an important part in liberation and revolutionary struggles, but that they would be the sole revolu- tionary subjects in forthcoming change. Fanon’s attempt to place the peasant at the center was part of a wider cur- rent of thought. This can be seen in the statement of Lin Biao, one of the fore- most thinkers of Maoism who argued, “It must be emphasized that Comrade Mao Tse-tung’s theory of the establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and the encirclement of the cities from the countryside is of outstanding and universal practical importance for the present revolutionary struggles of all the oppressed nations and peoples, and particularly for the revolutionary struggles of the oppressed nations and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America against imperialism and its lackeys.”2 It was this theorization that “turn[ed] the image of the peasantry upside down,”3 especially from Marx’s previous assessment that peasants constituted a “sack of potatoes”4 in terms of their revolutionary class-consciousness.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India
    HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 23 Number 1 Himalaya; The Journal of the Article 8 Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies 2003 The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India Richard Bownas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Bownas, Richard. 2003. The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India. HIMALAYA 23(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol23/iss1/8 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RICHARD BowNAS THE NEPALESE MAOIST MovEMENT IN CoMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: LEARNIN G FROM THE H ISTORY OF NAXALISM IN INDIA This paper compares the contemporary Maoist movement in Nepal with the Naxalite movemelll in India, from 1967 to the present. The paper touches on three main areas: the two movemems' ambiguous relationship to ethnicity, the hi stories of prior 'traditional' m obilization that bo th move­ ments drew on, and the relationship between vanguard and mass movement in both cases. The first aim of the paper is to show how the Naxalite movemem has transformed itself over the last 35 years and how its military tacti cs and organizational· form have changed . I then ask whether Nepal's lvla o­ ists more closely resemble the earli er phase of Naxali sm , in which the leadership had broad popular appeal and worked closely with its peasant base, o r its later phase, in which the leadership became dise ngaged fr om its base and adopted urban 'terror' tactics.
    [Show full text]
  • Not for Distribution
    6 The decline of the legitimate monopoly of violence and the return of non-state warriors Cihan Tuğal Introduction For the last few decades, political sociology has focused on state-making. We are therefore quite ill equipped to understand the recent rise of non-state violence throughout the world. Even if states still seem to perform more violence than non- state actors, the latter’s actions have come to significantly transform relationships between citizens and states. Existing frameworks predispose scholars to treat non-state violence too as an instrument of state-building. However, we need to consider whether non-state violence serves other purposes as well. This chapter will first point out how the post-9/11 world problematises one of sociology’s major assumptions (the state’s monopolisation of legitimate violence). It will then trace the social prehistory of non-state political violence to highlight continui- ties with today’s intensifying religious violence. It will finally emphasise that the seemingly inevitable rise of non-state violence is inextricably tangled with the emergence of the subcontracting state. Neo-liberalisation aggravates the practico- ethical difficulties secular revolutionaries and religious radicals face (which I call ‘the Fanonite dilemma’ and ‘the Qutbi dilemma’). The monopolisation of violence: social implications War-making, military apparatuses and international military rivalry figure prominently in today’s political sociology. This came about as a reaction to the sociology and political science of the postwar era: for quite different rea- sons, both tended to ignore the influence of militaries and violence on domestic social structure. Political science unduly focused on the former and sociology on the latter, whereas (according to the new political sociology) international violence and domestic social structure are tightly linked (Mann 1986; Skocpol 1979; Tilly 1992).
    [Show full text]
  • Restructuring the Socialist Economy
    CAPITAL AND CLASS IN CUBAN DEVELOPMENT: Restructuring the Socialist Economy Brian Green B.A. Simon Fraser University, 1994 THESISSUBMllTED IN PARTIAL FULFULLMENT OF THE REQUIREMEW FOR THE DEGREE OF MASER OF ARTS Department of Spanish and Latin American Studies O Brian Green 1996 All rights resewed. This work my not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Siblioth&ye nationale du Canada Azcjuis;lrons and Direction des acquisitions et Bitjibgraphic Sewices Branch des services biblicxpphiques Youi hie Vofrergfereoce Our hie Ncfre rb1Prence The author has granted an L'auteur a accorde une licence irrevocable non-exclusive ficence irrevocable et non exclusive allowing the National Library of permettant & la Bibliotheque Canada to reproduce, loan, nationafe du Canada de distribute or sell copies of reproduire, preter, distribuer ou his/her thesis by any means and vendre des copies de sa these in any form or format, making de quelque maniere et sous this thesis available to interested quelque forme que ce soit pour persons. mettre des exemplaires de cette these a la disposition des personnes int6ress6es. The author retains ownership of L'auteur consenre la propriete du the copyright in his/her thesis. droit d'auteur qui protege sa Neither the thesis nor substantial th&se. Ni la thbe ni des extraits extracts from it may be printed or substantiefs de celle-ci ne otherwise reproduced without doivent 6tre imprimes ou his/her permission. autrement reproduits sans son autorisatiow. PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Sion Fraser Universi the sight to Iend my thesis, prosect or ex?ended essay (the title o7 which is shown below) to users o2 the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the Zibrary of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users.
