Traveling Theory: Fredric Jameson's Interpretations of the Cultural Revolution and Maoism
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April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system. -
Hegelian Phenomenology and the Critique of Reason and Society Peter Osborne
Hegelian Phenomenology and the Critique of Reason and Society Peter Osborne Abhot Terrasson has rema~cked that if the size of a volume be measured not by the number of its pages but by the time required for mastering it, it can be said of many a book, that it would be much shorter if it were not so short. (Kant, Preface'to First Edition, Critique of Pure Reason) Gillian Qnse's Hegel Contra Sociology (Athlone Press, of Hegel's thought which focuses on the socio 1981, £6.95 pb, 26lpp) would be much shorter were it political significance of his idea of speculative not so short. It is unashamedly, and sadly, an experience. extremely difficult book; not just in terms of the The argument is that Marx's critique of Hegel is complexity and subtlety of the position it puts for based on a Fichtean reading of his system which fails ward, but, primarily, in terms of the way in which to grasp the true meaning of his concepts of actual this position is presented. But it is, nonetheless, ity and spirit, and that in fact these concepts pro in many ways an important book. For it challenges, vide the theoretical basis for the conceptualisation at a fundamental level, the generally accepted frame of the subjective mediations of objective social work within which Hegel has been interpreted; and, forms. Marx's own conception of practical material in so doing, it challenges accepted beliefs not only ism is seen as theoretically incapable of.conceptual about the relationship between Marx and Hegel, but ising such mediations, since it involv~s abstract also about the philosophical adequacy of Marxism and dichotomies between being and consciousness, and the redundancy of Hegelianism. -
New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility. -
Understanding Poststructuralism Understanding Movements in Modern Thought Series Editor: Jack Reynolds
understanding poststructuralism Understanding Movements in Modern Thought Series Editor: Jack Reynolds Th is series provides short, accessible and lively introductions to the major schools, movements and traditions in philosophy and the history of ideas since the beginning of the Enlightenment. All books in the series are written for undergraduates meeting the subject for the fi rst time. Published Understanding Existentialism Understanding Virtue Ethics Jack Reynolds Stan van Hooft Understanding Poststructuralism James Williams Forthcoming titles include Understanding Empiricism Understanding Hermeneutics Robert Meyers Lawrence Schmidt Understanding Ethics Understanding Naturalism Tim Chappell Jack Ritchie Understanding Feminism Understanding Phenomenology Peta Bowden and Jane Mummery David Cerbone Understanding German Idealism Understanding Rationalism Will Dudley Charlie Heunemann Understanding Hegelianism Understanding Utilitarianism Robert Sinnerbrink Tim Mulgan understanding poststructuralism James Williams For Richard and Olive It is always about who you learn from. © James Williams, 2005 Th is book is copyright under the Berne Convention. No reproduction without permission. All rights reserved. First published in 2005 by Acumen Acumen Publishing Limited 15a Lewins Yard East Street Chesham Bucks HP5 1HQ www.acumenpublishing.co.uk ISBN 1-84465-032-4 (hardcover) ISBN 1-84465-033-2 (paperback) Work on Chapter 3 was supported by British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British -
Answer: Maoism Is a Form of Communism Developed by Mao Tse Tung
Ques 1: What is Maoism? Answer: Maoism is a form of communism developed by Mao Tse Tung. It is a doctrine to capture State power through a combination of armed insurgency, mass mobilization and strategic alliances. The Maoists also use propaganda and disinformation against State institutions as other components of their insurgency doctrine. Mao called this process, the ‘Protracted Peoples War’, where the emphasis is on ‘military line’ to capture power. Ques 2: What is the central theme of Maoist ideology? Answer: The central theme of Maoist ideology is the use of violence and armed insurrection as a means to capture State power. ‘Bearing of arms is non-negotiable’ as per the Maoist insurgency doctrine. The maoist ideology glorifies violence and the ‘Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army’ (PLGA) cadres are trained specifically in the worst forms of violence to evoke terror among the population under their domination. However, they also use the subterfuge of mobilizing people over issues of purported inadequacies of the existing system, so that they can be indoctrinated to take recourse to violence as the only means of redressal. Ques 3: Who are the Indian Maoists? Answer: The largest and the most violent Maoist formation in India is the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The CPI (Maoist) is an amalgamation of many splinter groups, which culminated in the merger of two largest Maoist groups in 2004; the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), People War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. The CPI (Maoist) and all its front organizations formations have been included in the list of banned terrorist organizations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. -
Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China
Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao. -
FROM MAOISM to TROTSKYISM -Reprinted from WORKERS VANGUARD, No.1, October 1971
iii PREFACE The Communist Horking Collective originated tvhen a small group of Ivlaoists came together in Los Angeles to undertake an intensive investigation of the history of the communist movement in order to develop a strategy for the U.S. ,socialist revolution. Its study of the essentials of Stalinist and Maoist theory led the CWC to the inescapable conclusion that the theory of IISocialism in One Country" is in irreconcilable opposition to revolutionary internationalism. The consolidation of the CWC around Trotskyism and its systematic study of the various ostensible Trotskyist international tendencies was culminated in the fusion between the CWC and the Spartacist League in September 1971. The brief history of the Ct'lC which appeared originally in the first issue of Workers Vanguard (see page viii) alludes to the splits of the CWC's founding cadre from the Revolutionary Union (RU) and the California Communist League (CCL). To convey the genesis of this process, we have included a number of forerunner documents going back to the original split from the CPUSA on the 50th anniver sary of the October Revolution. The original resignation of comrade~ Treiger and Miller began the "floundering about for three years ••• seeking in Mao Tse Tung Thought a revolutionary al ternati ve to the revisionists." Treiger went on to help found the CWC; fUller con tinued to uphold the dogmatic tradition and declined to even answer the "Letter to a IvIao~_st" (see page 30). Why the Critique of "Tvw Stages"? The lynchpin on which all variants of the fJIaoist "t"t'lO stage" theory of revolution rest--whether applied to the advanced countries or to the colonial world--is collaboration with the ruling class or a section of it during the initial "stage." Early in its develop ment the CWC had rejected the conception as it was applied to the Un1 ted States, but believed it remained applicable to the col'onial revolution. -
For Whom the Bell Tolls: the Political Legacy of China's Cultural Revolution
For Whom the Bell Tolls: The Political Legacy of China’s Cultural Revolution Yuhua Wang∗ May 10, 2017 Abstract Does the use of repression undermine authoritarian rulers’ legitimacy? I argue that state repres- sion can make individuals internalize a strategy (trust or distrust) as a heuristic in situations where information acquisition is either costly or imperfect, so repression has a long-lasting negative ef- fect on people’s trust of authoritarian rulers. I test this proposition by studying one of the most tragic episodes of authoritarian repression in the modern era–state terror during China’s Cultural Revolution. I show that individuals who were exposed to more state-sponsored violence in the late 1960s are less trusting of their political leaders at all levels today. The adverse effect of vio- lence is universal irrespective of an individual’s age or class background. Evidence from a variety of identification strategies suggests that the relationship is causal. My findings contribute to our understanding of how repression affects the long-term legitimacy of authoritarian regimes. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University ([email protected]). I want to thank Andy Walder for sharing his dataset on Cultural Revolution violence, James Kung and Shuo Chen for sharing their dataset on the Great Famine, and Bruce Dickson for sharing his 2014 survey data. Iza Ding, Xiaobo Lu,¨ Jean Oi, Liz Perry, Andy Walder, Yiqing Xu, Fei Yan, and Boliang Zhu have provided helpful comments. All errors remain my own. 1 What is the long-term effect of state-sponsored violence on citizens’ trust of authoritarian rulers? Autocrats use repression to maintain political order, promote economic development, and lengthen their term in office (Haggard 1986; Davenport 1995; Bueno de Mesquita and Smith 2011; Svolik 2012; Bhasin and Gandhi 2013; Greitens 2016; Hassan 2016). -
Frantz Fanon and the Peasantry As the Centre of Revolution
Chapter 8 Frantz Fanon and the Peasantry as the Centre of Revolution Timothy Kerswell Frantz Fanon is probably better known for his work on decolonization and race, but it would be remiss to ignore his contribution to the debate about social classes and their roles as revolutionary subjects. In this respect, Fanon argued for a position that was part of an influential thought current which saw the peasant at the center of world revolutionary struggles. In The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon argued that “It is clear that in the co- lonial countries the peasants alone are revolutionary, for they have nothing to lose and everything to gain. The starving peasant, outside the class system, is the first among the exploited to discover that only violence pays.”1 This statement suggests not only that the peasant would play an important part in liberation and revolutionary struggles, but that they would be the sole revolu- tionary subjects in forthcoming change. Fanon’s attempt to place the peasant at the center was part of a wider cur- rent of thought. This can be seen in the statement of Lin Biao, one of the fore- most thinkers of Maoism who argued, “It must be emphasized that Comrade Mao Tse-tung’s theory of the establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and the encirclement of the cities from the countryside is of outstanding and universal practical importance for the present revolutionary struggles of all the oppressed nations and peoples, and particularly for the revolutionary struggles of the oppressed nations and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America against imperialism and its lackeys.”2 It was this theorization that “turn[ed] the image of the peasantry upside down,”3 especially from Marx’s previous assessment that peasants constituted a “sack of potatoes”4 in terms of their revolutionary class-consciousness. -
