The Participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan. in the Presence of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Afgh
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Progress in Afghanistan Bucharest Summit2-4 April 2008 Progress in Afghanistan
© MOD NL © MOD Canada © MOD Canada Progress in Afghanistan Progress in Bucharest Summit 2-4 April 2008 Bucharest Summit2-4 Progress in Afghanistan Contents page 1. Foreword by Assistant Secretary General for Public Diplomacy, ..........................1 Jean-François Bureau, and NATO Spokesman, James Appathurai 2. Executive summary .........................................................................................................................................2 3. Security ..................................................................................................................................................................... 4 • IED attacks and Counter-IED efforts 4 • Musa Qala 5 • Operations Medusa successes - Highlights Panjwayi and Zhari 6 • Afghan National Army 8 • Afghan National Police 10 • ISAF growth 10 4. Reconstruction and Development ............................................................................................... 12 • Snapshots of PRT activities 14 • Afghanistan’s aviation sector: taking off 16 • NATO-Japan Grant Assistance for Grassroots Projects 17 • ISAF Post-Operations Humanitarian Relief Fund 18 • Humanitarian Assistance - Winterisation 18 5. Governance ....................................................................................................................................................... 19 • Counter-Narcotics 20 © MOD Canada Foreword The NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission is approaching five years of operations in Afghanistan. This report is a -
The a to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance
The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance 2nd Edition, August 2003 Writer: Shawna Wakefield Editor: Christina Bennett, Kathleen Campbell With special thanks to: Kristen Krayer, Nellika Little, Mir Ahmad Joyenda Cover illustration: Parniyan Design and Printing: The Army Press © 2003 The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU). All rights reserved. Preface This is the second edition of The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance. Our first edition was brought out one year ago at a time of great change in Afghanistan. At that time, coordination mechanisms and aid processes were changing so fast that old hands and new arrivals alike were sometimes overwhelmed by the multiplicity of acronyms and references to structures and entities that had been recently created, abolished or re-named. Eighteen months after the fall of the Taliban and the signing of the Bonn Agreement, there are still rapid new developments, a growing complexity to the reconstruction effort and to planning processes and, of course, new acronyms! Our aim therefore remains to provide a guide to the terms, structures, mechanisms and coordinating bodies critical to the Afghanistan relief and reconstruction effort to help ensure a shared vocabulary and common understanding of the forces at play. We’ve also included maps and a contact directory to make navigating the assistance community easier. This 2nd edition also includes a section called “Resources,” containing information on such things as media organisations, security information, and Afghanistan-related web sites. Another new addition is a guide to the Afghan government. As the objective of so many assistance agencies is to support and strengthen government institutions, we felt that understanding how the Afghan government is structured is important to working in the current environment. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Strategic Insight
Strategic Insight The Loya Jirga, Ethnic Rivalries and Future Afghan Stability by Thomas H. Johnson Strategic Insights are authored monthly by analysts with the Center for Contemporary Conflict (CCC). The CCC is the research arm of the National Security Affairs Department at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Naval Postgraduate School, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. August 6, 2002 On June 24 the Afghan transitional government and administration of Hamid Karzai was installed during formal ceremonies in Kabul. Karzai had easily won the June 13 election at a national political assembly, or loya jirga. The loya jirga consisted of 1500 representatives, elected or appointed from 32 provinces, and debated the political future of Afghanistan over a seven-day period. The Karzai government is supposed to rule Afghanistan through 2003. During the ceremony, Karzai and his new cabinet took an oath in both major Afghan languages (Pashtu and Dari), vowing to "follow the basic teachings of Islam" and the laws of the land, to renounce corruption, and to "safeguard the honor and integrity of Afghanistan."[1] How successful they are in achieving these vows will be critical to the near term future of Afghanistan, its reconstruction, and possibly the stability of the entire region of Central Asia. This transitional government was the result of an Emergency Loya Jirga and part of the Bonn Agreement (of November-December 2001). While not explicitly stating so in the Bonn Agreement, Lakhdar Brahimi, the Special Representative of the U.N. -
Avertissement Liens