    [Show full text]
  • THE POLITICAL THOUGHT of the THIRD WORLD LEFT in POST-WAR AMERICA a Dissertation Submitted
    LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Washington, DC August 6, 2020 Copyright 2020 by Benjamin Feldman All Rights Reserved ii LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the full intellectual history of the Third World Turn: when theorists and activists in the United States began to look to liberation movements within the colonized and formerly colonized nations of the ‘Third World’ in search of models for political, social, and cultural transformation. I argue that, understood as a critique of the limits of New Deal liberalism rather than just as an offshoot of New Left radicalism, Third Worldism must be placed at the center of the history of the post-war American Left. Rooting the Third World Turn in the work of theorists active in the 1940s, including the economists Paul Sweezy and Paul Baran, the writer Harold Cruse, and the Detroit organizers James and Grace Lee Boggs, my work moves beyond simple binaries of violence vs. non-violence, revolution vs. reform, and utopianism vs. realism, while throwing the political development of groups like the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, and the Third World Women’s Alliance into sharper relief.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist International, the Soviet Union,And Their Impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement
    The Communist International, the Soviet Union,and their impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement DAN LA BOTZ Abstract: The Soviet Union and A L the Communist International had an adverse influence on the Latin CONTRA American workers’ movement, ), 1957-1964. continually diverting it fighting for UCIÓN L a democratic socialist society. They ALHE T REVO A DE subordinated the workers’ movements L ( to the interests of the Soviet . Union’s ruling class, the Communist IQUEIROS PORFIRIANA bureaucracy. At one moment, they led S the workers’ movement in disastrous ARO F L uprisings, while in a subsequent era A they encouraged it to build alliances DICTADURA AVID with capitalist and imperialist power. D Keywords: Soviet Union. Communist International. Communist Parties. Cuba. Workers Movement. A Internacional Comunista, a União Soviética e seu impacto no movimento de trabalhadores da América Latina Resumo: A União Soviética e a Internacional Comunista tiveram uma influência adversa no movimento latino-americano de trabalhadores, frequentemente, distraindo-o de sua luta por uma sociedade socialista democrática. Ambas subordinaram os movimentos de trabalhadores aos interesses da classe dominante na União Soviética, a burocracia comunista. Em um momento, dirigiram o movimento de trabalhadores para levantes desastrosos, DAN LA BOTZ enquanto em um período subsequente encorajaram-no a fazer alianças com Ph.D in American history and poderes capitalistas e imperialistas. professor at the Murphy Institute, the Palavras-chaves: União Soviética. labor school of the City University Internacional Comunista. Partidos of New York. He is the author of ten Comunistas. Cuba. Movimento de books on labor, social movements, Trabalhadores. and politics in the United States, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Indonesia.
    [Show full text]
  • Critique of Maoist Reason
    Critique of Maoist Reason J. Moufawad-Paul Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “New Roads” #5 A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact – [email protected] https://foreignlanguages.press Paris 2020 First Edition ISBN: 978-2-491182-11-3 This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 The Route Charted to Date 7 Chapter 2 Thinking Science 19 Chapter 3 The Maoist Point of Origin 35 Chapter 4 Against Communist Theology 51 Chapter 5 The Dogmato-eclecticism of “Maoist Third 69 Worldism” Chapter 6 Left and Right Opportunist Practice 87 Chapter 7 Making Revolution 95 Conclusion 104 Acknowledgements 109 Introduction Introduction In the face of critical passivity and dry formalism we must uphold our collective capacity to think thought. The multiple articulations of bourgeois reason demand that we accept the current state of affairs as natural, reducing critical thinking to that which functions within the boundaries drawn by its order. Even when we break from the diktat of this reason to pursue revolutionary projects, it is difficult to break from the way this ideological hegemony has trained us to think from the moment we were born. Since we are still more-or-less immersed in cap- italist culture––from our jobs to the media we consume––the training persists.1 Hence, while we might supersede the boundaries drawn by bourgeois reason, it remains a constant struggle to escape its imaginary. The simplicity encouraged by bourgeois reasoning––formulaic repeti- tion, a refusal to think beneath the appearance of things––thus finds its way into the reasoning of those who believe they have slipped its grasp.