Hegel and Chinese Marxism
DOI: 10.4312/as.2019.7.1.55-73 55 Hegel and Chinese Marxism Tom ROCKMORE*1 Abstract China is presently embarking on the huge task of realizing what President Xi Jinping recently called the Chinese Dream. China is officially Marxist, and Marx thus inspires this dream in his assigned status as the “official guide” to the ongoing Chinese Revolution. This paper will focus on the crucial relation between Hegel and Chinese Marxism. Marx is a key Hegelian, critical of, but strongly dependent on, Hegel. Since the Chinese Dream is not Hegelian, but rather anti-Hegelian, it is unlikely, as I will be arguing, to be realized in a recognizably Marxian form. Keywords: Hegel, China, Marxism, Marx, Engels Hegel in kitajski marksizem Izvleček Kitajska se podaja na pot uresničitve projekta, ki ga je predsednik Xi Jinping pred kratkim imenoval »kitajske sanje«. Kitajska je uradno marksistična in Marx zaradi statusa »urad- nega vodiča« sedanje kitajske revolucije, ki so mu ga pripisali, navdihuje te sanje. Članek se bo osredotočil na ključno razmerje med Heglom in kitajskim marksizmom. Marx je ključni hegelianec, ki do Hegla ni le kritičen, ampak je tudi odvisen od njega. »Kitajske sanje« pa niso hegelianske, temveč prej antihegelianske, zato je, kot bo razloženo, malo verjetno, da se bodo uresničile v prepoznavno marksistični obliki. Ključne besede: Hegel, Kitajska, Marxism, Marx, Engels * Tom ROCKMORE, Department of Philosophy, Peking University, China. Email address: rockmore[at]duq.edu AS_2019_1_FINAL.indd 55 31.1.2019 10:48:34 56 Tom ROCKMORE: Hegel and Chinese Marxism On the Relation of Marx and Hegel Marx’s followers as well as his critics tend to approach him through Marxism. -
The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India
HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 23 Number 1 Himalaya; The Journal of the Article 8 Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies 2003 The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India Richard Bownas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Bownas, Richard. 2003. The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India. HIMALAYA 23(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol23/iss1/8 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RICHARD BowNAS THE NEPALESE MAOIST MovEMENT IN CoMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: LEARNIN G FROM THE H ISTORY OF NAXALISM IN INDIA This paper compares the contemporary Maoist movement in Nepal with the Naxalite movemelll in India, from 1967 to the present. The paper touches on three main areas: the two movemems' ambiguous relationship to ethnicity, the hi stories of prior 'traditional' m obilization that bo th move ments drew on, and the relationship between vanguard and mass movement in both cases. The first aim of the paper is to show how the Naxalite movemem has transformed itself over the last 35 years and how its military tacti cs and organizational· form have changed . I then ask whether Nepal's lvla o ists more closely resemble the earli er phase of Naxali sm , in which the leadership had broad popular appeal and worked closely with its peasant base, o r its later phase, in which the leadership became dise ngaged fr om its base and adopted urban 'terror' tactics. -
Love and the Knowledge of God in Augustine's De Trinitate
LOVE AND THE KNOWLEDGE OF GOD IN AUGUSTINE'S DE TRINITATE LOVE AND THE KNOWLEDGE OF GOD IN AUGUSTINE'S DE TRINITATE By MARTIN WESTERHOLM, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Martin Westerholm, August 2009 MASTER OF ARTS (2009) McMaster University (Religious Studies) Hamilton, ON TITLE: Love and the Knowledge of God in Augustine's De Trinitate AUTHOR: Martin Westerholm, B.A. (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Professor P. Travis Kroeker NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 130 11 Abstract: This thesis offers a close reading of Augustine's De Trinitate that is aimed at addressing the vexed question of the unity of the work. The most influential 20th century interpretation of De Trinitate holds that Augustine moves from a theological examination of the nature of the Trinity based on scripture to a philosophical investigation based on the structure of the human mind. This interpretation has led to the misconceptions that Augustine espouses a form of natural theology and separates theological doctrine from the concerns of the practical life. This thesis shows that De Trinitate is unified around the methodological rule that only the mind that loves God is capable of knowing him. This means, first, that Augustine's procedure is improperly characterized as natural theology; and, second, that, in making love a prerequisite for, and means to, knowledge of God, the ethical question of the ordering of love is inseparable from doctrinal concerns. This thesis shows that De Trinitate offers a coherent and compelling moral ontology in which the perceived tensions in Augustine'S theology of love can be reconciled.