AVERTISSEMENT Ce document est le fruit d’un long travail approuvé par le jury de soutenance et mis à disposition de l’ensemble de la communauté universitaire élargie. Il est soumis à la propriété intellectuelle de l’auteur : ceci implique une obligation de citation et de référencement lors de l’utilisation de ce document. D’autre part, toute contrefaçon, plagiat, reproduction illicite de ce travail expose à des poursuites pénales. Contact : [email protected] LIENS Code la Propriété Intellectuelle – Articles L. 122-4 et L. 335-1 à L. 335-10 Loi n°92-597 du 1er juillet 1992, publiée au Journal Officiel du 2 juillet 1992 http://www.cfcopies.com/V2/leg/leg-droi.php http://www.culture.gouv.fr/culture/infos-pratiques/droits/protection.htm ����� ������������������������� ������������������������������������� ������������� Université Toulouse 1 Capitole (UT1 Capitole) ��������������������������� M. Haroon MANNANI le 11 juillet 2014 ������� � La reconstruction de l'État-Nation en Afghanistan �������������� et �discipline ou spécialité � � ED SJP : Sciences Politiques �������������������� Centre Toulousain d'Histoire du Droit et des Idées Politiques (CTHDIP) ���������������������������� Mme DANIELLE CABANIS, professeur des universités Université Toulouse 1 Jury: M. FARKHAD ALIMUKHAMEDOV, professeur Université d'Ankara - Rapporteur du jury M. FRANÇOIS-PAUL BLANC, professeur émérite Université de Perpignan - Rapporteur du jury Mme DANIELLE CABANIS, professeur des universités Université Toulouse 1 - Directeur de recherches M. JEAN-MARIE -
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan Submitted by Timor Sharan to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In October 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post- 2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. -
Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-Establishment of Permanent Government Institutions
AGREEMENT ON PROVISIONAL ARRANGEMENTS IN AFGHANISTAN PENDING THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS The participants in the UN Talks on Afghanistan, In the presence of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Afghanistan, Determined to end the tragic conflict in Afghanistan and promote national reconciliation, lasting peace, stability and respect for human rights in the country, Reaffirming the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan, Acknowledging the right of the people of Afghanistan to freely determine their own political future in accordance with the principles of Islam, democracy, pluralism and social justice, Expressing their appreciation to the Afghan mujahidin who, over the years, have defended the independence, territorial integrity and national unity of the country and have played a major role in the struggle against terrorism and oppression, and whose sacrifice has now made them both heroes of jihad and champions of peace, stability and reconstruction of their beloved homeland, Afghanistan, Aware that the unstable situation in Afghanistan requires the implementation of emergency interim arrangements and expressing their deep appreciation to His Excellency Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani for his readiness to transfer power to an interim authority which is to be established pursuant to this agreement, Recognizing the need to ensure broad representation in these interim arrangements of all segments of the Afghan population, including groups that have not been -
100 Days of War Grand Rapids Press Coverage of the US Occupation of Afghanistan
100 Days of War Grand Rapids Press Coverage of the US Occupation of Afghanistan May 26 – September 2, 2009 A Report by the Grand Rapids Institute for Information Democracy (GRIID) Methodology From May 26th through September 2nd GRIID monitored the Grand Rapids Press for stories related to US policy/involvement in Afghanistan. Since the US administration refers to the current military campaign in Afghanistan as involving Pakistan, we also monitored the Press for stories on Pakistan. We tracked the number of stories, media source of the story, sources cited in the story and even included the original full length stories in the collection of articles, since the Press version often omitted parts of the original article. The portions of the story that the Press omitted are in bold. In addition to the raw data, we also looked at how the stories were framed, made some comparisons to independent reporting and provide information on aspects of the US occupation of Afghanistan and Afghani politics that were not included in the Press during the 100 day study. We included a few stories that dealt more with Pakistan, because these stories were related to what the Pentagon is now calling the Af‐Pak War. All of the stories related to the Af‐Pak war that appeared in the Grand Rapids Press during the 100‐day study period are included at the end of this study. The texts of these stories that are bold are parts of original story that were omitted from the Press version of the story. News Sources There were a total of 24 stories we documented in the Grand Rapids Press related to the Af‐Pak war during the 100‐day study period. -
Afghanistan Assessment
AFGHANISTAN COUNTRY REPORT April 2005 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Afghanistan April 2005 CONTENTS 1 Scope Of Document 1.1 - 1.12 2 Geography General 2.1 – 2.2 Languages/Main ethnic groups/Religions 2.3 - 2.5 3.Economy 3.1 - 3.8 4 History Overview to December 2001 4.1 Post Taliban 4.2 – 4.13 January 2004 – December 2004 4.14 – 4.59 January 2005 onwards 4.60 – 4.66 5.State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.8 The Constitutional Loya Jirga 5.9 – 5.13 Citizenship and Nationality 5.14 – 5.16 Political System Overview 5.17 – 5.26 Elections: - General 5.27 – 5.29 - Presidential Election 5.30 – 5.40 - Presidential Election Results 5.41 – 5.42 - Lead up to Parliamentary Elections 5.43 – 5.47 Political Situation in Herat 5.48 – 5.50 Judiciary 5.51 – 5.64 Land Court 5.65 – 5.66 Legal Rights/Detention 5.67 - 5.83 Death Penalty 5.84 - 5.86 Internal Security Developments following 11 September 2001 5.87 - 5.90 Security Sector Reform (SSR) 5.91 - 5.94 General security situation 5.95 – 5.112 Security situation in different regions: - Kabul 5.113 – 5.116 - Central 5.117 - South and Southeast 5.118 - 5.122 - North 5.123 – 5.124 Internal Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Provincial Reconstruction 5.125 – 5.150 Teams (PRTs) Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme (DDR) 5.151 – 5.166 National Security Directorate (Amniat) 5.167 – 5.170 Army 5.171 – 5.174 Police 5.175 – 5.184 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.185 - 5.208 Military Service 5.209 - 5.212 Medical Services -