    [Show full text]
  • Traveling Theory: Fredric Jameson's Interpretations of the Cultural Revolution and Maoism
    CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture ISSN 1481-4374 Purdue University Press ©Purdue University Volume 20 (2018) Issue 3 Article 5 Traveling Theory: Fredric Jameson’s Interpretations of the Cultural Revolution and Maoism Xian Wang University of Notre Dame Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/clcweb Part of the American Studies Commons, Chinese Studies Commons, Comparative Literature Commons, and the European Languages and Societies Commons Dedicated to the dissemination of scholarly and professional information, Purdue University Press selects, develops, and distributes quality resources in several key subject areas for which its parent university is famous, including business, technology, health, veterinary medicine, and other selected disciplines in the humanities and sciences. CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture, the peer-reviewed, full-text, and open-access learned journal in the humanities and social sciences, publishes new scholarship following tenets of the discipline of comparative literature and the field of cultural studies designated as "comparative cultural studies." Publications in the journal are indexed in the Annual Bibliography of English Language and Literature (Chadwyck-Healey), the Arts and Humanities Citation Index (Thomson Reuters ISI), the Humanities Index (Wilson), Humanities International Complete (EBSCO), the International Bibliography of the Modern Language Association of America, and Scopus (Elsevier). The journal is affiliated with the Purdue University Press monograph series of Books in Comparative Cultural Studies. Contact: <[email protected]> Recommended Citation Wang, Xian. "Traveling Theory: Fredric Jameson’s Interpretations of the Cultural Revolution and Maoism." CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 20.3 (2018): <https://doi.org/10.7771/1481-4374.3271> This text has been double-blind peer reviewed by 2+1 experts in the field.
    [Show full text]
  • On Mao's Contradictions
    REVIEWS Rebecca E. Karl, Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World Duke University Press: Durham, nc 2010, $21.95, paperback 216 pp, 978 0 8223 4795 8 Tariq Ali ON MAO’S CONTRADICTIONS The emergence of China as the world’s economic powerhouse has shifted the centre of the global market eastwards. The prc’s growth rates are the envy of elites everywhere, its commodities circulating even in the tiniest Andean street markets, its leaders courted by governments strong and weak. These developments have ignited endless discussion on the country and its future. The mainstream media are essentially concerned with the extent to which Beijing is catering to the economic needs of Washington, while think- tankers worry that China will sooner or later mount a systematic challenge to the political wisdom of the West. Academic debate, meanwhile, usually con- centrates on the exact nature and the mechanics of contemporary capitalism in China. The optimists of the intellect argue that its essence is determined by the ccp’s continued grip on power, seeing China’s pro-market turn as a version of the Bolsheviks’ New Economic Policy; in more delirious moments, they argue that China’s leaders will use their new economic strength to build a socialism purer than anything previously attempted, based on proper development of the productive forces and not the tin-pot communes of the past. Others, by contrast, hold that a more accurate name for the ruling party would not even require a change of initials—Communist is easily replaced with Capitalist. A third view insists that the Chinese future is simply not foreseeable; it is too soon to predict it with any certainty.
    [Show full text]
  • The October Revolution and the Third International: Summary of the Discussion in Stammheim1 in 1976
    [Please note that all the footnotes in this document have been added by the translator & editor – none of them appeared in the original document] The October Revolution and the Third International: Summary of the Discussion In Stammheim1 in 1976 This is what we have said. The October Revolution determined the structure of the revolutionary process in the West; that is to say that from that point on the development of capital became an explicitly political process, which has an effect upon the relationship between revolution and imperialism at the international level. Second point: the long and painful process of Soviet accumulation led to the creation of the military and political dividing line, the East-West line. The third line, that which contains within itself its point of revolutionary departure, consists of the struggles of the peoples of the Third World for their liberation. It was the Third International, organized as a result of the October Revolution, which allowed them to organize themselves in an internationalist way, that is to say, allowed them to raise their struggle to the political level, which proletarian politics requires if it is to be effective. This was one of Lenin's central theses regarding the world revolutionary process of organization, put forward during the first congress (maybe the second? - this can be found in that detestable Comintern2 book that we have - check it or send it to me - if not, shit, I’ll forget again) of the Third International, that the revolutionaries must anticipate, according to him, from the first instant, the counter-revolutionary process.
    [Show full text]