The Afghanistan Presidential Elections: Dangerous Portends?1
ISA S Brief No. 125 – Date: 19 August 2009 469A Bukit Timah Road #07-01, Tower Block, Singapore 259770 Tel: 6516 6179 / 6516 4239 Fax: 6776 7505 / 6314 5447 Email: [email protected] Website: www.isas.nus.edu.sg The Afghanistan Presidential Elections: Dangerous Portends?1 Shakti Sinha2 Introduction The Afghanistan Presidential elections, scheduled for 20 August 2009, are interestingly poised. Unfortunately, the adjective ‘interesting’ also has negative connotations as in the traditional Chinese curse, “May you live in interesting times!” The reason is that the election results, far from leading war-ravaged Afghanistan towards peace and stability, may set the stage for further confrontation and increased instability. This brief looks at three plausible scenarios and how each is expected to contribute to this gloomy forecast. These are i) President Hamid Karzai winning in the first round; ii) no candidate winning a plurality, with the top two candidates, a Pashtun (President Karzai) and a non-Pashtun (Dr Abdullah), squaring off for a runoff; and iii) Dr Abdullah emerging as the top candidate, even if he does not win a plurality of votes in the first round.3 The Current Situation Before we go into the implications of these potential situations, an assessment of the current situation would help underpin the central theme of this brief. In order to win the Presidential elections, a candidate must win a clear plurality of votes (50 percent). In the event that no one is able to win outright in the first round, the elections will go to a second round, scheduled for 1 October 2009, and they will be contested by the top two vote-getters in the first round. -
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs May 12, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The capacity, transparency, and legitimacy of Afghan governance are considered crucial to Afghan stability as U.S.-led NATO forces turn over the security mission to Afghan leadership. The size and capability of the Afghan governing structure has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but the government remains weak and rife with corruption. The government has slowly widened its writ, even though substantial powers are concentrated in the elected presidency through powers of appointment at all levels. President Hamid Karzai has served as president since late 2001; he is constitutionally term-limited and will leave office after the conclusion of presidential and provincial elections the first round of which took place on April 5, 2014. Several major figures registered to run for president, and many of their slates included faction leaders long accused of human rights abuses. Karzai appeared to tilt toward his longtime confidant and former Foreign Minister, Zalmay Rasoul, but the final, uncertified vote count showed Northern Alliance “opposition” leader Dr. Abdullah Abdullah with nearly 45% of the vote and former Finance Minister Ashraf Ghani with about 31.5%. Abdullah’s total, if certified, is close to but still short of the 50%+ needed for victory. A runoff round is tentatively scheduled for June 7. There are discussions among the major candidates, President Karzai, and other senior figures on a settlement that might avoid the runoff. -
POLITICAL UPDATE Abdul Wardak and Bismillah Khan Mohammadi
Mara Tchalakov POLITICAL UPDATE August 16, 2012 ABDUL WARDAK AND BISMILLAH KHAN MOHAMMADI: UNPACKING AFGHANISTAN’S MINISTERIAL SHAKE-UP n an unprecedented single session of Parliament on August 4th, the Lower House dismissed the Afghan Idefense and interior ministers, Abdul Rahim Wardak and Bismillah Khan Mohammadi, following successive no-confidence votes. After weeks of alleged rocket attacks by Pakistani security forces in the border provinces, Parliament summoned the two ministers to appear before the assembly and submit to questioning over rising insecurity in the country. The heated session that resulted in their impeachment spanned the members’ concerns over rocket attacks from across the Durand Line, allegations of corruption and nepotism within the Defense and Interior Ministries, and targeted assassinations of high-profile figures across the country. The Presidential Palace was quick to announce in the wake again be able to curry favor with key allies across all major of Parliament’s decision that the two ministers would be ethnic camps and thereby encourage their dependence on asked to remain in an acting capacity until their successor(s) him. Rumors of behind-the-scenes Palace lobbying for are named; former Defense Minister Wardak nonetheless the impeachments were making the rounds even before immediately resigned following his ouster. With transition the parliamentary session began.3 The characteristics that underway, the dismissal of two such vital Cabinet posts has made both ministers such valuable allies for the President— left the international community anxiously speculating the their clout, popularity with Western interlocutors, and, in move’s impact on stability and governance in the country.